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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest movements – europe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initi

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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.

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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective acti

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Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.

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Dinev, Ivaylo. "Bulgaria and Slovenia Protest Event Dataset (2009-2017): Protest cycles and protest patterns in Southeast Europe." Intersections 8, no. 1 (2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v8i1.827.

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This article aims to present findings from an original dataset on collective action in the protest arenas of Bulgaria and Slovenia in the aftermath of the global economic crisis, 2009-2017. Unlike other empirical studies which focus either on particular social movements or individual-level measurements, this dataset consists of all reports of collective action in the form of protests demonstrations, strikes, blockades, occupations, sit-ins, marches, petitions etc., derived from the national Bulgarian and Slovenian press agencies, including information about claims and actors. Along with a desc

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della Porta, Donatella, and Manuela Caiani. "Europeanization From Below? Social Movements and Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.j48p252t414qu05x.

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Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be a

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Niesen, Peter. "Reframing civil disobedience: Constituent power as a language of transnational protest." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 1 (2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218808001.

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In 1992, the Frankfurt scholar Ingeborg Maus launched a polemical attack against then current narratives of democratic protest, objecting to the languages of ‘resistance’ or ‘civil disobedience’ as defensive, servile and insufficiently transformative. This article explores in how far the language of constituent power can be adopted as an alternative justificatory strategy for civil disobedience in transnational protests. In contrast to current approaches that look at states as agents of international civil disobedience-as-constituent power, I suggest we look at political movements. I focus on

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tejerina, benjamín. "Cross-Border Mobilisations: Struggles, Protest and Movements in Europe." European Political Science 13, no. 2 (2014): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2014.1.

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Waller, Michael. "The ecology issue in Eastern Europe: Protest and movements." Journal of Communist Studies 5, no. 3 (1989): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278908414978.

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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.

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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The pecul

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Szymańska, Justyna Anna. "Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy Femen." Adeptus, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.011.

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Pop feminism in the service of revolution. Women’s movements and practices of protest: Ukrainian group Femen case studyIn my paper I take a close look at the protest group, Femen, the circumstances of its creation, development and recent activities - initially in Ukraine, latterly also in Western Europe. I analyse the character of the group which belongs to the category of new social movements, and I present and analyse those indications of the activity of demonstrations of the movement based on what took place at street level. The object of my interest is also the issue of the appearance of t

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Bendl, Christian. "Protest als diskursive Raum-Zeit-Aneignung. Das Beispiel der Identitären Bewegung Österreich." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Linguistik 68, no. 1 (2018): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfal-2018-0004.

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AbstractThis paper deals with the Identitarian Movement, a presently highly salient Europe-wide right-wing youth movement, and its appropriation of the concepts of ‘space’ and ‘time’ in acts of protest. This appropriation is crucial for the movement, as ‘space’ and ‘time’ refer to specific ideologies which allow a positioning towards events, actors and discourses. In this study interdisciplinary approaches are adapted that lead to a descriptive linguistic discourse analysis of a single protest event. In order to enable an extensive and in-depth analysis, this single protest event is split up i

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ÖZTÜRK, Efe Tuğberk, and Aslı DALDAL. "New Social Movements as Postmodern Challanges To Neoliberalism and Representative Democracy." International Journal of Political Studies 7, no. 2 (2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25272/j.2149-8539.2021.7.2.01.

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In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of i

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Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.

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During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent

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Hadden, Jennifer, and Sidney Tarrow. "Spillover or Spillout? The Global Justice Movement in the United States After 9/11." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 4 (2007): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.4.t221742122771400.

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This article focuses on a seemingly paradoxical sequel to the 1999 Seattle WTO protests: the weakening of the global justice movement in the United States. While the movement has flourished in Europe, it seems largely to have stagnated in the American context. This outcome cannot be explained by either American exceptionalism or by a general decline in activism in the wake of the tragedies of 9/11 and the Iraq War. First comparing expressions of the American and European global justice movements and then turning to original data on social movement organizing in Seattle after 1999, we argue tha

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Bédoyan, Isabelle, Peter Aelst, and Stefaan Walgrave. "Limitations and Possibilities of Transnational Mobilization: The Case of Eu Summit Protesters in Brussels, 2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (2004): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.d599r28j75356jp1.

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Although transnational political institutions have been around for decades, it is only recently that the wave of protest against neoliberal globalization has successfully mobilized on a transnational scale. Nevertheless, barriers to transnational participation in protests are especially difficult to overcome. By means of a survey conducted with protesters from all over Europe during the 2001 anti-neoliberal globalization demonstrations at the EU summit in Brussels, we explore the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the European context. How do anti-neoliberal globalization mo

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Messina, Anthony M. "Postwar Protest Movements in Britain: A Challenge to Parties." Review of Politics 49, no. 3 (1987): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034471.

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This article asks why new protest movements have recently emerged in Western Europe by focusing on the British postwar race and anti-nuclear movements. Contrary to “subjective” propositions which have attributed their emergence to inter-generational value change, this article instead proposes a “structural” explanation. It is argued that the failure of the major British political parties to articulate citizen concerns on a number of salient issues has generated extra-party initiatives whose willingness to “voice” citizen anxieties primarily explains their popular support. Once in existence, th

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Minakov, Mikhail. "The Protest Movements’ Opportunities and Outcomes: The Euromaidan and the Belarusian Protest–2020 Compared." Protest 1, no. 2 (2022): 272–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01020004.

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Abstract This paper compares the mass protests in Ukraine (the Euromaidan of 2013–14) and Belarus–2020 in the recent decade. The author tests the hypothesis that social movements successfully challenge the ruling groups if protests are sufficiently supported by Western governments, if autocratic regimes are not strong and consolidated, and if the regional tendencies are supportive of the protesters’ cause. Based on the comparative analysis of the two cases, the author concludes that the hypothesis is in general correct for Eastern Europe, but should be more nuanced: it should pay attention to

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Daniel, Ondrej. "From Street Parties to Hardbass: Dance and Protest in Czech Postsocialist Urban Space." IASPM Journal 13, no. 2 (2023): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5429/2079-3871(2023)v13i2.5en.

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In this study, I aim to discuss the nature of protest dances taking place in urban spaces of postsocialist Czech Republic. My point of departure consist in the hardbass masked dances that were produced and propagated by activists with links to far-right social movements mainly in Eastern Europe in the early 2010s. Hardbass thus mimicked the earlier anti-globalization social movement Reclaim the Streets (RTS). The anti-globalization movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s can be considered a truly global social movement, active not only in the core capitalist countries but also in locations

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Zamov, Eduard A. "THE IDEOLOGY OF A PROTEST: THE ANTICOMMUNIST MOVEMENTS IN THE EASTERN EUROPE." Voprosy vseobshchei istorii, no. 24 (2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/2413-872x_2021_24_06.

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Bolt, Mikkel. "Teorihistorisk skitsering af den nye protestcyklus." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 51, no. 134-135 (2023): 15–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v51i134-135.137129.

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The article proposes a reading of the new cycle of protests that erupted in 2011 with the so-called Arab Spring and the square occupation movements in Souther Europe before moving on to the US with the Occupy movement. The years since 2011 have been marked by a significant rise in the numer of protests, riots and revolts across the world with the years 2011, 2014 and 2019 as preliminary high points. The pandemic and the repressive anti-rebellion measures put in place during the pandemic does not seem to have stopped protests from continuing to take place. The article challenges readings of the

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21

Roth, Silke. "Introduction: Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 2 (2018): 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.

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Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movemen

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Chirot, Daniel, Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, Luis Roniger, and Adam Seligman. "Centre Formation, Protest Movements, and Class Structures in Europe and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (1988): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069609.

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Eisenstadt, S. N., and Harriet Hartman. "Movements of Protest, Construction of Centres and State Formation in India and Europe." Sociological Bulletin 43, no. 2 (1994): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919940202.

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Makarenko, Kirill, and Liliia Pankratova. "Contemporary State and Prospects of Female Protest Development: from Deprivation to Mobilization." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (2021): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.16.

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Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women’s protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women’s protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women’s protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women’s social movements.

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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Civic Participation and Demonstrations in Portugal (2011–2012)." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/813ufy43h.

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In recent years, a little over the world, emerged social protest, from the Arab Spring to the Indignados, resulting from the dissatisfaction of the citizens and fruit of the speed with which the information circulates and is shared. In Portugal, the tendency to protest was in the same direction as in Europe and the world, as demonstrated by the movements of March 12, 2011 (Scratch Generation), and of September 15, 2012 (Screw the Troika). These movements brought together thousands of people in protest against government policies and in defense of a new political, economic and social model. In

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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. "‘Communists are no Beasts’: European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (2017): 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.

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Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of

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Wenzel, Michał. "Od Samoobrony do Agrounii. Wiejskie ruchy społeczne po 1989 roku." Teoria Polityki 7 (June 30, 2023): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.23.009.17522.

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Termin „wiejskie ruchy społeczne” (WRS) używany jest w rożnych znaczeniach, potrzeba więc spójnej definicji konceptualizującej polityczne wiejskie ruchy społeczne. Są one pozostałością agrarnej struktury społeczno-gospodarczej. Spóźniona i niepełna rewolucja przemysłowa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz niepełna na tle regionu kolektywizacja rolnictwa w Polsce spowodowały, że zachowały się przednowoczesne formy mobilizacji. Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie koncepcji WRS i zilustrowanie jej przykładami: są nimi działania mające znamiona polityki protestu, prowadzone przez Samoobronę i A

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Caiani, Manuela, Daniel Płatek, and Grzegorz Piotrowski. "Mobilization of radical right movements in Central and Eastern Europe between 2008 and 2016." Intersections 10, no. 1 (2024): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v10i1.1070.

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The radical right is on the rise all over Europe and beyond, either in terms of electoral success or activities outside the institutional arena, especially after the 2015 refugee crisis. Central and Eastern European countries are no exception, although not yet closely studied for radical right social movements and protest. In this article we investigate the degree and characteristics of the mobilisation of different types of radical right organisations (political parties and social movements alike) in Central and Eastern Europe to capture a broader picture of the current developments in radica

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Niesen, Peter. "Introduction: Resistance, disobedience or constituent power? Emerging narratives of transnational protest." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 1 (2018): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218808065.

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Transnational social movements, campaigns and individual activists have described their activities in the traditional vocabularies of political dissent: as protest, opposition, contestation, dissidence or rebellion. Where strategies have involved illegal, well-publicised activities, the vocabularies of resistance and of civil disobedience have become an activist lingua franca. What all such descriptions have in common is that they paint a largely defensive picture of activist aims and self-understandings. In contrast, the emergence of the ‘global constitutionalist’ paradigm in international la

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Roussos, Konstantinos, and Haris Malamidis. "SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THE COMMONS: A FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING COLLECTIVE ACTION IN CRISIS-RIDDEN SOUTHERN EUROPE." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2021): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-3-359.

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Both social movement research and the literature on the commons provide rich accounts of the anti-austerity mobilizations and uprisings in southern Europe. Movement studies offer important insights regarding the context of mobilization and collective claim making. The commons literature emphasizes bottom-up practices of shared ownership, self-management, and social co-production that move beyond institutional solutions. Although both literatures highlight similar phenomena, they remain relatively unconnected. Their distance precludes a full grasp of the implications regarding the dynamic and a

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Auer, Matthew R. "Environmentalism and Estonia's Independence Movement." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (1998): 659–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408593.

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The spirit of environmentalism generated some of the most memorable images of the eastern and central European independence movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1988, protesters formed a human chain around the Ignalina nuclear reactor in Lithuania. That same year, thousands of Hungarians marched through downtown Budapest to rally against their government's prospective participation in the construction of a dam on the Danube River. The environmental movements in the former eastern bloc marked the beginning of the end of Soviet era communism in Europe. However, many commentators have

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Murphy, Michael PA. "Potentiality, political protest and constituent power: A response to the special issue." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 3 (2019): 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088219860858.

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Emergent forms of political protest and constitution often provide limit cases for their contemporary theoretical models, and transnational protest movements from Occupy to Democracy in Europe 2025 are no exception. The recent special issue of the Journal of International Political Theory offers a number of different conceptual paths towards understanding these developments, revising and refreshing categories like civil disobedience, opposition, resistance, as well as constituent and destituent power. However, the plurality of perspectives in the special issue leads to a certain degree of unce

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DOMBROVSKIY, PAVEL, and OLEG KHAZANO. "THE J.R.R. TOLKIEN’S MYTH IN THE COUNTERCULTURE OUTLOOKS IN THE WEST SOCIETY OF 1960-1970S YEARS." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (2020): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-124-133.

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The article is devoted to the researching of the J.R.R. Tolkien’s (British writer and linguist) influence on the outlook of counterculture movements in 1960-1970s years. The west countries’ history of that period describes a developing of the youth protest activity and the promoting of the trilogy «The Lords of the Rings», which became the most important embodiment of J.R.R. Tolkien’s mythology. As the result, the creativity of British writer became as the fantastic allusion to the modern and recent historical problems of society, such as the USA campaign in Vietnam, world wars, consumption cu

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Dombrovskiy, Pavel A., and Oleg V. Khazano. "The J.R.R. Tolkien’s myth in the counterculture outlooks in the west society of 1960-1970s years." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 3 (2020): 124–33. https://doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654/-2020-2-3-124-133.

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The article is devoted to the researching of the J.R.R. Tolkien’s (British writer and linguist) influence on the outlook of counterculture movements in 1960-1970s years. The west countries’ history of that period describes a developing of the youth protest activity and the promoting of the trilogy «The Lords of the Rings», which became the most important embodiment of J.R.R. Tolkien’s mythology. As the result, the creativity of British writer became as the fantastic allusion to the modern and recent historical problems of society, such as the USA campaign in Vietnam, world wars, consumption cu

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Mulej, Oskar. "Toniemy w czerwonych buraczkach, zatykając dziury w żelaznej kurtynie”. Punkowa Lublana w późnych latach siedemdziesiątych i wczesnych osiemdziesiątych." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 4 (2010): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.11.

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In this article, the Slovenian author merges the perspectives of the history of popular culture and of the history of social movements. At the turn of the 1970s/1980s, the little town of Ljubljana, the capital of the communist-ruled Slovenia, became the centre of Yugoslavian alternative culture, which run parallel to the official culture but was completely independent from it. Alternative culture constituted a protest against the realities of the last years of Josip Broz Tito’s rule. As such, it provoked hostile reactions of the state. The rulers of Yugoslavia did not take into account the fac

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Kovács, Tamás, Anna Kovács-Győri, and Bernd Resch. "#AllforJan: How Twitter Users in Europe Reacted to the Murder of Ján Kuciak—Revealing Spatiotemporal Patterns through Sentiment Analysis and Topic Modeling." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 9 (2021): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10090585.

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Social media platforms such as Twitter are considered a new mediator of collective action, in which various forms of civil movements unite around public posts, often using a common hashtag, thereby strengthening the movements. After 26 February 2018, the #AllforJan hashtag spread across the web when Ján Kuciak, a young journalist investigating corruption in Slovakia, and his fiancée were killed. The murder caused moral shock and mass protests in Slovakia and in several other European countries, as well. This paper investigates how this murder, and its follow-up events, were discussed on Twitte

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Prestholdt, Jeremy. "Resurrecting Che: radicalism, the transnational imagination, and the politics of heroes." Journal of Global History 7, no. 3 (2012): 506–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000307.

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AbstractThis article explores the symbolic appeal of Che Guevara within radical Left circles of the 1960s and 1970s. Che's importance as a shared political reference offers a unique window on aspirational symbols and the desire for meaningful transnational solidarity. By tracing Che's resonance in Latin America, western Europe, the United States, and the Middle East, the article brings into conversation the study of post-war radicalism, political iconography, and the cognitive dimensions of interconnectivity. As a means of understanding Che's appeal to both protest movements and guerrilla orga

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Blokker, Paul. "Populist Nationalism, Anti-Europeanism, Post-nationalism, and the East-West Distinction." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (2005): 371–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013687.

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In the literature on emergent populism and nationalism in post-communist Eastern Europe, two main assumptions regarding the origins of the phenomenon can be distinguished. One line of argumentation holds that the unexpected resurgence of populism and nationalism after the collapse of the communist regimes is a direct result of the ‘valley of tears’ that characterizes the post-communist transformation from a communist, centrally planned system, to a democratic, market society. The ‘social costs’ of the transition and the still ‘incomplete’ nature of modernization make a large number of ‘moderni

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Rocchi, Т. "Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-08.

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The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution

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Macartney, Alex F. "Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (2020): 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.

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This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito)

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GRAY, KEVIN W. "Saving 1968: Thinking with Habermas against Habermas." PhaenEx 4, no. 2 (2010): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v4i2.2918.

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Taking Habermas’s Die nachholende Revolution as a foil, I contend that in his discussions of 1989, Habermas has misunderstood the nature of the anti-Communist revolutions. Comparing them to his writings on the public sphere and the student protest movements in Germany, I argue that the revolutions do not represent the triumph of capitalism anymore than they represent the triumph of Western democracy. Calling the events catch-up revolutions is to frame the events as the expansion of modernity and nothing more. Rather, the revolutions show that the revolutionaries in Eastern Europe were grapplin

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Raos, Višeslav. "After the Storm: Party Systems in Southern Europe in the Wake of the Eurocrisis." Contemporary Mediterranean 1, no. 1 (2022): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17818/sm/2021/1.2.

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For years, the countries of Southern Europe have struggled with the consequences of the sovereign debt crisis. Under external pressure they enacted harsh austerity measures which resulted in shaken trust in the European Union, new protest movements and the entrance of new political parties in legislatures and governments. A decade later, this paper poses the question whether the storm of the European sovereign debt crisis has left an impact on Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The article focuses on changes on the macro-level and analyzes party system changes with the help of data from the C

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Howard, Marc Morjé, and Meir R. Walters. "Explaining the Unexpected: Political Science and the Surprises of 1989 and 2011." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 2 (2014): 394–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714000899.

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Political scientists have been caught by surprise by some of the world’s most dramatic political transformations. To assess how the discipline fared in explaining two of the most large-scale and unexpected developments of the past decades, we compare scholarship around the time of popular mobilization in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the Arab world in 2011. We argue that while scholars cannot be expected topredictutterly extraordinary events such as revolutions and mass mobilization, in these two cases disciplinary trends left scholars ill-prepared toexplainthem. Political scientists used similar

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Milder, Stephen. "Thinking Globally, Acting (Trans-)Locally: Petra Kelly and the Transnational Roots of West German Green Politics." Central European History 43, no. 2 (2010): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891000004x.

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Thousands of demonstrators crowded Trafalgar Square on a chilly April afternoon in 1978 to protest the planned expansion of nuclear fuel reprocessing operations at the Windscale Reactor in rural Cumbria. Toward the end of the rally, a young woman faced the mass of protestors from behind the podium. “I am here to bring you greetings of solidarity from the various European, Australian, and Japanese anti-nuclear movements,” she announced. She explained that the movements whose greetings she brought to London represented “a great wave of transnational determination to put a stop to Windscale, to p

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Gattinara, Pietro Castelli, Caterina Froio, and Matteo Albanese. "The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 234–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202007.

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The present works sets up to analyze the relationship between radical right activism and the unfolding of the financial crisis in Europe, investigating the extent to which the current economic circumstances have influenced right-wing movements’ political supply and repertoires of action. Using the case study of the Italian neo-fascist group CasaPound, and based on a mix of historiography and ethnographic methods, the present work systematically analyzes the ways in which the group tackles the economic crisis. We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right

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Grasso, Maria, and Marco Giugni. "Intra-generational inequalities in young people’s political participation in Europe: The impact of social class on youth political engagement." Politics 42, no. 1 (2021): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957211031742.

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The declining political engagement of youth is a concern in many European democracies. However, young people are also spearheading protest movements cross-nationally. While there has been research on political inequalities between generations or inter-generational differences, research looking at differences within youth itself, or inequalities between young people from different social backgrounds, particularly from a cross-national perspective, is rare. In this article, we aim to fill this gap in the literature. Using survey data from 2018 on young people aged 18–34 years, we analyse how soc

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Adams, Jacqueline. "When Art Loses its Sting: The Evolution of Protest Art in Authoritarian Contexts." Sociological Perspectives 48, no. 4 (2005): 531–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2005.48.4.531.

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Change in art is an understudied topic in sociological research. This article examines protest artworks ( arpilleras) produced by shantytown women during and shortly after the dictatorship in Chile, to explore the question why political art that is for sale changes over time. This research is based on 136 semi-structured and in-depth interviews with various members of the art world in Chile, Europe, and the United States, a year's worth of participant observation of art groups in Santiago and over five hundred photographs of arpilleras, taken by the author and analyzed thematically. Political

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Kende, Anna, Nóra Anna Lantos, Anna Belinszky, Sára Csaba, and Zsófia Anna Lukács. "The politicized motivations of volunteers in the refugee crisis: Intergroup helping as the means to achieve social change." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (2017): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.642.

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The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe despite the government’s hostile stance. We conducted a survey (N = 1459) among people who were active in supporting refugees and providing services to them to test the hypothesis of whether volunteers in the context of this humanitarian crisis had social change motivations similar to those engaged in direct political activism. Hierarchical regression analysis and mediation analysis revealed the importance of opinion-based identity and moral convictions as pred

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Havasi, Virág. "Power and powerlessness of the civil society in Hungarian illiberal democracy between 2010–2022." Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 4 (2022): 499–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0022.

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Abstract In the study we examine the pulling, pushing and pulling back factors and events that influenced civil activism in Hungary between 2010–2022, which was the period of the birth of illiberal democracy in the country. We describe – relying on newspaper reports – the most important events and campaigns in the given period and their effectiveness. In Hungary citizenship activity is at a low level, even within Central-Europe. The viability of civil society is decreasing, especially in terms of financing opportunities, legal environment, image of civil sphere and ability to interest represen

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Rossetti, Carlo. "S.N. Eisenstadt, L. Roniger, A. Seligman (a cura di). Centre — formation, Protest-movements and Class Structure in Europe and the Unites States, London, F. Pinter, 1987, pp. 187." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 18, no. 2 (1988): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012260.

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