Relevant bibliographies by topics / Protest policing

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Protest policing'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Protest policing"

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Wood, Lesley. "Policing counter‐protest." Sociology Compass 14, no. 11 (September 12, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12833.

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Porta, Donatella della. "The policing of protest." African Studies 56, no. 1 (January 1997): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020189708707862.

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Snell, Liz. "Protest, Protection & Policing." Alternative Law Journal 33, no. 3 (September 2008): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x0803300310.

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Jackson, Will, Joanna Gilmore, and Helen Monk. "Policing unacceptable protest in England and Wales: A case study of the policing of anti-fracking protests." Critical Social Policy 39, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317753087.

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In recent years public order policing policy in England and Wales has undergone significant changes. A ‘human rights compliant’ model of protest policing has been developed since 2009 and this article makes a contribution to the body of academic work considering the impact of these changes on operational policing. Drawing upon a longitudinal case study of the policing of protests against ‘fracking’ in Salford, Greater Manchester, in 2013–14, the article contrasts post-2009 policy and academic discourses on protest policing with the experiences of anti-fracking protesters. To develop this assessment, the article also draws attention to previously unexplored definitions of acceptable and unacceptable protest set out by police in more recent policy, and considers the extent to which these definitions are reflected in the police response to anti-fracking protest. The article suggests that a police commitment to a human rights approach to protest facilitation is, at least in the case of anti-fracking protest, contingent on the focus and form of political activism.
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Howe, Miles, and Jeffrey Monaghan. "Strategic Incapacitation of Indigenous Dissent: Crowd Theories, Risk Management, and Settler Colonial Policing." Canadian Journal of Sociology 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs29397.

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Engaging scholarship from sociologies of security to protest policing, this article explores how risk management and actuarial tools have been operationalized in Canadian policing of Indigenous protests. We detail RCMP actuarial tools used to assess individual and group risk by tracing how these techniques are representative of much older trends in the criminal justice system surrounding the management of risk, but also have been advanced by contemporary databanking and surveillance capacities. Contesting public claims of police impartiality and objectivity, we highlight how the construction of riskiness produces an antagonism towards “successful” Indigenous protests. Though the RCMP regularly claim to “protect and facilitate the right to lawful advocacy, protest and dissent,” we show how these practices of strategic incapacitation exhibit highly antagonistic forms of policing that are grounded in a rationality that seeks to demobilize and delegitimize Indigenous social movements.
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Earl, Jennifer, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy. "Protest under Fire? Explaining the Policing of Protest." American Sociological Review 68, no. 4 (August 2003): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519740.

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Soule, Sarah, and Christian Davenport. "Velvet Glove, Iron Fist, or Even Hand? Protest Policing in the United States, 1960-1990." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y01123143t231q66.

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Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.
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Baker, David. "Paradoxes of Policing and Protest." Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 3, no. 2 (August 2008): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18335300.2008.9686911.

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Gilmore, Joanna. "Policing protest: An authoritarian consensus." Criminal Justice Matters 82, no. 1 (December 2010): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627251.2010.525926.

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Juska, Arunas, and Charles Woolfson. "Policing political protest in Lithuania." Crime, Law and Social Change 57, no. 4 (January 26, 2012): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-012-9363-4.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest policing"

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Siu, Long, Michael Adorjan, Yat-kai Hui, Shuk-yi Maggy Lee, Kin-fung Wong, 蕭朗, 許逸佳, and 黃建鋒. "Protest policing in contemporary Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/205833.

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Dumas, Nicolas K. (Nicolas Kasem). "Protest without repression : protest policing and nonviolent resistance in the US." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/130601.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, September, 2020
Cataloged from the official PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 121-129).
Activists often identify violent repression, and ensuing backlash, as a key mechanism through which peaceful protests can successfully achieve political change. This view has been affirmed by a body of research showing that the violent repression of protest can raise awareness of and build support for the protesters. And US history has many examples of these repression backlash benefiting protesters, from the Birmingham bus boycotts to the "Bonus Army" March on Washington, to the Kent State shootings. However, in the United States, and in other western democracies, the probability of violent police repression of protests has varied significantly over time, as a result of a multitude of institutional factors. While the impacts of repressed protest have been documented, how peaceful protests fare in the absence of repression is less well-understood.
This dissertation explores whether the absence of repression impacts protests' ability to capture attention and persuade the public, and whether the absence of repression impacts the types of protests that are successful. To answer these two questions, I draw on a wide array of data sources, including a novel dataset of local protests coded from protest permit applications, geo-referenced Google search data, Wikipedia page-view data, New York Times coverage data, historical archives of an activist group's internal communications. I show that, while repression makes it easier for protests to garner news coverage, command public attention, and persuade the public, it is not a necessary condition. Peaceful protests can achieve these outcomes without repression if they can become newsworthy in other ways, such as by increasing the scale of the protest.
I also show that in the absence of repression, the types of protests that achieve success are similar in background to the protests that achieve success in the presence of repression. Unlike some other forms of political participation, the resources needed to succeed without repression do not appear to be skewed towards individuals or groups with higher socio-economic status. Although the probability of violent repression changes over time, protests continue to serve as an effective tactic for a relatively small group to capture attention and build broader support.
by Nicolas K. Dumas.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
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Sagan, Hans Nicholas. "Specters of '68| Protest, Policing, and Urban Space." Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3733389.

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Political protest is an increasingly frequent occurrence in urban public space. During times of protest, the use of urban space transforms according to special regulatory circumstances and dictates. The reorganization of economic relationships under neoliberalism carries with it changes in the regulation of urban space. Environmental design is part of the toolkit of protest control.

Existing literature on the interrelation of protest, policing, and urban space can be broken down into four general categories: radical politics, criminological, technocratic, and technicalprofessional. Each of these bodies of literature problematizes core ideas of crowds, space, and protest differently. This leads to entirely different philosophical and methodological approaches to protests from different parties and agencies.

This paper approaches protest, policing, and urban space using a critical-theoretical methodology coupled with person-environment relations methods. This paper examines political protest at American Presidential National Conventions. Using genealogical-historical analysis and discourse analysis, this paper examines two historical protest event-sites to develop baselines for comparison: Chicago 1968 and Dallas 1984. Two contemporary protest event-sites are examined using direct observation and discourse analysis: Denver 2008 and St. Paul 2008.

Results show that modes of protest policing are products of dominant socioeconomic models of society, influenced by local policing culture and historical context. Each of the protest event-sites studied represents a crisis in policing and the beginning of a transformation in modes of protest policing. Central to protest policing is the concept of territorial control; means to achieve this control vary by mode of protest policing, which varies according to dominant socioeconomic model. Protesters used a variety of spatial strategies at varying degrees of organization. Both protesters and police developed innovations in spatial practice in order to make their activities more effective.

This has significant consequences for professionalized urban design. Both protester and policing spatial innovation involves the tactical reorganization and occupation of urban space. As urban space plays a constituent role in protest and policing, environmental designers must be aware of the political consequences of their designs.

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Mansley, David. "Collective violence, democracy and protest policing : protests events in Great Britain, 1999-2009." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.656315.

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How do the depth of-democracy and the style of protest policing affect the level of collective violence? I will measure and test these concepts by applying them to Great Britain in I999- 2009. I will measure the level of collective violence using event analysis and quantitative indicators (violent public order offences, complaints of excessive force used by police officers, financial cost of property damage, and injuries at protest events). My findings show that collective violence generally declined over the period (the middle years were remarkably peaceful), but violence returned in the final year. Adapting Charles Tilly's theory of collective violence, I will suggest this mini-'civilising process' can be explained by both a general trend towards 'harder' policing, which in effect fortified the state monopoly in legitimate violence, and a general trend towards 'deeper' democracy, which reduced the number of protests on the streets. But, like a 'supply-side shock', the financial crisis in 2008 undermined the social democratic trend. I will argue that the long drift towards 'hard' policing and a return to collective action in 2009 led to increased collective violence. The conclusion I draw is that 'deeper' democracy is a more effective dampener of collective violence in the long-run: 'Hard' policing can reduce collective violence, but only so long as the state's own institutions of social incorporation keep it legitimate.
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Golan, Gan. "Closing the gateways of democracy : cities and the militarization of protest policing." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/34176.

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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [139]-147).
In the era of globalization, cities function as 'gateways of democracy,' the spaces and places where the civil society literally 'marches through' in order to deliver oppositional claims into the global arena. However, this paper documents a broad, increasing pattern of political repression directed against peaceful protest in US cities, signifying that important avenues for democratic participation may indeed be closing.
by Gan Golan.
M.C.P.
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Earl, Jennifer S. "The banner versus the baton: Explaining protest policing inthe United States, 1960-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280018.

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Research on repression and protest policing has increasingly attempted to unpack the social, political and cultural factors that affect the policing of public protest events. This dissertation contributes to that collective scholastic enterprise by examining protest policing in the United States, and particularly within New York State, from 1960 to 1975. However, unlike existing "static" approaches, which largely focus on protest and protester characteristics, and existing "dynamic" approaches, which focus on the changing interests of political elites, this dissertation argues that students of protest control must examine the independent causal effects of the agents of repression. In the U.S., this leads to an emphasis on local, civilian law enforcement agencies, culminating in this dissertation in a "police-centered" approach. Using quantitative analyses including logistic, multinomial logistic and negative binomial regressions, this dissertation evaluates the explanatory power of existing approaches to protest policing in addition to elements of a police-centered approach. Findings reveal that some existing approaches to protest policing, such as the threat approach, provide important explanatory leverage. However, other approaches such as weakness received only mixed support and still others such as the threat and weakness interaction approach and stable political opportunity structures approach received no support. As well, the volatile political opportunities approach received only limited support. The same models also evaluate three prongs of the police-centered approach and find significant support for new "police threat" hypotheses with more mixed support for the effects of police agency and police field characteristics. In addition to these theoretically important findings, the quantitative models also innovate where measurement and modeling is concerned. Qualitative analyses further develop on the police-centered perspective by examining the development of and competition between approaches to protest policing in the 1960s and 1970s. Using new institutionalist theory, this dissertation focuses on internal and external institutional forces in explaining the rise of and competition between protest policing approaches. Specifically, four key institutions are discussed: policing, professionalism, law-making, and protest. While all of these institutions exerted important influences on the development of and/or competition between approaches, the professional reform movement within policing played a critical role.
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Cartier, Brad. "Certainty through Flexibility: Intelligence and Paramilitarization in Canadian Public Order Policing." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22677.

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This case study explores public order policing at the Vancouver Olympics and G20 Summit in Toronto. The source material is drawn from media coverage of these events. These cases are analyzed using prior theoretical works in order policing in order to achieve two research goals: to discover which theory best explains police actions and the extent of and reasons explaining the involvement of other government agencies in securing protest events in Canada. Using pattern matching methodology, it was found that no one particular theory is best at explaining events at the two cases, rather components of various theories provided the most useful insight. The components of these theories that need to be amalgamated through analytic induction are: the use of intelligence functions; police flexibility; as well as paramilitarization tactics. Finally, it was found that there was a noticeable presence and integration of other government agencies involved in securing both events.
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Boon, Kia Meng. "“No Time to Disperse...”: State Violence, Collective Memory and Political Subjects in the Time of Malaysia’s Bersih Protests (2011-12)." Kyoto University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/232399.

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Ealham, Christopher. "Policing the recession : unemployment, social protest and law-and-order in Republican Barcelona, 1930-1936." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1538.

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What follows is a social and cultural study of the Barcelona proletariat during the Spanish Second Republic (193 1-1936). Unlike many historical and organisational studies of working class groups and labour organisations, this study looks beyond the formal aspects of politics to locate praxis firmly within the wider socio-economic fabric of everyday life. In doing so, the emphasis moves away from an explanation of the opposition of the CNT-FAI to the Republic in terms of a fixed set of ideological shibboleths and the traditional anarchist opposition to authority. Instead, this study assesses the attitude of the CNT towards the Republic in terms of the failure of the authorities to eradicate the traditional patterns of social exclusion and their inability to satisfy the predominantly unskilled and unemployed supporters of the CNT-FAI in Barcelona. Particular emphasis is placed on patterns of social and urban exclusion and working class culture. I have set out to retrieve the historic experience of a specific sector of the Barcelona working class: the much-maligned unskilled, itinerant and immigrant labourers who, quite literally, built modern Catalonia. International economic collapse and internal political stability inside Spain during the late 1920s and the early 1930s meant that increasing numbers of these workers were unemployed. The experience of unemployment, its impact on the culture of the jobless and their everyday resistance to poverty, form the core of this study. This provides a starting point for a social history of crime and punishment in 1930s Barcelona. Particular attention is given to the anarchist attitude to crime and the way in which the FM encouraged illegal methods of internal funding. This study relies on mainly qualitative, rather than quantitative, analysis. While statistics are not entirely banished, the analysis is premised on the view that the plight of the unemployed cannot be adequately expressed numerically. Consequently, this work is overwhelmingly based on a rea1ing of the press from the 1930s. This aversion to hard-boiled empiricism is only in part justified by the practical reason that Spanish statistics, whether collated by the authorities or the labour movement, were notoriously unreliable. The methodological level of enquiry is also conditioned by an overriding concern with the revolutionary culture of the proletarian masses of Barcelona and the social processes that shaped this. By its very nature, such an object of study is not quantifiable, a point that is well reinforced by the classic studies by E.P. Thompson and the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies on the English proletariat and policing and the more recent work by Dai Smith on the cultural universe of Welsh labour.' Following from these works, this study relies heavily on press reports, biography and oral sources in a bid to recuperate the social and cultural dimensions of popular consciousness. The epistemological essence of this approach has been presciently grasped by Paul Thompson, who observes that: 'social statistics, in short, no more represent absolute facts than newspaper reports, private letters, or published biographies. Like recorded interview material, they all represent, either from individual standpoints or aggregated, the social perception of facts; and are all in addition subject to social pressures from the context in which they are obtained. With these forms of evidence, what we receive is social meaning, and it is this which must be evaluated'.2 Social history has been criticised in the past for 'ignoring' politics. 3 Because the 193 Os was an era of intense political change and ideological conflict in Spain this study has been forced to transcend this shortcoming. This research places the social history of the unemployed at the centre of the political history of the CNT during the Republic. An example of this is the way in which the historic tensions between the CNT and the rival UGT are expressed through the conflict between the essentially unemployed and unskilled membership of the Barcelona CNT and the predominantly employed and skilled supporters of the UGT in the Catalan capital. This fusion of social and political analysis is also central to a full understanding of the experience of the Republic in Barcelona. This work is especially concerned with the extent to which the Republic represented a change for the Barcelona working class, not just in a political sense, but in social and economic terms. Clearly, the Republic 1 E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London, 1963 and Customs in Common, Harmondsworth, 1993; Stuart Hall, ci. a!., Policing the Crisis: Mugging. the State. and Law and Order, London, 1978; Dai Smith, Aneurin Bevan and the World of South Wales, Cardiff, 1994 2 Paul Thompson The Voice of the Past, London, 1978, p.96 Geoff Eley and Keith Nield, 'Why does social history ignore politics?, Social History, 5, 2, 1980, pp.249-271 11 established a set of constitutional and democratic guarantees that had rarely existed in the past. However, the primary concern here is with how the advent of the new régime affected the lives of the workers of Barcelona and to what extent it altered the previous patterns of social exclusion and oppression. While this study covers the period from the birth of the Second Republic in April 1931 to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, the focus of the narrative and analysis is concentrated heavily on 1931. This is justifiable because this was the key period for the future of the Republic. It was 'Republican Year Zero', a time of disproportionate importance, in which the newly-ensconced Republican authorities sought to establish a new political and social order capable of embracing those classes and social strata which had been excluded from previous regimes. Thus, 1931 was the year in which the Republican project of integrating the Barcelona working class would either succeed or fail. Equally, the concentration on the blend of social and political variables at play in 1931 is also valid as it facilitates a more sophisticated understanding of the complex trajectory of the CNT during the Republic. By assessing the real and shifting aspirations and hopes of the union rank-and-file, we supersede the caricatured image of the CNT and its supporters as robots who were guided by exclusively ideological and doctrinal concerns.4 Finally, because this study is not a political history of the convoluted institutional relationship between Catalonia and Spain in the 1930s, attention is paid to the often complex and shifting configuration of power in a quasi-federal state only insofar as it intersects the main area of study.
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Ball, Stephen Andrew. "Policing the land war : official responses to political protest and agrarian crime in Ireland, 1879-91." Thesis, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326088.

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Books on the topic "Protest policing"

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Fillieule, Olivier. The policing of protest in France: Towards a model of protest policing. San Domenico: European University Institute. Robert Schuman Centre, 1997.

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Waddington, P. A. J. Protest, policing and the law. London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1985.

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Policing protest in Argentina and Chile. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2014.

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Reiner, Robert. Policing, protest and disorder in Britain. San Domenico: European University Institute. Robert Schuman Centre, 1997.

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Porta, Donatella Della. The policing of protest in contemporary democracies. San Domenico: European University Institute. Robert Schuman Centre, 1997.

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Shirley, Paré, ed. Beyond control: A mutual respect approach to protest crowd-police relations. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2010.

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Joyce, Peter. Palgrave dictionary of public order policing, protest and political violence. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Joyce, Peter, and Neil Wain. Palgrave Dictionary of Public Order Policing, Protest and Political Violence. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137270085.

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Jaime-Jimenez, Oscar. The policing of social protest in Spain: From dictatorship to democracy. San Domenico: European University Institute. Robert Schuman Centre, 1997.

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McPhail, Clark. Policing protest in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s. San Domenico: European University Institute. Robert Schuman Centre, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Protest policing"

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McCarthy, John D., and Clark McPhail. "Policing Protest." In Eigenwilligkeit und Rationalität sozialer Prozesse, 336–51. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-89004-7_16.

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della porta, Donatella, and Olivier Fillieule. "Policing Social Protest." In The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 217–41. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999103.ch10.

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Joyce, Peter. "Policing Global Protest and Terrorism." In The Policing of Protest, Disorder and International Terrorism in the UK since 1945, 353–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-29059-5_9.

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Martin, Greg. "Surveillance, new media and protest policing." In Crime, Media and Culture, 189–222. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315671055-8.

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Pfister, Jannik. "Protest Policing als transnationale bürokratische Herrschaft." In Herrschaft in den Internationalen Beziehungen, 95–118. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-16096-8_5.

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Joyce, Peter. "Workplace Protest." In The Policing of Protest, Disorder and International Terrorism in the UK since 1945, 141–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-29059-5_5.

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Bloom, Joshua, and Zachary David Frampton. "Racist policing, practical resonance, and frame alignment in Ferguson." In Racialized Protest and the State, 89–111. London, UK ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429292866-4.

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Joyce, Peter. "Introduction – Conventional Politics and Protest." In The Policing of Protest, Disorder and International Terrorism in the UK since 1945, 1–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-29059-5_1.

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Waddington, David. "Police Liaison Approaches to Managing Political Protest: A Critical Analysis of a Prominent UK Example." In Community Policing - A European Perspective, 83–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53396-4_7.

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Farmanfarmaian, Roxane. "Policing the Arab Spring: Discordant Discourses of Protest and Intervention." In Riot, Unrest and Protest on the Global Stage, 277–300. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30553-4_15.

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Conference papers on the topic "Protest policing"

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Toninelli, Alessandra, Rebecca Montanari, Lalana Kagal, and Ora Lassila. "Proteus: A Semantic Context-Aware Adaptive Policy Model." In Eighth IEEE International Workshop on Policies for Distributed Systems and Networks (POLICY'07). IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/policy.2007.40.

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Nixon, Hilary, and Jean-Daniel Saphores. "Used Oil Policies to Protect the Environment: An Overview of Canadian Experiences." In International Conference on Traffic and Transportation Studies (ICTTS) 2002. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40630(255)11.

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Rosendo, Daniel, Judith Kelner, and Patrícia Endo. "A High-level Authorization Framework for Software-Defined Networks." In XXXVI Simpósio Brasileiro de Redes de Computadores e Sistemas Distribuídos. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbrc_estendido.2018.14177.

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Enterprise network managers need to control the access to their network resources and protect them from malicious users. Current Network Access Control (NAC) solutions rely on approaches, such as firewalls, VLAN, ACL, and LDAP that are inflexible and require per-device and vendor-specific configurations, being error-prone. Besides, misconfigurations may result in vulnerabilities that could compromise the overall network security. Managing security policies involve dealing with many access control rules, conflicting policies, rule priorities, right delegation, dynamics of the network, etc. This work presents HACFlow, a novel, autonomic, and policy-based framework for access control management in OpenFlow networks. HACFlow simplifies and automates the network management allowing network operators to govern rights of network entities by defining dynamic, fine-grained, and high-level access control policies. We analyzed the performance of HACFlow and compared it against related approaches.
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E. Irvine, Cynthia, and Michael F Thompson. "Teaching Objectives of a Simulation Game for Computer Security." In 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2666.

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This paper describes a computer simulation game being developed to teach computer security principles. The player of the game constructs computer networks and makes choices affecting the ability of these networks and the game’s virtual users to protect valuable assets from attack by both vandals and well-motivated professionals. The game introduces the player to the need for well formed information security policies, allowing the player to deploy a variety of means to enforce security policies, including authentication, audit and access controls. The game will depict a number of vulnerabilities ranging from trivial passwords to trap doors planted by highly skilled, well-funded adversaries.
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Denker, Grit, Ashish Gehani, Minyoung Kim, and David Hanz. "Policy-Based Data Downgrading: Toward a Semantic Framework and Automated Tools to Balance Need-to-Protect and Need-to-Share Policies." In 2010 IEEE International Symposium on Policies for Distributed Systems and Networks. IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/policy.2010.33.

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Nunes Vasconcelos, Bruna, Manoela Nunes Machado, and Juliana Landim Gomes Siqueira. "Public policies for the homeless population and the guarantee of anexistential minimum." In 7th International Congress on Scientific Knowledge. Perspectivas Online: Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25242/8876113220212370.

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The Federal Constitution of 1988 has in its body the so-called second dimension rights that aim to guarantee the dignity of the human person. However, when it comes to the homeless population, the reach of these rights, in practice, is distant or non-existent. The absence of official census data hinders the action of the State in the elaboration of effective public policies aimed at solving the various problems faced by individuals living on the streets, without guaranteeing the existential minimum. Given this scenario, the objective is to investigate the development, elaboration and implementation of public policies in the city of Campos dos Goytacazes for the homeless population, which aim to protect the minimum set of rights to have a decent life, reaffirming the importance existing policies or indicating the need for reformulation or the adoption of other measures that guarantee the minimum foreseen in the constitutional text.To achieve the objectives proposed in this research, the methodological procedures will start from a bibliographic, longitudinal, descriptive survey; legislative and jurisprudential analysis on the subject, in addition to a qualitative and quantitative approach, through the collection of primary and secondary data at the Human Development Department and Centro Pop, drawing up a profile of the homeless population in the studied municipality. The aim of this research is to systematize the theoretical framework and the actions of the State through laws, projects, decrees, ordinances on the homeless population and the implementation of public policies as a way to guarantee the existential minimum; proposition of viable solutions at the municipal level for the implementation of effective public policies for the multi-cited population, and elaboration of an article bringing together the results achieved by the studies carried out during the project.
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Vincent, Bruce D., and Indra L. Maharaj. "Evolving Standards of Indigenous Peoples Engagement and Managing Project Risk." In 2018 12th International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2018-78319.

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The standards for Indigenous engagement are evolving rapidly in Canada. The risks to project approvals and schedules, based on whether consultation has been complete, have been recently demonstrated by the denial of project permits and protests against projects. Indigenous rights and the duty to consult with affected Indigenous groups is based on the Constitution Act, 1982 and has been, and is being, better defined through case law. At the same time, international standards, including the International Finance Corporation Performance Standards and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, are influencing government and corporate policies regarding consultation. The Government of Canada is revising policies and project application review processes, to incorporate the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada; that Commission specifically called for industry to take an active role in reconciliation with Canada’s Indigenous peoples. Pipeline companies can manage cost, schedule and regulatory risks to their projects and enhance project and corporate social acceptance through building and maintaining respectful relationships and creating opportunities for Indigenous participation in projects.
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Gedikli, Ayfer. "Relationship Between Globalization, International Capital Inflows and Financial Crisis in Emerging Countries and Alternative Fiscal Policies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00122.

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Globalization which started to improve since 1980’s, has caused many beneficial and harmful effects and unexpected changes both in the world economy and in economical structures of countries. Globalization affected not only economical structures but also social life, politics, and even cultures. On the other hand, while globalization was presenting “opportunities” to emerging countries, it also brought heavy risks and severe problems to them. Parallel to those improvements, globalization gave rise to international capital inflows. Emerging countries which have poor economical conditions, found international capital as “life ring” since the capital was their greatest problem for the development of their economies. Unfortunately, in a short time, the dream turned into a “nightmare” and finally financial crises came true back to back and they spread all over the world with the domino effect. In this article, relationship between the globalization, international capital inflows and the financial crises which increased a lot parallel to improvement of globalization will be discussed. Beside the destructive effects of financial crises on economies, some financial policies to protect from the crises will be suggested.
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Çelik, Sabahat Binnur. "Turkey's Direct and Indirect Taxation Policy in terms of Tax Justice." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01564.

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Public finance is a branch of science which examines the activities' economic and finance aspects of the public sector. Public finance has three main objectives such as keeping the economy in balance, providing justice in the distribution of income and providing the economic development / growth. State has to create and apply some finance and economic policies according to those objectives. State can use mainly three tools which are public incomes (mostly taxes), public expenditures and public debt for to keep and to protect the economy in balance. While keeping and protecting the economy in balance, state must consider "justice" in every chosen policy. This work's subject is examining the taxation policy according to the types of taxes from the view of "justice in taxation" in Turkey. In order to reach a successful comment about this subject, we will consider the rate of direct and indirect taxes to total tax revenue. If there isn’t justice in taxation, this means that state couldn't apply appropriate policies in a successful way or didn't apply them because of its other purposes. We know that in this century the state is intrusive, effective and very powerful, so we can easily claim that state has responsibility from the lack of justice in taxation. It should not be forgotten that, ensuring "justice in taxation" is so important principle that, Turkish Constitution edited it as an order.
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Kidd, H. Allan, and George Talabisco. "An Overview of International Electrical and Safety Codes and Standards Governing the Application of Turbomachinery in Hazardous Areas." In ASME 1994 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/94-gt-191.

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A plethora of codes, standards, and guidelines exist throughout the world offering a significant amount of input for the design engineer as he attempts to safely apply hydrocarbon processing equipment to hazardous areas. Fire suppression standards generated in and applicable to use in North America are also used throughout Europe. Off shore techniques are more stringent and must be carefully followed to protect the owner’s investment and for the safety of the equipment operators. This paper is a digest of all internationally recognized codes issued through commonly employed authorities extracting the peculiarities from each and building upon some basic premises to form a design specification that can be modified to suit the specific application or individual company policies. The discussion will be limited to enclosed and unenclosed gas turbine drivers and hydrocarbon gas processing compressors. Indoor and out door installations of this type equipment will also be considered.
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Reports on the topic "Protest policing"

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Ismail, Zenobia. Interaction Between Food Prices and Political Instability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.091.

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This report reviews the literature on links between international food prices and political instability (including protests, riots and social unrest). The literature on food prices and protests, riots, unrest, or violent incidents consists mainly of peer-reviewed scholarly articles that utilise econometric modeling. Some early studies examined the links between international food prices and political instability and found conflicting results. Some assessments concluded that there were links between international food prices or food insecurity and the number of violent incidents, while others found that such a link was tenuous. This literature review covers some of the main arguments and findings in the recent literature on food prices and political instability or conflict. The majority of the econometric studies in this review find that there is a link between food price increases and a greater probability of protests, riots or social unrest. However, there are still a few studies that have contradictory results. So, the debate on the effect of food prices on political stability continues. Food subsidies, cash transfers, price controls, and the elimination of trade barriers are some of the policy interventions that may address rising food prices and mitigate the rise of violent collective action. However, the literature questions the effectiveness of such policies in cases where violence or protest action stems from deeper, underlying economic or political grievances.
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Holliday, Michelle. The Use of Anti-Bullying Policies to Protect LGBT Youth: Teacher and Administrator Perspectives on Policy Implementation. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2917.

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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Abdo, Nabil, Dana Abed, Bachir Ayoub, and Nizar Aouad. The IMF and Lebanon: The long road ahead – An assessment of how Lebanon’s economy may be stabilized while battling a triple crisis and recovering from a deadly blast. Oxfam, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6652.

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Lebanon is extremely unequal and has been rocked by massive protests in recent months. The country is facing a financial crisis and is in talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) about a potential bailout programme. Other IMF programmes in the region have focused on austerity and have driven increases in poverty and inequality. A business-as-usual approach by the IMF in Lebanon could have serious and far-reaching adverse impacts. Any potential policies pushed by the IMF in Lebanon must first be shown not to impact negatively on economic and gender inequalities, and must be drawn up transparently in consultation with local communities, civil society organizations and social movements.
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Thompson, Alison, Nathan M. Stall, Karen B. Born, Jennifer L. Gibson, Upton Allen, Jessica Hopkins, Audrey Laporte, et al. Benefits of Paid Sick Leave During the COVID-19 Pandemic. Ontario COVID-19 Science Advisory Table, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47326/ocsat.2021.02.25.1.0.

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Multiple jurisdictions have adopted or adapted paid sick leave policies to reduce the likelihood of employees infected with SARS-CoV-2 presenting to work, which can lead to the spread of infection in workplaces. During the COVID-19 pandemic, paid sick leave has been associated with an increased likelihood of workers staying at home when symptomatic. Paid sick leave can support essential workers in following public health measures. This includes paid time off for essential workers when they are sick, have been exposed, need to self-isolate, need time off to get tested, when it is their turn to get vaccinated, and when their workplace closes due to an outbreak. In the United States, the introduction of a temporary paid sick leave, resulted in an estimated 50% reduction in the number of COVID-19 cases per state per day. The existing Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit (CRSB) cannot financially protect essential workers in following all public health measures, places the administrative burden of applying for the benefit on essential workers, and neither provides sufficient, nor timely payments. Table 1 lists the characteristics of a model paid sick leave program as compared with the CRSB. Implementation of the model program should be done in a way that is easy to navigate and quick for employers.
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Idris, Iffat. Increasing Birth Registration for Children of Marginalised Groups in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.102.

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This review looks at approaches to promote birth registration among marginalised groups, in order to inform programming in Pakistan. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature, in particular reports by international development organizations. While there is extensive literature on rates of birth registration and the barriers to this, and consensus on approaches to promote registration, the review found less evidence of measures specifically aimed at marginalised groups. Gender issues are addressed to some extent, particularly in understanding barriers to registration, but the literature was largely disability-blind. The literature notes that birth registration is considered as a fundamental human right, allowing access to services such as healthcare and education; it is the basis for obtaining other identity documents, e.g. driving licenses and passports; it protects children, e.g. from child marriage; and it enables production of vital statistics to support government planning and resource allocation. Registration rates are generally lower than average for vulnerable children, e.g. from minority groups, migrants, refugees, children with disabilities. Discriminatory policies against minorities, restrictions on movement, lack of resources, and lack of trust in government are among the ‘additional’ barriers affecting the most marginalised. Women, especially unmarried women, also face greater challenges in getting births registered. General approaches to promoting birth registration include legal and policy reform, awareness-raising activities, capacity building of registration offices, integration of birth registration with health services/education/social safety nets, and the use of digital technology to increase efficiency and accessibility.
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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.

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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.
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