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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Protest policing'
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Siu, Long, Michael Adorjan, Yat-kai Hui, Shuk-yi Maggy Lee, Kin-fung Wong, 蕭朗, 許逸佳, and 黃建鋒. "Protest policing in contemporary Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/205833.
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Dumas, Nicolas K. (Nicolas Kasem). "Protest without repression : protest policing and nonviolent resistance in the US." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/130601.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, September, 2020Cataloged from the official PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 121-129).
Activists often identify violent repression, and ensuing backlash, as a key mechanism through which peaceful protests can successfully achieve political change. This view has been affirmed by a body of research showing that the violent repression of protest can raise awareness of and build support for the protesters. And US history has many examples of these repression backlash benefiting protesters, from the Birmingham bus boycotts to the "Bonus Army" March on Washington, to the Kent State shootings. However, in the United States, and in other western democracies, the probability of violent police repression of protests has varied significantly over time, as a result of a multitude of institutional factors. While the impacts of repressed protest have been documented, how peaceful protests fare in the absence of repression is less well-understood.
This dissertation explores whether the absence of repression impacts protests' ability to capture attention and persuade the public, and whether the absence of repression impacts the types of protests that are successful. To answer these two questions, I draw on a wide array of data sources, including a novel dataset of local protests coded from protest permit applications, geo-referenced Google search data, Wikipedia page-view data, New York Times coverage data, historical archives of an activist group's internal communications. I show that, while repression makes it easier for protests to garner news coverage, command public attention, and persuade the public, it is not a necessary condition. Peaceful protests can achieve these outcomes without repression if they can become newsworthy in other ways, such as by increasing the scale of the protest.
I also show that in the absence of repression, the types of protests that achieve success are similar in background to the protests that achieve success in the presence of repression. Unlike some other forms of political participation, the resources needed to succeed without repression do not appear to be skewed towards individuals or groups with higher socio-economic status. Although the probability of violent repression changes over time, protests continue to serve as an effective tactic for a relatively small group to capture attention and build broader support.
by Nicolas K. Dumas.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
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Sagan, Hans Nicholas. "Specters of '68| Protest, Policing, and Urban Space." Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3733389.
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Political protest is an increasingly frequent occurrence in urban public space. During times of protest, the use of urban space transforms according to special regulatory circumstances and dictates. The reorganization of economic relationships under neoliberalism carries with it changes in the regulation of urban space. Environmental design is part of the toolkit of protest control.
Existing literature on the interrelation of protest, policing, and urban space can be broken down into four general categories: radical politics, criminological, technocratic, and technicalprofessional. Each of these bodies of literature problematizes core ideas of crowds, space, and protest differently. This leads to entirely different philosophical and methodological approaches to protests from different parties and agencies.
This paper approaches protest, policing, and urban space using a critical-theoretical methodology coupled with person-environment relations methods. This paper examines political protest at American Presidential National Conventions. Using genealogical-historical analysis and discourse analysis, this paper examines two historical protest event-sites to develop baselines for comparison: Chicago 1968 and Dallas 1984. Two contemporary protest event-sites are examined using direct observation and discourse analysis: Denver 2008 and St. Paul 2008.
Results show that modes of protest policing are products of dominant socioeconomic models of society, influenced by local policing culture and historical context. Each of the protest event-sites studied represents a crisis in policing and the beginning of a transformation in modes of protest policing. Central to protest policing is the concept of territorial control; means to achieve this control vary by mode of protest policing, which varies according to dominant socioeconomic model. Protesters used a variety of spatial strategies at varying degrees of organization. Both protesters and police developed innovations in spatial practice in order to make their activities more effective.
This has significant consequences for professionalized urban design. Both protester and policing spatial innovation involves the tactical reorganization and occupation of urban space. As urban space plays a constituent role in protest and policing, environmental designers must be aware of the political consequences of their designs.
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Mansley, David. "Collective violence, democracy and protest policing : protests events in Great Britain, 1999-2009." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.656315.
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How do the depth of-democracy and the style of protest policing affect the level of collective violence? I will measure and test these concepts by applying them to Great Britain in I999- 2009. I will measure the level of collective violence using event analysis and quantitative indicators (violent public order offences, complaints of excessive force used by police officers, financial cost of property damage, and injuries at protest events). My findings show that collective violence generally declined over the period (the middle years were remarkably peaceful), but violence returned in the final year. Adapting Charles Tilly's theory of collective violence, I will suggest this mini-'civilising process' can be explained by both a general trend towards 'harder' policing, which in effect fortified the state monopoly in legitimate violence, and a general trend towards 'deeper' democracy, which reduced the number of protests on the streets. But, like a 'supply-side shock', the financial crisis in 2008 undermined the social democratic trend. I will argue that the long drift towards 'hard' policing and a return to collective action in 2009 led to increased collective violence. The conclusion I draw is that 'deeper' democracy is a more effective dampener of collective violence in the long-run: 'Hard' policing can reduce collective violence, but only so long as the state's own institutions of social incorporation keep it legitimate.
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Golan, Gan. "Closing the gateways of democracy : cities and the militarization of protest policing." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/34176.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (p. [139]-147).
In the era of globalization, cities function as 'gateways of democracy,' the spaces and places where the civil society literally 'marches through' in order to deliver oppositional claims into the global arena. However, this paper documents a broad, increasing pattern of political repression directed against peaceful protest in US cities, signifying that important avenues for democratic participation may indeed be closing.
by Gan Golan.
M.C.P.
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Earl, Jennifer S. "The banner versus the baton: Explaining protest policing inthe United States, 1960-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280018.
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Research on repression and protest policing has increasingly attempted to unpack the social, political and cultural factors that affect the policing of public protest events. This dissertation contributes to that collective scholastic enterprise by examining protest policing in the United States, and particularly within New York State, from 1960 to 1975. However, unlike existing "static" approaches, which largely focus on protest and protester characteristics, and existing "dynamic" approaches, which focus on the changing interests of political elites, this dissertation argues that students of protest control must examine the independent causal effects of the agents of repression. In the U.S., this leads to an emphasis on local, civilian law enforcement agencies, culminating in this dissertation in a "police-centered" approach. Using quantitative analyses including logistic, multinomial logistic and negative binomial regressions, this dissertation evaluates the explanatory power of existing approaches to protest policing in addition to elements of a police-centered approach. Findings reveal that some existing approaches to protest policing, such as the threat approach, provide important explanatory leverage. However, other approaches such as weakness received only mixed support and still others such as the threat and weakness interaction approach and stable political opportunity structures approach received no support. As well, the volatile political opportunities approach received only limited support. The same models also evaluate three prongs of the police-centered approach and find significant support for new "police threat" hypotheses with more mixed support for the effects of police agency and police field characteristics. In addition to these theoretically important findings, the quantitative models also innovate where measurement and modeling is concerned. Qualitative analyses further develop on the police-centered perspective by examining the development of and competition between approaches to protest policing in the 1960s and 1970s. Using new institutionalist theory, this dissertation focuses on internal and external institutional forces in explaining the rise of and competition between protest policing approaches. Specifically, four key institutions are discussed: policing, professionalism, law-making, and protest. While all of these institutions exerted important influences on the development of and/or competition between approaches, the professional reform movement within policing played a critical role.
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Cartier, Brad. "Certainty through Flexibility: Intelligence and Paramilitarization in Canadian Public Order Policing." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22677.
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This case study explores public order policing at the Vancouver Olympics and G20 Summit in Toronto. The source material is drawn from media coverage of these events. These cases are analyzed using prior theoretical works in order policing in order to achieve two research goals: to discover which theory best explains police actions and the extent of and reasons explaining the involvement of other government agencies in securing protest events in Canada. Using pattern matching methodology, it was found that no one particular theory is best at explaining events at the two cases, rather components of various theories provided the most useful insight. The components of these theories that need to be amalgamated through analytic induction are: the use of intelligence functions; police flexibility; as well as paramilitarization tactics. Finally, it was found that there was a noticeable presence and integration of other government agencies involved in securing both events.
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Boon, Kia Meng. "“No Time to Disperse...”: State Violence, Collective Memory and Political Subjects in the Time of Malaysia’s Bersih Protests (2011-12)." Kyoto University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/232399.
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Ealham, Christopher. "Policing the recession : unemployment, social protest and law-and-order in Republican Barcelona, 1930-1936." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1538.
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What follows is a social and cultural study of the Barcelona proletariat during the Spanish Second Republic (193 1-1936). Unlike many historical and organisational studies of working class groups and labour organisations, this study looks beyond the formal aspects of politics to locate praxis firmly within the wider socio-economic fabric of everyday life. In doing so, the emphasis moves away from an explanation of the opposition of the CNT-FAI to the Republic in terms of a fixed set of ideological shibboleths and the traditional anarchist opposition to authority. Instead, this study assesses the attitude of the CNT towards the Republic in terms of the failure of the authorities to eradicate the traditional patterns of social exclusion and their inability to satisfy the predominantly unskilled and unemployed supporters of the CNT-FAI in Barcelona. Particular emphasis is placed on patterns of social and urban exclusion and working class culture. I have set out to retrieve the historic experience of a specific sector of the Barcelona working class: the much-maligned unskilled, itinerant and immigrant labourers who, quite literally, built modern Catalonia. International economic collapse and internal political stability inside Spain during the late 1920s and the early 1930s meant that increasing numbers of these workers were unemployed. The experience of unemployment, its impact on the culture of the jobless and their everyday resistance to poverty, form the core of this study. This provides a starting point for a social history of crime and punishment in 1930s Barcelona. Particular attention is given to the anarchist attitude to crime and the way in which the FM encouraged illegal methods of internal funding. This study relies on mainly qualitative, rather than quantitative, analysis. While statistics are not entirely banished, the analysis is premised on the view that the plight of the unemployed cannot be adequately expressed numerically. Consequently, this work is overwhelmingly based on a rea1ing of the press from the 1930s. This aversion to hard-boiled empiricism is only in part justified by the practical reason that Spanish statistics, whether collated by the authorities or the labour movement, were notoriously unreliable. The methodological level of enquiry is also conditioned by an overriding concern with the revolutionary culture of the proletarian masses of Barcelona and the social processes that shaped this. By its very nature, such an object of study is not quantifiable, a point that is well reinforced by the classic studies by E.P. Thompson and the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies on the English proletariat and policing and the more recent work by Dai Smith on the cultural universe of Welsh labour.' Following from these works, this study relies heavily on press reports, biography and oral sources in a bid to recuperate the social and cultural dimensions of popular consciousness. The epistemological essence of this approach has been presciently grasped by Paul Thompson, who observes that: 'social statistics, in short, no more represent absolute facts than newspaper reports, private letters, or published biographies. Like recorded interview material, they all represent, either from individual standpoints or aggregated, the social perception of facts; and are all in addition subject to social pressures from the context in which they are obtained. With these forms of evidence, what we receive is social meaning, and it is this which must be evaluated'.2 Social history has been criticised in the past for 'ignoring' politics. 3 Because the 193 Os was an era of intense political change and ideological conflict in Spain this study has been forced to transcend this shortcoming. This research places the social history of the unemployed at the centre of the political history of the CNT during the Republic. An example of this is the way in which the historic tensions between the CNT and the rival UGT are expressed through the conflict between the essentially unemployed and unskilled membership of the Barcelona CNT and the predominantly employed and skilled supporters of the UGT in the Catalan capital. This fusion of social and political analysis is also central to a full understanding of the experience of the Republic in Barcelona. This work is especially concerned with the extent to which the Republic represented a change for the Barcelona working class, not just in a political sense, but in social and economic terms. Clearly, the Republic 1 E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London, 1963 and Customs in Common, Harmondsworth, 1993; Stuart Hall, ci. a!., Policing the Crisis: Mugging. the State. and Law and Order, London, 1978; Dai Smith, Aneurin Bevan and the World of South Wales, Cardiff, 1994 2 Paul Thompson The Voice of the Past, London, 1978, p.96 Geoff Eley and Keith Nield, 'Why does social history ignore politics?, Social History, 5, 2, 1980, pp.249-271 11 established a set of constitutional and democratic guarantees that had rarely existed in the past. However, the primary concern here is with how the advent of the new régime affected the lives of the workers of Barcelona and to what extent it altered the previous patterns of social exclusion and oppression. While this study covers the period from the birth of the Second Republic in April 1931 to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, the focus of the narrative and analysis is concentrated heavily on 1931. This is justifiable because this was the key period for the future of the Republic. It was 'Republican Year Zero', a time of disproportionate importance, in which the newly-ensconced Republican authorities sought to establish a new political and social order capable of embracing those classes and social strata which had been excluded from previous regimes. Thus, 1931 was the year in which the Republican project of integrating the Barcelona working class would either succeed or fail. Equally, the concentration on the blend of social and political variables at play in 1931 is also valid as it facilitates a more sophisticated understanding of the complex trajectory of the CNT during the Republic. By assessing the real and shifting aspirations and hopes of the union rank-and-file, we supersede the caricatured image of the CNT and its supporters as robots who were guided by exclusively ideological and doctrinal concerns.4 Finally, because this study is not a political history of the convoluted institutional relationship between Catalonia and Spain in the 1930s, attention is paid to the often complex and shifting configuration of power in a quasi-federal state only insofar as it intersects the main area of study.
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Ball, Stephen Andrew. "Policing the land war : official responses to political protest and agrarian crime in Ireland, 1879-91." Thesis, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326088.
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Geron, Stephen Max. "21st Century strategies for policing protest: what major cities' responses to the Occupy Movement tell U.S. about the future of police response to public protest." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/41382.
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CHDS State/LocalThe study of a law enforcement response to a national movement is a homeland security issue. How America polices its population establishes the benchmark for how it treats the world and is worthy of exploration. What can the experiences of four major U.S. cities, in their response to the Occupy Movement, tell us about using emergent strategies for policing protest in the twenty-first century? In the fall of 2011, the Occupy Movement protests swept across the United States in a matter of weeks. Activists demonstrated against income inequality and the state of the economy, and they established camps in major urban areas, occupying public spaces. I conducted case studies of New York City; Oakland, California; Portland, Oregon; and Dallas, Texas, and analyzed the results. That analysis revealed common themes, including a lack of negotiated management, restricting access to traditionally open public spaces by the police and the use of emergent practice in the complex adaptive environment of demonstrations. From this analysis, I am able to provide strategic recommendations for city and police leaders in dealing with protests in the twenty-first century utilizing a sense-making framework that will assist leaders in strategic planning for protests for large and small cities alike.
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Bredell, Kyle Hampton. "Black Panther High: Racial Violence, Student Activism, and the Policing of Philadelphia Public Schools." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216534.
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HistoryM.F.A.
The school district of Philadelphia built up its security program along a very distinct pathway that was largely unrelated to any real needs protection. This program played out in two distinct phases. In the late 1950s, black and white students clashed in the neighborhoods surrounding schools over integration. Black parents called upon the city to provide community policing to protect their children in the communities surrounding schools. As the 1960s progressed and the promised civil rights gains from city liberals failed to materialize, students turned increasingly to Black Nationalist and black power ideology. When this protest activity moved inside their schoolhouses as blacks simultaneously began moving into white neighborhoods, white Philadelphians began to feel threatened in their homes and schools. As black student activism became louder and more militant, white parents called upon the police to protect their children inside the school house, as opposed to the earlier calls for community policing by black parents. White parents, the PPD, and conservative city politicians pushed the district to adopt tougher disciplinary policies to ham string this activism, to which black parents vehemently objected. The district resisted demands to police the schools through the 1960s until finally caving to political pressure in the 1970s.
Temple University--Theses
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Gilmore, Joanna Helen. "'This is not a riot!' : regulation of public protest and the impact of the Human Rights Act 1998." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/this-is-not-a-riot-regulation-of-public-protest-and-the-impact-of-the-human-rights-act-1998(1708440f-0f19-418c-9263-f9b9ca29258c).html.
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The death of Ian Tomlinson at the G20 protests in London in April 2009 triggered a haemorrhaging of public confidence in public order policing. The protests were swiftly followed by a plethora of official inquiries and reports tasked with investigating the legitimacy of existing public order policing tactics and the associated mechanisms of accountability. Events since Tomlinson’s death indicate that this is an issue that is unlikely to dissipate any time soon. Dramatic footage taken during the 2010-11 student protests, including police officers charging protesters on horseback and dragging a disabled activist from his wheelchair, attracted widespread condemnation. The on-going revelations into the activities of undercover police officers suggest that such practices may be the tip of the iceberg. These disclosures have caused a serious crisis of legitimacy for an institution supposedly founded on a principle of ‘policing by consent’. Paradoxically, these developments have occurred during a period in which the right to protest is for the first time reflected in law. In October 2000 the much trumpeted Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA 1998) came into force in England and Wales, incorporating into domestic law the rights and freedoms enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Although the ECHR does not establish a legal right to protest per se, it does guarantee positive rights to “freedom of expression” and “freedom of peaceful assembly”, as well as prohibiting arbitrary state interferences with an individual’s liberty and security, thought, conscious and religion and right to privacy. The HRA 1998 appeared to mark a radical departure from the traditional approach and was celebrated as signalling a “constitutional shift” in the state’s approach towards public protest. A principle aim of this thesis is to examine the impact of the HRA 1998 on the regulation of public protest in England and Wales. Whilst a growing body of academic literature has analysed public order law and policy against abstract human rights principles, relatively few have attempted to ground the analysis in the experiences of protesters. This thesis seeks to begin to fill this lacuna. Moving away from a doctrinal analysis of human rights law, I utilise a socio-legal framework to examine contemporary developments in the regulation of public protest in the context of a view from below. Drawing on extensive ethnographic data and analyses of policy documents, newspaper reports, case-law, legislation and Hansard, I adopt a critical normative perspective to assess the legitimacy of the current restrictive interpretations of human rights principles in legal, political and policing-policy discourses.
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Ratliff, Thomas N. "On the Stage of Change: A Dramaturgical Approach to Violence, Social Protests, and Policing Styles in the U.S." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/28449.
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Social movement scholars have contended that considerable research on protest policing has been done, but research testing multiple theories in recent decades is lacking. To resolve this gap in the literature, this study integrates major paradigms in repression research and theories of policing styles around a dramaturgical approach to collective action, identifying factors influencing violence at social protests in the United States from 2006-2009. Conceiving of social protest as a form of political and symbolic action, I maintain that social actors and the qualities of their actions and immediate environment importantly influence a protest eventâ s characteristics and outcomes. Specifically, I code for three violent outcomesâ arrests, police violence, and any violenceâ and one measure of threatâ police presence. I identify four components of the protest event which influence these outcomesâ actors (e.g., authorities, protesters, and counterprotesters), enemies (e.g., the target of protestersâ claims), the stage (e.g., qualities of place and space where a protest occurs), and protest performance (e.g., protest size and specific tactics employed by actors). Thus, this research focuses on how qualities of police, protester, and counterprotester performances intersect to influence violence at protest events. Data for this project were collected from multiple sources from 2006-2009. Information on protest events was collected by content coding of newspaper articles in the Los Angeles Times and New York Times. Information on community policing styles was derived from lists of funding for agencies participating in the U.S. Department of Justiceâ s Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program. In some instances the results of this study show that certain characteristics leading to police presence and violence at social protests in the U.S. persist from research conducted on earlier decadesâ presence of African Americans or counterprotesters, protester use of â more confrontationalâ tactics and/or multiple tactics, and the damaging of property by protesters or counterprotesters. However, my findings also contradict previous studies, because I find that: (1) larger protests are less likely to be policed or result in violence; (2) social and cultural targets are more likely predictors of policing and violence rather than government or economic ones; and, (3) specific social movement families and tactical types influence protest event outcomes differently. I also found that community policing styles had no effect on protest event policing. These findings are important because they show how a protest eventâ s symbolic nature influences policing and violent outcomes.Ph. D.
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O'Sullivan, Aidan. "Policing protest in an age of austerity : how the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) responded to anti-austerity movements after the financial crash." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2017. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3010425/.
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The research examined the response of the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) to anti-austerity protests in London following the financial crisis of 2008 and the election of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2010. Research began in the wake of prevalent controversies at the time around how the police deployed force against demonstrators including the use of containment of large crowds for a substantial length of time and the death of a member of the public, Ian Tomlinson, after being struck with a baton during the G20 protests in 2009 (Rosie and Gorringe, 2009). There were also concerns around how the MPS gathered intelligence with Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT) accused of gathering and retaining data improperly (HAC, 2009), as well as emerging scandals of undercover officers amongst environmental and social justice campaigns (BBC, 2012a). These controversies led the police to innovate new methods of communication with protesters including liaison officers to mix in the crowd and explain police tactics for the day. This research investigated how the MPS deployed its different tactics which were grouped under the strategies of force, surveillance and negotiated management. Drawing primarily on writings on police culture it used a documentary analysis and a series of semi-structured interviews with MPS officers to examine how the police conceive of public order policing, anti-austerity protests and how their tactics were deployed and may change in the future. The conclusion ends with several interesting insights from the data. The most significant is how the police interviewees see little problem with how the MPS deploy surveillance. This is important as they recognise the controversy that can arise through the use of force. They tend to treat the recent moves towards liaison policing to replace the use of force at protests as the uppermost concern. They acknowledge the hostility that surveillance can engender in activists but see this as largely unavoidable and can be dismissive of civil liberty concerns. This is in contrast to the fact that the documentary analysis of policy recognises that the use of intelligence gathering needs to be proportionate (ACPO, 2010). It is also concerning in a time when there are several revelations around undercover officers embedded in environmental and social justice campaigns. This leads the research to recommend that any future research on public order policing must find a way to surmount the obstacle of gaining access to, and properly assessing, the role of undercover policing to complement research on overt forms of intelligence gathering on the day of the protest.
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Elliot-Cooper, Adam. "The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.
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State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.
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Di, Méo Marion. "Une démocratie à l’épreuve des mouvements sociaux : le cas du Chili post-dictatorial de 1988 à nos jours." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0656.
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Cette thèse vise à rendre compte de l'évolution, au Chili, de la gestion des événements protestataires par les institutions en charge de l'ordre public depuis le retour à la démocratie en 1990. Il s'agit d'examiner la manière dont un pays autrefois gouverné par la répression encadre, une fois la démocratie retrouvée, les protestations de différents groupes de la société. La thèse interroge aussi l'existence d'un traitement différencié de la contestation en fonction du public mobilisé. L'enquête a été menée entre mars 2015 et mai 2017 et repose sur un matériau composé d'observations, d'entretiens, d'archives de presse. Ce travail est composé de trois parties. La première revient sur les éléments qui ont façonné le contexte politique chilien de la transition, largement défavorable à la contestation. Il s'agit également de s'intéresser aux caractéristiques et à la culture institutionnelle de la police en charge du maintien de l'ordre, en observant comment s'articulent le caractère militaire de cette institution et les fondements de la doctrine du maintien de l'ordre. Dans la seconde, les mobilisations des peuples autochtones et des étudiants chiliens sont longuement décryptées, en particulier la question de leur répertoire d'action et les interactions entre ces groupes, l'État chilien et les forces de l'ordre. La troisième partie est consacrée à la manière dont le passé récent du Chili devient l'enjeu de discours et de mobilisations, et s'intéresse de près à différentes journées de commémoration. Elle examine enfin les effets de la militarisation de la police sur le maintien de l'ordre, et sur les représentations du monde qui entourent ses pratiques professionnellesThis thesis aims to give an account of the evolution, in Chile, of the management of the protest events by the institutions in charge of public order since the return to democracy in 1990. It aims to examine the way in which a country once ruled by repression frames, once the democracy returned, the protests of different groups of society. The thesis also questions the existence of a differentiated treatment of the protest events according to the public mobilized. The investigation was conducted between March 2015 and May 2017 and is based on a material consisting of observations, interviews, press archives. This work is composed of three parts. The first examines the elements that have shaped the Chilean political context of the transition, which is largely unfavorable to collective action. It also analyzes the characteristics and the institutional culture of the police in charge of policing protest, by observing how are articulated the military character of this institution and the bases of the doctrine of protest policing. In the second, the mobilizations of the indigenous peoples and students of Chile are lengthily deciphered, in particular the question of their repertoire of action and the interactions between these groups, the Chilean State and the police forces. The third part is devoted to the way in which the recent past of Chile becomes the issue of speeches and mobilizations, and is closely interested in different days of commemoration. Finally, it examines the effects of police militarization on law enforcement, and on the representations of the world surrounding its professional practices
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Olsson, Sandberg Kajsa, and Báez Nicole Boudassou. "Fund Our Future & Fees Must Fall : En komparativ fallstudie om två studentprotester." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-150856.
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Studiens syfte är att se hur sociala rörelser och stater interagerar, samt hur dialogen ser ut inom respektive part. Frågeställningarna som syftar till att fånga det är således; Hur ser relationen mellan sociala rörelser och stater ut, och hur påverkar var sidas val av strategier motpartens handlingsmönster? Samt; Vilka interna strategier inom kampanj respektive stat är mest framträdande? För att undersöka det har två kampanjer valts ut, Fees Must Fall i Sydafrika och Fund Our Future i Storbritannien. Vidare har nyhetsartiklar valts från sammanlagt nio av ländernas mest lästa nyhetstidningar. Fyra teoretiska ingångar fått vägleda analysarbetet; radical flank effect, symbolic damage, protest policing och eventful protest. Dessa är alla analytiska verktyg som hjälper oss förstå de mångfacetterade dimensionerna som existerar parallellt inom sociala rörelser och statens arbete. Den samlade tidigare forskningen har utforskat specifika delar av de nämnda begreppen, men däremot har aspekternas samverkande förmåga inte tidigare studerats. Studiens resultat visar att våldsamma aktioner ofta leds av radikala demonstranter. Dessa leder ofta inte enbart till stor medial uppmärksamhet, utan kan beroende på kontext förändra sociala rörelser och statens interna strategiska struktur. Det innebär även att fredliga aktioner ofta hamnar i skymundan, vilket bidrar till att befästa uppfattningen om att våld krävs för att sociala rörelsers syfte ska synas. Även stater kan uppleva sig nödgade att använda våldsamma strategier i mötet med demonstranter. Vidare visar resultaten på att det finns en interaktiv dynamik mellan kampanjer och stater, som även visar på aktörskap inom respektive part.
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Clivaz, Emmanuel. "Forms of protest and tactics : a strategic interaction on the effects of policing operations on tactical deployment operated by non-state actors in South Lebanon, Gaza Strip, West Bank, Israel, 1982-2011." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11377.
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This research focuses on assessing the effects of policing operations on tactical deployment operated by non-state actors. The theory advanced by this work, labelled SMORG theory, is first and foremost an attempt to move from fragmented to comprehensive knowledge. At the theoretical level, it provides policy makers and practitioners with a better understanding of policing instruments, and especially highlights the limits of coercion and deterrence when dealing with non-state actors. At the methodological level, it demonstrates how to scrutinise the protest space in its entirety, by providing an innovative set of tools to analyse the temporal and spatial distribution of forms of protests on diverse theaters. At the empirical level, it reveals the evolution of conventional, confrontational and violent forms protest in South Lebanon, Gaza Strip, West Bank, and Israel, during the period 1982 to 2011; it further precisely assesses the effects of policing operations on tactical deployment operated by non-state actors on the same theaters.
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Lydon, David. "Police legitimacy and the policing of protest : identifying contextual influences associated with the construction and shaping of protester perceptions of police legitimacy and attitudes to compliance and cooperation beyond the limits of procedural justice and elaborated social identity approaches." Thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University, 2018. http://create.canterbury.ac.uk/17598/.
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Police legitimacy is fundamental to the relationship between the state, citizens and their police, and this is nowhere more challenging than in public order policing contexts. Procedural Justice (PJ) and the Elaborated Social Identity Model (ESIM) have gained dominance in UK policing as the means of establishing greater perceptions of police legitimacy and public compliance and cooperation with the police and the law. Much of the theorising and empirical research in this field has been conducted with regard to police reform, complaint handling, crime reduction and sporting event policing. However, there are limitations to both PJ and the ESIM approaches within public order contexts. PJ and the ESIM assume that violence and disorder stem from a failure of policing to create perceptions of police legitimacy. However, this is problematic for the policing of protest and public order for three interrelated reasons. Firstly, there are occasions when violence occurs despite the police use of PJ and ESIM approaches. Secondly, ignoring or underplaying this detail serves to demoralise the police and undermines their trust in using PJ and the ESIM. Thirdly, an insistence on police use of PJ and ESIM as the exclusively legitimate means of dealing with violence and disorder, ignores different approaches to police legitimacy that are not found within the PJ or ESIM literature. The findings presented in the thesis suggest that PJ and the ESIM do not necessarily work in protest contexts, because protesters’ self-policing, a key claim of the ESIM, does not necessarily equate to compliance with the law and authority. Personal values and moral legitimacy are important aspects of protest contexts that feature less prominently than required within the PJ and ESIM research. The thesis argues that police legitimacy, defined empirically, needs to be understood with regard to the policing context. It is in this respect that the thesis claims an original contribution by identifying and explaining contextually based influences associated with the construction and shaping of protester perceptions of police legitimacy and their attitudes to compliance and cooperation. The thesis uses a mixed method approach to examine the claim of PJ and the ESIM that fair and respectful treatment garners increased perceptions of police legitimacy and creates compliance and cooperation with the law and the police. The empirical research comprises an exploratory quantitative survey (n=40), qualitative interviews (n=79) and non-participant observations at thirteen protest events in London between 2010 and 2015. The findings establish that while the general claims of PJ hold and that social identity forms part of perceived police legitimacy, protesters’ perceptions need to be understood contextually. A contextually driven model of police legitimacy (CDM) developed from empirical data is presented, it suggests that additional influences other than fair and respectful policing play a determining role in constructing and shaping protester perceptions of police legitimacy and their attitudes to compliance and cooperation. The theoretical implications are considered and professional practice recommendations for the policing of protest are presented.
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Burton, Kerry. "Re-presenting geopolitics : ethnography, social movement activism, and nonviolent geographies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3607.
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This thesis starts from the premise that Geopolitics is performative, an iterative discourse “of visualising global space…reproduced in the governing principles of geographic thought and through the practices of statecraft” (Agnew 1998:11). During the last decade, two dominant discourses have shaped the contemporary geopolitical imagination – the ‘war on terror’ and ‘climate change’. These have steered conceptualisations of security and insecurity - performative iterations of who, where, and what poses a threat. The resulting geopolitical picture of the world has enabled the legitimisation of human and geographical domination – an acceptance of geographical norms that enable the continuation of uneven geographies. The research is concerned with the performative spaces of alternative geopolitics; spaces that emerge where nonviolent social movement activism and geopolitics intersect and the sites through which these are practiced and mediated. The motivations are twofold. The first is a desire to intervene in a critical geopolitical discourse that remains biased toward engagement with violent geographies. The second is to take seriously ‘geopolitics from below’, alternative geographical imaginations. I address the first of these through research that is concerned primarily with the spacing of nonviolence – the performed and performative spaces of nonviolent geographies shaped through a politics of the act. The second is approached through substantial empirical engagement with social movement activists and sites of contention and creation in opposition to dominant environmental geopolitics. ‘Militant’ ethnographic research took place over six months in 2009. It traced the journeys of two groups as they organised for, and took part in, large counter-summit mobilisations. The first was a UK based social movement, the Camp for Climate Action (UK). The second was an intercontinental caravan, the Trade to Climate Caravan. Both groups shared a common aim – to converge on the 16th of December in a mass demonstration of nonviolent confrontation; the ‘People’s Assembly’, to contest dominant discourses being performed inside the intergovernmental United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. Social movement groups from around the world would present alternative narratives of insecurity and offer ‘alternative solutions’ garnered through non-hierarchical forms of decision-making. The research followed the route each group took to the People’s Assembly and the articulations (narrative and practices) of nonviolent action.
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FALCIOLA, LUCA. "SBAGLIANDO SI SPARA: LA CONTESTAZIONE DEL 1977 IN ITALIA E LA REAZIONE DELLO STATO." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/936.
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Questa ricerca si propone di contribuire ad una prima analisi storiografica del ciclo di protesta esploso in Italia nel 1977. A nove anni dal ’68, la contestazione tornò ad agitare le università e le piazze, lottando sul terreno della creatività e dell’ironia, ma esprimendo contestualmente una forte carica violenta. L’illegalità di massa e la guerriglia diffusa finirono infatti per ingrossare le fila del «partito armato» e del terrorismo. Il ‘movimento’ degli indiani metropolitani e delle P38, proprio in ragione di questa ambiguità, fatica ancora a trovare una descrizione esaustiva, mentre la sua escalation violenta è ancora in attesa di un’eziologia convincente. Questo studio tenta quindi, in primo luogo, di ricostruire un’immagine unitaria e realistica di quel fenomeno socio-politico, a partire dalle fonti del ‘movimento’ e dalle cronache. In secondo luogo, integra la variabile istituzionale nello studio della protesta, al fine di verificare quale grado di influenza ebbe lo Stato sui processi di riattivazione della mobilitazione e, soprattutto, sulla radicalizzazione dello scontro. Il focus dell’analisi è rappresentato dall’azione assai controversa del ministero dell’Interno, allora guidato da Francesco Cossiga, che viene qui ricostruita sulla base di documenti provenienti dagli archivi di Stato. Il policing of protest è infine messo a confronto con quello della Francia dei primi anni dopo il maggio ’68, quando l’estrema sinistra minacciò una deriva violenta ma si arrestò prima di passare all’atto.his research aims to contribute to a first preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again on in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was characterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite common and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this ‘movement’ shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with old-styled armed revolutionaries. Therefore, it is still hard and an open challenge to find an inclusive description of it and the escalation of political violence is still waiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this is research is twofold. On the one hand, it tries to rebuild a coherent and realistic picture of this phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the ‘movement’ and chronicles. On the other hand, it aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State was can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from State archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared with to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting.
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Contreras, Nancy. "An exploration of social protests and policing| Does social media undermine the message?" Thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10149362.
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Few studies have explored the goals and means of recent protests that are calling attention to police use of force in marginalized communities. This research explores activist ideology, social media practices in organizing protests, and perceived community relations with law enforcement. Resource mobilization theory is applied to the current protest activities against police misconduct to describe the use of social media as a means to create social protest and reform. Internet-enhanced activism is analyzed to explain changes in the traditional responsibilities and contributions of activists, and to describe the negative impact the social media have on activism. In addition, moral panic is used as a theoretical framework to explain police-community relations. Discussion of the policy implications identifies the need for alternate ways of policing and judicial review of activists’ rights in protest activities. The findings expand existing scholarship and are essential in establishing a rich narrative of how perceived and real injustice can be challenged through the perspectives of diverse community members.
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San, Segundo Mário Augusto Correia. "Protesto operário, repressão policial e anticomunismo (Rio Grande 1949, 1950 e 1952)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/18346.
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Nesta dissertação, se analisará três protestos operários e as tentativas de controle social exercido contra eles por parte da força policial, trabalhistas e imprensa comercial na cidade de Rio Grande, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O controle social constituiu-se pelo uso de repressão policial associada ao anticomunismo. As três conjunturas analisadas, que serviram de base ao estudo, são: a greve contra a entrada de navios estrangeiros na Lagoa dos Patos em 1949; a manifestação do 1° de Maio de 1950; e a greve geral de 1952 contra a carestia do custo de vida. Estes protestos ocorreram em meio ao governo autoritário de Dutra e no início no segundo governo de Vargas. Internacionalmente configurava-se o período conhecido como Guerra Fria, o que ajudou a definir a política conservadora dos governos em relação aos operários. Nos protestos analisados, houve a participação de milhares de trabalhadores e uma marcante presença comunista, em um momento que o PCB estava ilegal. A pergunta que guiou a pesquisa foi a de como as classes dominantes locais, lançaram mão de seus instrumentos na tentativa de controlar o movimento operário? Buscando assim, analisar as relações sociais de dominação e resistência.In this dissertation, will be analyzed three workers protests and the attempts of social control exercised against them by the police force, labor and trade press in the city of Rio Grande, in Rio Grande do Sul. The social control was consisted by the use of police repression associated with the anticommunism. The three situations analyzed, which formed the basis of the study are: the strike against the entry of foreign vessels in the Lagoa dos Patos, in 1949; the manifestation of 1 May 1950; and the general strike of 1952 against the high cost of life. These protests occurred during the authoritarian government of Dutra and the beginning of second government of Vargas. Internationally, was configured the period that has become known as the Cold War, which helped define the conservative policy of governments in relation to workers. In the protests analyzed, was the participation of thousands workers and a marked presence communist at a time which the PCB was illegal. The question that guided the research was: how the local ruling classes made use of their instruments in the attempt to control the workers movement? Seeking thus, to analyze the social relations of domination and resistance.
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Scapple, Karrin. "Do international environmental policies really protect the environment? : a framework for analyzing treaties /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33026527.html.
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Rawass, Johnny Fadel. "Cybersecurity Strategies to Protect Information Systems in Small Financial Institutions." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7183.
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Leaders of financial institutions face challenges in protecting data because of the increased use of computer networks in the commerce and governance aspects of their businesses. The purpose of this single case study was to explore the strategies that leaders of a small financial institution used to protect information systems from cyber threats. The actor-network theory was the conceptual framework for this study. Data were collected through face-to-face, semistructured interviews with 5 leaders of a small financial institution in Qatar and a review of company documents relevant to information security, cybersecurity, and risk management. Using thematic analysis and Yin's 5-step data analysis process, the 4 emergent key theme strategies were information security management, cybersecurity policy, risk management, and organizational strategy. The findings of this study indicate that leaders of financial institutions protect their information systems from cyber threats by effectively managing information security practices; developing robust cybersecurity policies; identifying, assessing, and mitigating cybersecurity risks; and implementing a holistic organizational strategy. The protection of information systems through reductions in cyber threats can improve organizational business practices. Leaders of financial institutions might use the findings of this study to affect positive social change by decreasing data breaches, safeguarding consumers' confidential information, and reducing the risks and costs of consumer identity theft.
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Halbert, Jennifer Dee. "Old policies, new package? : the scope, viability and value added of the 'responsibility to protect'." Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42825.
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In 2005 States accepted that there is a responsibility to protect ('RtoP') populations when "man's inhumanity to man" rises to the fore and that those entrusted to respond effectively should undertake appropriate protective action, not simply rely on 'it' going away. The question which the thesis explores, largely from a legal and practice based perspective, is what the evolution of each component of RtoP discloses, over the past seven years, about its scope, status, viability and, more specifically, whether RtoP as it currently stands adds value to, or just newly packages, old protection policies. The extensive practice reviewed, including over four hundred State views and fifteen country-specific studies, identifies which positions in the existing literature on RtoP may require revisiting, and what issues merit greater attention given their potential practical and policy significance. Where appropriate, the established field of minority protection is utilised to ground assessment of RtoP's value added and identify possible policy implications of, or explanations for, the development of a responsibility which is still in its formative years. In so doing, present understandings of RtoP's relationship to minority protection are examined and developed. The view taken is that RtoP's relationship with existing protection mechanisms is multifaceted and evolving, adding value in some ways but also creating points of departure. Whilst the broad based State support for RtoP developed since 2005 is cause for celebration, the Libya and Syria conflicts illuminated tensions inherent in RtoP, including whether it is possible to resist regime change and remain neutral in civil wars where governments perpetrate RtoP crimes. Until there is a greater cohesion among policymakers to address some of the controversial issues and other outstanding ambiguities, then it is quite likely that the focus on 'RtoP' from 2005 will now shift perhaps to more 'PtR' - 'Protecting the Responsibility'.
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Greene, Kyra R. "The role of protest waves, cultural frames and institutional activism in the evolution of American disability rights policies /." May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Royal, Camika. "Policies, Politics, and Protests: Black Educators and the Shifting Landscape of Philadelphia's School Reforms, 1967-2007." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/180064.
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Urban EducationPh.D.
This research examines Black educators' professional experiences in the School District of Philadelphia (SDP) over forty years, through six superintendents and a state takeover. Using critical race theory, this research uncovers how Black educators' perceptions of SDP, based on district leadership, combined with their interpretations of the historical, social, and political contexts, influenced how they defined their professional situations, interpreted the culture of the District, and how they performed their roles. A phenomenological, historical ethnography approach is employed to investigate person to institution interactions interpreted through the historical record and educators' narratives. This research explores power relations and disjuncture between the goals, assumptions, and rhetoric of the School District of Philadelphia as expressed through its policies, politics, and practices, juxtaposed against the narratives of Black educators. This research found that SDP is peculiar, particular, unforgiving, and deeply politically entrenched. Its politics are complicated by issues of race and insider-outsider tensions and are compounded by state politics and the national political landscape. The politics within SDP were also influenced by the interpretation of the contemporary political narrative by the superintendent and his or her epistemological beliefs and ontological bent within that narrative.
Temple University--Theses
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Lonja, Zoliswa Caroline. "A qualitative exploration of the complexities in agenda-setting and participation processes in sanitation services in Site C, Khayelitsha: 2010-2013." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6807.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPA"Sanitation is dignity" as the state has proclaimed while water is life. Yet to date, there are families and communities that are still dreaming that one day their dignity will be restored and they will have access to proper toilets, clean water that are within close proximity including proper houses. In the 24th year of democracy, people in South Africa are still protesting and challenging government to address the inequalities of the past and reset the agenda of change. These persistent protests are about basic needs and service delivery, but increasingly protestors are invoking the concept of relative needs, dignity and human rights and taking protests to the powerful and wealthy. In fact, the idea of the state as sacrosanct has been deflated since protestors throw poo at state officials and vandalise state infrastructure. The “poo wars” that broke out in 2012 with poo dumped at the airport and government buildings continued with the dumping of excrement on the Rhodes statue at UCT shows that the poor can sometimes set the agenda of change and force politicians to listen. Among the defensive responses raised by authorities is that people put their shacks on private land or pieces of land that are not suitable for housing (wetlands). Politically, there are complex issues in the Western Cape, both the Province and the City of Cape Town Metro are Democratic Alliance (DA) run whilst national government is ruled by the African National Congress (ANC). The majority of townships residents are ANC supporters with a few DA Proportional Representative (PR) councillors. This study looks at a qualitative exploration of the complexities in agenda-setting and participation processes in sanitation services in Site C, Khayelitsha between 2010-2013.Residents see agenda setting and engagements as unilateral, as this study found. It is designed into six chapters. The study was designed in a manner that it would reflect the knowledge and understanding the notion of consultation, community participation in decision-making, agenda-setting and implementation of projects or programmes by the people of Khayelitsha-Site C, Councillors, Shopstewards and officials of the City of Cape Town. Over 20 interviews were completed. A key finding is that by taking poo out of its usual place, taking it out of the private into the public domain and to the rich and by invading their space, the issues of the poor are no longer confined to ghetto townships. Boundaries between state and civil society have become porous. Cape Town’s poor residents using portable toilets commonly known as "pota-pota", and also the temporary toilets commonly known as ‘Mshengu’ have argued that these interim services are not only poorly maintained and dirty but are vastly inferior compared to white areas.
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Holliday, Michelle Lauren. "The Use of Anti-Bullying Policies to Protect LGBT Youth: Teacher and Administrator Perspectives on Policy Implementation." PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2921.
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Although in recent years there has been increased attention on bullying prevention and bullying legislation in the United States, there is limited research on the implementation of anti-bullying policies. Moreover, few studies have addressed the use of anti-bullying policies to protect LGBT youth from bullying. The present study seeks to examine the role of anti-bullying policies as a means to protect against bullying based on perceived sexual orientation and gender identity. Qualitative interviews with high school teachers, administrators, and staff members within an urban school district in the United States were conducted to gain insight into how those charged with the task of protecting LGBT youth engage with their school and district policy in efforts to create a supportive environment for their students. In this study, I argue the following: 1) the policy structure, both in the language of the state law and district policy on bullying, created barriers for schools to implement the anti-bullying policy; 2) the barriers created by the policy structure limited teachers' ability to protect LGBT youth from bullying; and 3) despite the evident barriers, teachers found ways to create supportive classroom environments for their students. Results indicate that teachers are not knowledgeable of the contents of their school's anti-bullying policy, and have had limited exposure to the policy through training specific to their school's anti-bullying policy. Similar results occurred when teachers and administrators were questioned about their awareness of trainings specific to the prevention of bullying against LGBT youth, posing significant barriers to effective policy implementation. In addition, interview data suggests that although teachers lack the sufficient support in terms of training on the anti-bullying policy, there were multiple examples of teachers serving as advocates for LGBT youth in both their classrooms and in their schools more broadly. The displays of advocacy by teachers, in addition to the presence of district and school administrator support for LGBT students, serve as an example of how school districts can find ways to implement school policies, address bullying in their schools, and raise awareness for the unique experiences of LGBT youth in terms of bullying.
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Oliveira, Ana Amélia Penido. "As ruas em disputa : entre o direito ao protesto e a perturbação da ordem /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/180879.
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Orientadora: Suzeley Kalil MathiasBanca: Marina Gisela Vitelli
Banca: Priscila Carlos Brandão
Banca: Tatiana Berringer
Banca: Luiz Otávio Ribas
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: No arcabouço normativo internacional dos direitos humanos, em particular aquele elaborado pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), as lutas sociais são protegidas pelos direitos à liberdade de expressão e pelo direito de reunião e associação pacíficas. As ações têm métodos e formas diversas, mas em comum possuem o desejo de chamar a atenção da sociedade de forma geral para determinado tema. A possibilidade de contestação da ordem vigente e de reivindicação de demandas sociais por meio da ação política são elementos fundamentais de uma sociedade democrática e entendidos como instrumentos para a concretização de outros direitos humanos fundamentais e da cidadania. Neste trabalho, são apresentados exemplos positivos de como lidar com as lutas sociais em diversos países no mundo. Por outro lado, existem segmentos da sociedade, entre eles as forças de segurança, nos quais predomina a ideia das lutas sociais como perturbadoras da ordem, e os direitos humanos como impedimentos ao bom desenvolvimento do trabalho na área de segurança. O Brasil vive um ambiente de crescimento da crise política, da crise na segurança, da militarização do Estado e de aumento das lutas sociais. Quando o Estado lança mão da violência para lidar com situações de conflito social, violações aos direitos humanos de várias naturezas são cometidas pelo Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Com o emprego das forças armadas de forma policial, as crises anteriores não... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: In the international normative framework of human rights, in particular that elaborated by the United Nations (UN) and the Organization of American States (OAS), social struggles are protected by the rights to freedom of expression and the right to peaceful assembly and association. The actions have different methods and forms, but in common they have the desire to draw the attention of society in general to a certain theme. The possibility of challenging the current order and claiming social demands through political action are fundamental elements of a democratic society and understood as instruments for the realization of other fundamental human rights and citizenship. In this paper, positive examples of how to deal with social struggles in different countries around the world are presented. On the other hand, there are segments of society, including the security forces, in which the idea of social struggles prevails as disturbing order, and human rights as impediments to the proper development of work in the area of security. Brazil is experiencing an environment of growing political crisis, the crisis in security, the militarization of the state and the increase of social struggles. When the State uses violence to deal with situations of social conflict, violations of human rights of various natures are committed by the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. With the use of the armed forces by police forces, previous crises are not resolved, the confusion between defense ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: En el marco normativo internacional de los derechos humanos, en particular el elaborado por las Naciones Unidas (ONU) y la organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA), las luchas sociales están protegidas por los derechos a la libertad de expresión y el derecho de reunión y asociación pacífica. Las acciones tienen diferentes métodos y formas, pero en común tienen el deseo de llamar la atención de la sociedad de una manera general para un tema dado. La posibilidad de impugnación del orden actual y de reclamar demandas sociales através de la acción política son elementos fundamentales de una sociedad democrática y entendida como instrumentos para la realización de otros derechos humanos fundamentales y de la ciudadanía. Este documento presenta ejemplos positivos de cómo lidiar con las luchas sociales en varios países de todo el mundo. Por otro lado, hay segmentos de la sociedad, entre ellos las fuerzas de seguridad, en las que predomina la idea de las luchas sociales como perturbar el orden, y los derechos humanos como impedimentos para el buen desarrollo del trabajo en el ámbito de la seguridad. Brasil está experimentando un entorno de crecimiento en la crisis política, la crisis de seguridad, la militarización del estado y el aumento de las luchas sociales. Cuando el estado lanza la violencia para hacer frente a situaciones de conflicto social, las violaciones de derechos humanos de diversas naturalezas son cometidas por el Ejecutivo, la Legislatura y el poder Judicial. Con ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
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Nascimento, Rosangela Eugenia Gonçalves. "A comunicação pública como política e aliada estratégica nas políticas públicas para a segurança pública: Pronasci/Protejo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2404.
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Previous issue date: 2013-06-05Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This research has a structural cutout dealing with public communication for public policies of the public safety program Pronasci/Protejo a Youth Protection Project in Vulnerable Territory of the Justice Department. Thus, this work will be divided into three chapters: the two first reflections and criticisms has been made about of both public safety and communications. In the last chapter there are reflections, sometimes analytical and sometimes critical, and maps of the historical and lawful contexts that contributed between the public communication and the public safety and points the public communications as one of the ways to achieve public policies objectives
Esta pesquisa tem um recorte estrutural que trata da comunicação pública para as políticas públicas de segurança pública do programa Pronasci/Protejo Projeto de Proteção dos Jovens em Território Vulnerável do Ministério da Justiça. Assim, este trabalho será dividido em três capítulos: nos dois primeiros foram feitas reflexões e críticas acerca dos marcos histórico e das teorias tanto para a segurança pública como para comunicação. No último capítulo, a reflexão, ora analítica e ora crítica, mapeia os contextos históricos e legais que contribuíram para a interface entre a comunicação pública e a segurança pública, e aponta a comunicação pública como um dos caminhos para alcançar os objetivos das políticas públicas
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Hsu, Jen-Shuo, and 許仁碩. "Rethinking The Legal System of Policing Protest in Taiwan: Focusing on Protest Policing and Anti-repression Strategy after Party Alternation." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/54176155520112641396.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
法律學研究所
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This research seeks to describe the problem in the current legal system in policing protests and find a way of reforming the problem by examining the interaction between the police and protesters in a critical view. The examination includes the historical background of Taiwan’s public structure transformation, especially party alternation, and how it affects the institutional and cultural factors of the police system that frames the practice of protest policing. Conversely, through examining the anti-repression strategy of protesters, this research seeks to find the limits and loopholes in the legal system which undermine the accountability and controllability of protest policing. Based on the analysis of the above, the solution for reforming the legal system will be proposed.
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Warner, Cody W. McCarthy John D. "Policing civil disobedience physical intervention protest events and state social control /." 2008. http://etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-2764/index.html.
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Pereira, Diogo Felipe Silva. "Manutenção da ordem pública em Portugal: legitimidade da acção policial (2010-2014)." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19249.
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Conflict between police and demonstrators influences the way citizens perceive security forces and the democratic institutions. Often, when police needs to resort to coercive force to keep public order, it means the failing of upholding the state’s duty to protect its citizens. Protest policing is therefore subject to the attention of scholars and researchers from fields of studies going from social movements to police studies. Nevertheless, literature has been lacking in addressing the dynamics of the Portuguese protest policing. The recent protest cycle from 2010 to 2014 spiked scholars’ curiosity towards the subject, maybe due to its nature, counting with an exponentially high number of protest events and the appearance of new actors with new ways to organize and mobilize. This master thesis aims to understand another dynamic of this protest cycle: the perception protesters and police officers have of police intervention. This aim will be pursued through the analysis of one hundred and seventy-eight (178) protest events in Lisbon, that allowed to identify the actors, motivations and targets involved in protest, as well the role of police. The completion of five (5) interviews to protest promoters and to four (4) police officers will allow to paint the actors’ perception of legitimate police intervention.O conflito entre manifestantes e Polícia influencia a forma como os cidadãos entendem a Polícia e as instituições democráticas, visto que o uso da força pode significar o quebrar da missão que o Estado tem de proteger os cidadãos. Não é por isso de admirar que a manutenção da ordem pública seja um tópico de tanto interesse para a literatura, intercalando-se com movimentos sociais, estudos policiais, entre outros. No entanto, a literatura tem falhado em incluir na sua análise o caso português, talvez por durante muito tempo não existir uma tradição de protesto regular. O mais recente ciclo de protestos, de 2010 a 2014, veio mudar essa perspetiva, com o registo de milhares de protestos e o surgimento de novos atores de contestação. Esta dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo comparar e compreender a perceção que manifestantes e policias têm da ação policial neste ciclo, ao mesmo tempo que caracteriza o ciclo com base nos seus atores, motivações e alvos, bem como o papel da polícia. Este objectivo é alcançado através da análise de 178 eventos de protesto em Lisboa, bem como através de entrevistas a 5 promotores de eventos e 4 agentes de polícia.
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Tuzza, Simone. "Police et politique dans la gestion des foules : un cas d’étude." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25236.
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Cette thèse propose un regard nouveau sur la relation entre police et politique afin de combler un manque de connaissance sur la tâche la plus « politique » du travail de police : la gestion des foules. Pour ce faire, l’objectif de la recherche vise donc à répondre à une problématique principale que l’on peut synthétiser ainsi : comment la police perçoit-elle les demandes des autorités gouvernementales et dans quelle mesure les policiers adhèrent-ils à leur rôle lors de la gestion des foules ? Pour répondre à cette question centrale, des sous-questionnements ont été formulés visant à comprendre : a) le fonctionnement de la chaine de commandement lors la gestion des foules en Italie, b) en ce qui concerne la chaine de commandement et au niveau du terrain, comment la police interprète son mandat face au maintien de l’ordre public; c) si la police (cadres dirigeants et agents sur le terrain) et les autorités gouvernementales partagent la même vision de la gestion de l’ordre public (ou non); d) et, si les attentes des autorités politique sont satisfaites par la police dans le mandat de la gestion de l’ordre public. Il s'agissait donc, non pas de définir le phénomène analysé, mais de mettre en évidence certaines de ses dimensions, ou plutôt, celles qui apparaissent moins explorées dans la littérature sur le sujet. Afin de répondre à ces questions, ce travail avancera une lecture de la police qui s’éloignera à la fois du critère de l’autonomie et de celui de la filiation de la police au pouvoir étatique (Brodeur, 1984). Selon la perspective interprétative de ce texte, les institutions policières font partie intégrante de la société, participent à ses tentatives d'organisation politique et de gouvernance (Palidda, 2010 ; 2000) et agissent en tant qu’« entrepreneurs moraux », en accord et de concert avec les institutions politiques (Becker, 1966). Du point de vue méthodologique, cette étude s’appuie sur 14 entrevues individuelles avec des membres des forces de police italiennes et des politiciens, 189 transcriptions de témoignages de policiers et politiciens dans le cadre du procès contre les manifestants No Tav, ainsi que sur 77 articles de presse. Traitant du rapport entre police et pouvoir politique qui semble être présent lors du policing protest, cette recherche a pour but ultime de comprendre comment la police résout les multiples tensions qui parcourent sa profession et qui sont particulièrement prégnantes dans le cadre de mobilisations citoyennes d’envergure, entre maintien de l’ordre et respect de la liberté d’expression ; mais aussi entre une police au service des citoyens et une police politique. En d’autres termes, cette étude essaye de mettre en lumière la complexité et les interconnexions du rôle de la police face à la gestion des foules, et en rapport à la politique. Le fil rouge que ce texte fera progressivement apparaître est celui du lien privilégié
II
que le pouvoir politique instaure avec l’institution policière ainsi que le processus à l’origine de cette interaction. Pour ce faire, l’étude partira d'une analyse des différentes fonctions au sein de la chaîne de commandement de la police et en poursuivant la recherche de points de connexion avec l’univers politique – non seulement à l'intérieur des institutions policières, mais aussi à l'extérieur dans le cadre politique de référence où le lien entre police et politique trouve un terrain fertile, se nourrit et vienne se concrétiser –, axera l'analyse sur les aspects critiques que ce rapport amène au niveau opérationnel de la police. On constate que les exigences du pouvoir politique ont une influence directe dans les choix technico-opérationnels de la police, bien supérieure à ce que l’on aurait imaginé au départ. Cette étude dévoile une image relativement méconnue d’une police italienne qui doit se confronter aux enjeux des autorités gouvernementales afin de mener son mandat de maintien de l’ordre public. Autrement dit, la prétendue indépendance et la professionnalisation de la police italienne se révèlent inachevées et constituent un point sensible, surtout lorsqu'il s'agit d'analyser le fonctionnement du maintien de l'ordre public. Il s'ensuit que l'image de la police comme un organisme professionnel, indépendant et maître de ses propres choix opérationnels, doit être remise en cause, du moins en ce qui concerne le cas italien en question.In order to fill a lack of knowledge about the most “political” task of police work: policing protest, this thesis proposes a new perspective on the relationship between police and politics. In order to do so, the objective of the research is to answer a main problem that can be summarized as follows: how do the police perceive the demands of governmental authorities and to what extent do police officers adhere to their role during policing protest? To answer this central question, sub-questions have been formulated to understand : a) the functioning of the chain of command during policing protest in Italy; b) with regard to the chain of command and at the field level, how the police interpret their mandate in relation to the management of public order; c) whether the police (both management and field agents) and government authorities share the same vision of public order management (or not); d) and, if expectations of the political authorities are met by the police in the mandate of public order activities. The aim was therefore not to define the phenomenon being analysed, but to highlight some of its dimensions, or rather, those that appear less explored in the literature on the subject. In order to answer these questions, this work will put forward a reading of the police which will move away from both the criterion of autonomy and that of the police's filiation to State power (Brodeur, 1984). According to the interpretative perspective of this text, police institutions are an integral part of society, participate in its attempts at political organization and governance (Palidda, 2010; 2000) and act as “moral entrepreneurs”, in agreement and in concert with political institutions (Becker, 1966). From a methodological point of view, this study is based on 14 face-to-face interviews with members of the Italian police force and politicians, 189 transcripts of testimonies of police officers and politicians in the trial against the No Tav demonstrators, as well as 77 press articles. Discussing the relationship between the police and political power that seems to be present during policing protests, the ultimate goal of this research is to understand how the police resolve the multiple tensions that run through their profession and which are particularly prevalent in the context of large-scale citizen mobilizations, between policing and respect for freedom of expression; but also between a police force at the service of citizens and a political police force. In other words, this study attempts to highlight the complexity and interconnections of the role of the police facing policing protest, and in relation to politics. The common thread that this text will gradually reveal is the privileged link that the political power establishes with the police institution and the process at the origin of this interaction. In order to do so, the study will start from an analysis of the different functions within the police IV chain of command and by continuing the search for points of connection with the political universe - not only within the police institutions, but also outside in the political frame of reference where the link between police and politics finds fertile ground, is nourished and comes to fruition -, the analysis will focus on the critical aspects that this relationship brings to the operational level of the police. It can be seen that the demands of political power have a direct influence on the technical-operational choices of the police, much more than one would have imagined at the outset. This study reveals a relatively unknown image of an Italian police force which must face the challenges of government authorities in order to carry out its mandate of maintaining public order. In other words, the alleged independence and professionalization of the Italian police is unfinished business and is a sensitive issue, especially when it comes to analysing the functioning of policing protest. It follows that the image of the police as a professional body, independent and in control of its own operational choices, must be called into question, at least as far as the Italian case in question is concerned.
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Madima, Khethiwe. "Evaluation of Public Order Policing Strategies during Violent Service Delivery Protests: A case of Vuwani in Vhembe District, Limpopo Province." Diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1320.
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MA.CRMDepartment of Criminal Justice
The policing response to increasing violent community violent protests in South Africa has received global attention in the last decade. The study was conducted with a backdrop of increased concern over skirmish and sporadic fighting and violence during service delivery protests. Criticisms have been voiced by various role-players in violent protests concerning arrests, injuries and killing of civilians by police during these demonstrations. Hence the study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of POP strategies in curbing common acts of violence during violent protests particularly in Vuwani area of Vhembe District, Limpopo Province. The study adopted a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative method). Purposive sampling was used to select POP officials wherein Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were conducted in 9 difference POP units, each FGD was comprised of approximately 5 members which total to 45 POP members. A total of 200 questionnaires were randomly distributed to community members of Vuwani within 5 were found invalid. Quantitative Data was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) and qualitative data was analysed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that (86,2%) of participants believed that Vuwani protest was caused by municipal demarcation issues. The favourite methods of protests include littering with (80,0 %) and burning tyres with (76,4%) of participants. A total of (52,8%) community members argued that police presence perpetuate violence during service delivery protest. Common crimes that occurred during the protests was vandalism with (82,6%) and arson with (81,0%). Furthermore, (83,6%) community members agrees that rubber bullets was used as a strategy by the police at Vuwani protests. The overwhelming majority of participants with 80,0% believe that negotiation during protests can curb death and injuries. On the other hand, the study finds that POP official strategies start by negotiating with the protestors, identifying the leader, use of water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets as the last resort. Further emphasized that lack of manpower and resources are barriers that hinders effective policing of violent service delivery protests. It is therefore recommended that provision of resource and recruitment of manpower should be taken as a first priority by the SAPS national office. Lastly, the public should be educated about police presence during violent service delivery protests.
NRF
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Lafleur, Sylvain. "Analyse foucaldienne du dispositif policier à l'ère des manifestations altermondialistes et assembléistes." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11993.
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Cette thèse poursuit la réflexion de Foucault sur les « sociétés de sécurité » en abordant le thème de l’inflexion des (in)conduites des « sujets interstitiels » : les individus qui s’inscrivent en marge du pouvoir politique et qui par leurs revendications et leurs présences suscitent des inquiétudes, provoquent des dérangements. Plus précisément, elle interroge l’histoire de la police et les stratégies de gestion des manifestations pour dégager les facteurs menant, dans la foulée des grandes mobilisations altermondialistes, à l’adoption de l’incapacitation stratégique. Sur le plan méthodologique et théorique, elle convoque les réflexions de Foucault sur la police, la loi et la communication pour élaborer un cadre à partir duquel les travaux des sociologues des manifestations et des historiens de la police, portant sur l’évolution du contrôle des foules, seront interrogés dans l’objectif de dégager les tendances « lourdes » et la rationalité policière (et étatique) marquant le maintien de l’ordre contemporain. De même, elle examine des lois encadrant les manifestations pour mettre en lumière que celles-ci sont le fruit de tactiques permettant d’accroître la puissance d’action de leurs « convocateurs ». En parallèle à cette réflexion sur les caractéristiques de la ratio sécuritaire actuelle et sur les tactiques de contrôle, cette thèse identifie les principaux objets utilisés pour circonscrire les pratiques manifestantes afin d’en dégager leurs « fonctions », mais aussi, de relever les indices permettant de schématiser les relations constitutives du dispositif policier. Ainsi, en plus de réaliser une « analytique du présent », cette thèse explicite un diagramme de pouvoir.This thesis pursues Foucault's reflections on the "security society" through an investigation into the theme of the modulation of the conduct of "interstitials subjects": individuals on the margins of powers whose presence and demands provoke concern and threaten the social order. More precisely, the thesis investigates the history of police and its strategies of crowd control as they lead to the adoption of a strategy of "preventive incapacitation," the aftermath of anti-globalization protests. On a theoretical and methodological level, the thesis draws on Foucault's theories of the police, law, and communication, in dialogue with the work of sociologists of social movements and historians of police, with the aim of better understanding the "hard" tendencies and (State) rationality characteristizing today's policing. The thesis will also examine the laws concerning protests, in order to shed light on how their implementation augments the power of those with the authority to enact them. Furthering these analyses of the ratio of security and the tactics of control, the thesis identifies the principal objects and objectives employed to circumscribe the actions of protesters. This is done in order to reconceptualize the different functions now fulfilled by policing and to schematize the constitutive relations of the contemporary police apparatus. The overall aim of the thesis is to produce an "analytic of the present" of policing, and more generally to elaborate a "diagram" of power.
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Doumbia, Nabi Y. "Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16007.
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Pérusse-Roy, Maude. "Police et manifestantes : une étude qualitative sur l'expérience des femmes en action de protestation." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21972.
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Pillay, Daniel. "An analysis of the policing of service delivery protests in the Free State." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22695.
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Text in EnglishThe study investigated the policing of service delivery protests in South Africa with specific reference to Free State province. Failure by local governments to provide basic services to the previously disadvantaged South Africans has led to a number of service delivery protests taking place. The manner in which these protests are managed by the police in South Africa more especially the Public Order Police who are specialists in this field, raises concerns. One would perceive that the police are losing the battle in dealing with protest action for they are criticised for their brutal tactics in quelling the violence. This brutal handling of protesters dates back to the apartheid era and not much has changed contrary to the expectations of a newly formed democratic country. This therefore led to the investigation as to why the police in South Africa fail to contain such protest actions. The South African Police Services (SAPS) as it is known in a democratic South Africa employed tactics from international countries in order to introduce more professionalism in the SAPS. Although better tactics have been introduced, this did not seem to improve the situation because not only are properties destroyed but many lives are also lost through police action. The researcher conducted his investigation in the central part of South Africa in the Free State Province concentrating in the three main areas; namely Bloemfontein, Welkom and Bethlehem where the Public Order Police units are based. The investigation resulted in the researcher arriving at the conclusion that there are a number of challenges that are experienced by the SAPS when dealing with protests and the main problem identified was that of a shortage of manpower. This problem create challenges when it came to managing the number of protests taking place and exacerbated by not allowing the police to use the tactics that they were trained in. As much as we acknowledge these challenges, there are best practices that can be learnt from international countries. The crowd psychology strategies applied by the Swedish police as well as the high tolerance level of the British police, are the good practices that can be recommended in dealing with protests in South Africa.
Police Practice
M.Tech. (Policing)
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"The Emotional Impact of Anti-Immigration Policies on Latino Youth and Latino Immigrant Parents’ Efforts to Protect Their Youth." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.29889.
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abstract: The Arizona legislature has enacted a number of anti-immigrant policies which negatively impact Latino immigrant families. The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of Latino parents on how anti-immigration policies emotionally impact their children and how they believe they can protect their children from the harmful effects of such policies. Secondary data analysis was conducted based on in-depth semi structured interviews completed with a sample of 54 Latino immigrant parents residing in the state of Arizona. Grounded theory methods informed the analysis process. A constant comparative approach was used to complete initial and focused coding. Findings indicate that Latino immigrant parents observed a range of behavioral changes in their children following the passage of anti-immigrant legislature. Parents reported that the emotional impact they observed stemmed from children's social interactions in their home, school, and community environments as well as through their exposure to the media. Latino youth experienced emotional impact is summarized in the following themes, concern and sense of responsibility; fear and hypervigilance; sadness and crying; and depression. Findings further demonstrated that parents protected Latino youth from anti-immigration policies directly and indirect ways by focusing on children's safety and well-being (let children live their childhood, be prepared, send messages), building parents capacity (pursue education, obtain papers), and engaging in change efforts at the community level (be proactive). Parents indicated that by engaging in these efforts they could protect their children, and counter the negative effects of anti-immigrant policies. Implications for social work practice to better advocate and serve Latino youth at the individual, family, and community level are discussed.Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Social Work 2015
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Mokebe, Thabo. "Implementation of waste management policy in the City of Tshwane." Diss., 2018. http://uir.unisa.ac.za/handle/10500/25647.
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The City of Tshwane is the capital city of South Africa and the administrative seat of government. The status of the city as a capital creates high expectations on the level of basic service delivery on municipal services like waste management, water, electricity and health. The city is currently facing challenges in relation to the delivery and implementation of waste management services. In an attempt to find solutions to the waste management challenges of the city a study on the implementation of waste management services is undertaken by the researcher. The study identifies and then analyses the underlying reasons for the challenges faced by the City of Tshwane in the implementation of waste management services.
This aim of this study was to investigate and to analyse the implementation of waste management services in the City of Tshwane’s historically disadvantaged areas with particular focus on Region 01, 02, 05 and 07. In order to investigate these factors, a descriptive research design and qualitative methodology was used which related to convenient and purposive sampling of officials and data collected from fifteen (15) respondents using semi structured interviews and observations. The study also utilised document analysis to interpret the challenges and solutions related to the research topic.
It emerged from the study that a lack of capacity and resources to perform efficient waste management services underpinned many of the challenges experience by the city. The failure of the city to ensure community participation and involvement is another reason for the challenges the city faces in waste management. Furthermore, the lack of policy implementation and enforcement is an element that the city needs to deeply consider. When policy is crafted with input of residents and when there is a social contract as to the roles and responsibilities of each party, it becomes easier to enforce.
Some of the challenges that the city faces with regards to waste management can also be attributed to political interference and institutional deficiencies. Beyond issues like capacity, institutions and others, the city will continue to face challenges if it does not seriously invest in innovation and new technologies that address its generic and specific conditions in relation to the management of waste.
The marginalisation and selective enforcement of by-laws on the informal recyclers and reclaimers are some of the findings of the study that demonstrate the inability of the city to find specific solutions to specifics regions on waste management .These challenges resulted in the peri urban regions like region 01, 02, 05 and 07 not receiving quality and consistent waste management services.
The study recommends some interventions to address the waste management problems identified in the highlighted regions and entire City of Tshwane. Some of the recommended interventions include, assessing the unique characteristics of the communities and regions with a view of identifying waste management solutions that will be relevant for the circumstances and profile of such regions, ensure that proper and adequate resources, infrastructure and capacity is deployed to such areas to improve the waste services in those areas. Furthermore aggressive education and awareness campaigns conducted in partnership with communities will be critical to change people’s attitude towards waste management and a clean environment. This can be achieved through a consultative process led by the City of Tshwane in partnership with its communities and enforced through a progressive and incentive driven by-law system.Public Administration and Management
M.P.A. (Master of Public Administration)