Journal articles: 'Protest policing'

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Wood, Lesley. "Policing counter‐protest." Sociology Compass 14, no. 11 (September 12, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12833.

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Porta, Donatella della. "The policing of protest." African Studies 56, no. 1 (January 1997): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020189708707862.

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Snell, Liz. "Protest, Protection & Policing." Alternative Law Journal 33, no. 3 (September 2008): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x0803300310.

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Jackson, Will, Joanna Gilmore, and Helen Monk. "Policing unacceptable protest in England and Wales: A case study of the policing of anti-fracking protests." Critical Social Policy 39, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317753087.

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In recent years public order policing policy in England and Wales has undergone significant changes. A ‘human rights compliant’ model of protest policing has been developed since 2009 and this article makes a contribution to the body of academic work considering the impact of these changes on operational policing. Drawing upon a longitudinal case study of the policing of protests against ‘fracking’ in Salford, Greater Manchester, in 2013–14, the article contrasts post-2009 policy and academic discourses on protest policing with the experiences of anti-fracking protesters. To develop this assessment, the article also draws attention to previously unexplored definitions of acceptable and unacceptable protest set out by police in more recent policy, and considers the extent to which these definitions are reflected in the police response to anti-fracking protest. The article suggests that a police commitment to a human rights approach to protest facilitation is, at least in the case of anti-fracking protest, contingent on the focus and form of political activism.

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Howe, Miles, and Jeffrey Monaghan. "Strategic Incapacitation of Indigenous Dissent: Crowd Theories, Risk Management, and Settler Colonial Policing." Canadian Journal of Sociology 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs29397.

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Engaging scholarship from sociologies of security to protest policing, this article explores how risk management and actuarial tools have been operationalized in Canadian policing of Indigenous protests. We detail RCMP actuarial tools used to assess individual and group risk by tracing how these techniques are representative of much older trends in the criminal justice system surrounding the management of risk, but also have been advanced by contemporary databanking and surveillance capacities. Contesting public claims of police impartiality and objectivity, we highlight how the construction of riskiness produces an antagonism towards “successful” Indigenous protests. Though the RCMP regularly claim to “protect and facilitate the right to lawful advocacy, protest and dissent,” we show how these practices of strategic incapacitation exhibit highly antagonistic forms of policing that are grounded in a rationality that seeks to demobilize and delegitimize Indigenous social movements.

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Earl, Jennifer, Sarah A. Soule, and John D. McCarthy. "Protest under Fire? Explaining the Policing of Protest." American Sociological Review 68, no. 4 (August 2003): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519740.

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Soule, Sarah, and Christian Davenport. "Velvet Glove, Iron Fist, or Even Hand? Protest Policing in the United States, 1960-1990." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y01123143t231q66.

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Most scholars of social movements agree that since the 1960s protest policing in the United States has decreased in severity. Yet this characterization runs counter to sociolegal arguments that virtually all forms of state social control have become more forceful. We maintain that both of these arguments obfuscate what is really of essence to policing of protest: the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police. We examine U.S. protest policing over the 1960-1990 period and show that while it is generally true that aggressive policing is less likely following the 1960s, threatening protests are always policed aggressively, regardless of the period. The findings suggest that general claims about the increasing or decreasing severity of policing over time are less useful than are arguments about the character of the protest event and the level of threat posed to police officers.

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Baker, David. "Paradoxes of Policing and Protest." Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 3, no. 2 (August 2008): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18335300.2008.9686911.

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Gilmore, Joanna. "Policing protest: An authoritarian consensus." Criminal Justice Matters 82, no. 1 (December 2010): 21–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627251.2010.525926.

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Juska, Arunas, and Charles Woolfson. "Policing political protest in Lithuania." Crime, Law and Social Change 57, no. 4 (January 26, 2012): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-012-9363-4.

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Mead, David. "Policing Protest in a Pandemic." King's Law Journal 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2021.1885323.

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Monk, Helen, and Will Jackson. "Out of place: women’s experiences of policing in protest spaces." Journal of Gender-Based Violence 4, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 309–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/239868020x15985448282097.

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This article considers women’s experiences of policing at anti-fracking protests at Barton Moss, Salford, which took place between November 2013 and April 2014. Specifically, the article examines the spatial dynamics of the policing of women and argues that the policing of protest demands feminist analysis. Drawing upon narratives collected from women protesters at Barton Moss, which explore experiences of sexual violence perpetrated by police, we argue that the protest site needs to be considered as a space that facilitates violence against women. Understanding the specifics of the Barton Moss protest as an extended protest situation characterised by direct action protest and an intense and often violent police response, we suggest that women’s experiences of policing were a product of the spatial and temporal dynamics of the protest and policing operation. We consider the protest site as a productive, institutional space within which police violence takes a specifically gendered form enabling the control of those women deemed to be out of place. In turn, we argue that the women at Barton Moss were considered by the police to be transgressing the socio-geographical boundaries which establish the dominant cultural and social order and were thus responded to as disruptive and disorderly subjects.

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Roberts, Benjamin James, Narnia Bohler-Muller, Jare Struwig, Steven Lawrence Gordon, Ngqapheli Mchunu, Samela Mtyingizane, and Carin Runciman. "Protest Blues: Public opinion on the policing of protest in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 62 (December 13, 2017): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2017/v0n62a3040.

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The policing response to rising protest action in the country has received increased attention in the last decade. This is particularly owing to concerns over confrontations during which protesters have been arrested, injured and in some instances killed by the police. Despite the criticism voiced by various stakeholders about the manner in which the police manage crowd gatherings, relatively little is known about the views of South African adults on the policing of protest action and the factors that shape such attitudes. To provide some insight, this article draws on data from a specialised module on protest-related attitudes and behaviour that was fielded as part of the 2016 round of the Human Sciences Research Council’s South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) series. This nationally representative survey included specific questions probing the public’s overall evaluation of the performance of the police in dealing with protests, and the justifiability of the use of force in policing protest action. The article will present a national picture of people’s views on the policing of protest, based on these measures, and then determine the extent to which there are distinct underlying socio-demographic cleavages in these data. A combination of bivariate and multivariate analysis is undertaken in order to understand how perceptions of effectiveness, acceptability and reported participation in protest (especially disruptive and violent actions) shape people’s views regarding policing of protest. The article concludes with a discussion that reflects on the implications of the research for the policing of protest action in future, given the appreciable rise in the incidence of protest since the mid-2000s and the mounting tensions between state institutions and communities over the political, moral and constitutional arguments for and against such actions.

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Monk, Helen, Joanna Gilmore, and William Jackson. "Gendering Pacification: Policing Women at Anti-fracking Protests." Feminist Review 122, no. 1 (July 2019): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778919847461.

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This article seeks to consider the policing of anti-fracking protests at Barton Moss, Salford, from November 2013 to April 2014. We argue that women at Barton Moss were considered by the police to be transgressing the socio-geographical boundaries that establish the dominant cultural and social order, and were thus responded to as disruptive and disorderly subjects. The article draws upon recent work on pacification, which views police power as having both destructive and productive dimensions, to consider the impact of police violence on women involved in protest. We seek to explore the ways in which this violence impacts not only on those involved in protest but also those on the peripheries. The article suggests that the threat and use of sexual violence by police towards women aims to enforce compliance within the protest movement and to send a message, specifically to those on the fringes of the movement, that protest is illegitimate and inherently dangerous. As such, sexual violence forms part of the social production and construction of gender and is instrumental in the making and remaking of subjectivities. The case study suggests that police brutality towards women at Barton Moss, therefore, operated as a disciplinary function to regulate acceptable forms of protest and acceptable forms of femininity.

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Smith, A. T. H. "MAY DAY, MAY DAY - POLICING PROTEST." Cambridge Law Journal 67, no. 1 (March 2008): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197308000196.

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Marat, Erica. "Policing Public Protest in Central Asia." Central Asian Affairs 1, no. 1 (April 18, 2014): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00101003.

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While Central Asia’s Soviet-era physical infrastructure crumbles, and the quality and availability of public healthcare and education decline, the police remain the one institution that controls the state’s most remote territories. This article argues that, over the past two decades, the functions of Central Asian police forces have become increasingly punitive. Their negative influence was particularly visible in the aftermath of public protests in the 2000–2010s that resulted in fatal clashes between police units and civilian population. These watershed events were followed by government decisions to overhaul their police forces to preempt a recurrence of public protest. Depending on how willing the incumbent regimes are to control political dissent and how capable the state is in performing these control functions, changes in the Interior Ministries follow. When political will is matched by the economic and administrative resource of the state, policing functions are distributed among additional state institutions. But when the regime lacks the resources to upgrade policing techniques to the desired level, it almost always requests international support to facilitate police reform.

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Wall, Illan rua. "Policing Atmospheres: Crowds, Protest and ‘Atmotechnics’." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419829200.

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Smith, William. "Policing Democracy: Race, Riots and Protest." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 3 (September 2015): 774–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715001334.

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O'Brien, Thomas. "Collective Violence, Democracy and Protest Policing." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.942133.

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Nassauer, Anne. "Effective crowd policing: empirical insights on avoiding protest violence." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 38, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-06-2014-0065.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to connect sociology, criminology, and social psychology to identify specific factors that keep protests peaceful, discusses empirical examples of effective peacekeeping, and develops practical peacekeeping guidelines. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis systematically compared 30 peaceful and violent protests in the USA and Germany to identify peaceful interaction routines and how they are disrupted. It employed a triangulation of visual and document data on each demonstration, analyzing over 1,000 documents in total. The paper relies on qualitative analysis based on the principles of process tracing. Findings – Results show that specific interaction sequences and emotional dynamics can break peaceful interaction routines and trigger violence. Single interactions do not break these routines, but certain combinations do. Police forces and protesters need to avoid these interaction dynamics to keep protests peaceful. Communication between both sides and good police management are especially important. Research limitations/implications – The paper highlights the need to examine the role of situational interactions and emotional dynamics for the emergence and avoidance of protest violence more closely. Practical implications – Findings have implications for police practice and training and for officers’ and protesters’ safety. Originality/value – Employing recent data and an interdisciplinary approach, the study systematically analyzes peacekeeping in protests, developing guidelines for protest organizers and police.

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Gorringe, Hugo, Michael Rosie, David Waddington, and Margarita Kominou. "Facilitating ineffective protest? The policing of the 2009 Edinburgh NATO protests." Policing and Society 22, no. 2 (June 2012): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2011.605260.

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Lai Hang Hui, Dennis, and Ryan Chi Yan Au. "Police legitimacy and protest policing: a case study of Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2014-0030.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the interplay between police legitimacy and protest policing with reference to the case of Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach – This study will review the concepts of police legitimacy and protest policing and examine the evolving policing practices in Hong Kong since 2010. Findings – The study argues that the increasing polarisation of society could render policing protest a potential source of problem for sustaining police legitimacy. Originality/value – This is a pioneering study that looks at the interplay between police legitimacy and protest policing.

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Kochel, Tammy Rinehart. "Protest policing by black police officers: double marginality and collateral consequences." Policing: An International Journal 43, no. 4 (July 3, 2020): 659–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-02-2020-0031.

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PurposeDrawing from representative bureaucracy theory, hiring minority police officers has been a perpetual reform recommendation for improving tense police-community relationships with minority communities since the 1960s. The expectation is that minority officers will provide active/symbolic representation, but little is known about minority officers' experiences during racially tense situations. This paper examines whether black officers experienced double marginality in the context of prolonged protests against police in Ferguson, MO in 2014 and compares black vs. nonblack officers' self-assessments about their preparedness to handle the crisis, procedural justice during the crisis and mental and emotional effects on officers following protest policing.Design/methodology/approachIn-depth interviews with 45 police personnel who policed the Ferguson protests provide a rich description of the context and experiences through the lens of police officers. Surveys of 218 officers who conducted protest policing in Ferguson are used to compare the impact on black vs. non-black officers.FindingsThe results provide a detailed portrayal of the double marginality experienced by black officers while policing the Ferguson protests, but also demonstrate that black officers were resilient to the effects of that experience, showing significantly more favorable outcomes than their nonblack peers.Originality/valueThis is the only study to utilize a mixed methods approach with police officers who conducted protest policing to understand officers' experiences in the midst of a racially inflamed context. The findings provide support for policymakers interested in advocating and supporting hiring more minorities in policing.

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Passavant, Paul A. "Policing Protest in the Post-Fordist City." Amsterdam Law Forum 2, no. 1 (December 14, 2009): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37974/alf.104.

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Rak, Joanna. "Policing Protest in the Austerity-driven Slovenia." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (April 2, 2019): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.1.11.

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Celem artykułu jest ocena polityki kontroli protestu w Słowenii w okresie wychodzenia z kryzysu ekonomicznego oraz weryfikacja analitycznej efektywności narzędzia do pomiaru kontroli protestu. Tekst prezentuje krytyczną dyskusję nad modelem teoretycznym składającym się z antynomicznych typów idealnych eskalowanej siły i negocjowanego kierowania autorstwa Donatelli della Porty i Herberta Reitera. Następnie, wykorzystuje je w roli narzędzia do zanalizowania słoweńskiego przypadku. W badaniu zastosowano jakościową metodę analizy źródeł opartą na konceptualnej jakościowej analizie zawartości, żeby rozwiązać następujące problemy badawcze: jaki model kontroli protestu wystąpił w Słowenii w okresie implementacji polityki surowości? I dlaczego kontrola przybrała taką formę? Studium pokazuje, że w Słowenii pojawił się model negocjowanego kierowania z elementami eskalowanej siły. Ten typ kontroli protestu wynikał z organizacyjnej dynamiki Słoweńskiej Policji Narodowej, która odznacza się dialektyką decentralizacji i hierarchicznego podporządkowania w oddziałach policji, efektywnym wykorzystywaniem możliwości koordynacji różnych grup działających w obrębie protestujących tłumów oraz pewnością co do celów interwencji

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Zajko, Mike, and Daniel Béland. "Space and Protest Policing at International Summits." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 26, no. 4 (August 2008): 719–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d0707.

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Earl, Jennifer, and Sarah Soule. "Seeing Blue: A Police-Centered Explanation of Protest Policing." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.2.u1wj8w41n301627u.

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Existing explanations of repression and the policing of protest focus on the interests of political elites, with research indicating that a chief predictor of state repression is the level of threat protesters pose to elite interests. However, prior research has only paid sporadic attention to how the institutional and organizational characteristics of local law enforcement agencies shape the character of protest policing. This article addresses this significant theoretical gap by developing a police-centered, or "blue," approach to protest policing. Using data on the policing of public protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973, this article finds support for the blue approach. Specifically, the situational threats posed by protesters to those agents who actually perform repression-local police-are critical predictors of police presence and action. Results also show some residual support for the role of elite threats in structuring repression.

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Smith, A. T. H. "POLICING PROTEST AFTER THE HUMAN RIGHTS ACT 1998." Cambridge Law Journal 63, no. 3 (November 2004): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197304246670.

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Earl, Jennifer. "Information Access and Protest Policing Post-9/11." American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 1 (August 12, 2009): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338784.

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Canella, Gino. "Crisis and control: the militarization of protest policing." Social Movement Studies 15, no. 5 (February 29, 2016): 544–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2016.1150164.

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El-Enany, Nadine. "Ferguson and the Politics of Policing Radical Protest." Law and Critique 26, no. 1 (February 2015): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10978-015-9151-2.

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DeMichele, Matthew. "Policing Protest Events: The Great Strike of 1877 and WTO Protests of 1999." American Journal of Criminal Justice 33, no. 1 (March 29, 2008): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12103-008-9032-4.

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Rosie, Michael, and Hugo Gorringe. "What a Difference a Death Makes: Protest, Policing and the Press at the G20." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 5 (November 2009): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2047.

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The casual observer of the controversy over policing at April 2009's G20 summit in London might have been forgiven for imagining that Britain's media serves as a bulwark against the abuse of power, fearlessly illuminating and condemning injustice. The publication of video footage and eye-witness accounts to heavy-handed protest policing has certainly raised the profile of this issue and led, concretely, to formal investigation of both individual police officers and to policing strategies more broadly. In this paper we examine the policing of protest, and in particular ‘anti-systemic’ protest, but also examine the role of the newspaper media in the interplay between police and protest. We argue that the media has often fomented and ignored the very ‘abuses’ they are now so eager to condemn. The key difference between coverage of the 2009 G20 summit and past such events, we contend, is the tragic death of an innocent bystander which has shifted the way in which the media has framed events.

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Rafail, Patrick. "Asymmetry in Protest Control? Comparing Protest Policing Patterns in Montreal, Toronto, And Vancouver, 1998-2004." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 489–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.4.p64822u83v032715.

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Scholars have argued that since the 1960s, protest policing in Western democracies has moved toward emphasizing cooperative relationships with challenging groups. This evolution is referred to as the negotiated management model of protest control. Much of the literature that informs this perspective is based on either analyses of a limited subset of demonstrations or from national-level observation. Few studies have examined whether negotiated management practices hold at city levels. This research examines city-level protest policing using 1,152 demonstrations occurring between 1998 and 2004 in Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver, Canada. Bayesian logistic regression models are estimated using arrests as the response variable. The main findings suggest that only protestor premobilization and the police use of force are uniformly related to arrests; that there is considerable variation across cities; and that the larger pattern of results is not consistent with negotiated management practices.

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Lee, Murray. "Policing the Pedal Rebels: A Case Study of Environmental Activism Under COVID-19." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.1887.

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Australia, along with nation-states internationally, has entered a new phase of environmentally focused activism, with globalised, coordinated and social media–enabled environmental social movements seeking to address human-induced climate change and related issues such as the mass extinction of species and land clearing. Some environmental protest groups such as Extinction Rebellion (XR) have attracted significant political, media and popular commentary for their sometimes theatrical and disruptive forms of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience. Drawing on green and cultural criminology, this article constitutes an autoethnographic account of environmental protest during the final stages of the initial COVID-19 lockdown in NSW, Australia. It takes as a case study a small protest by an XR subgroup called the Pedal Rebels. The article explores the policing of environmental protest from an activist standpoint, highlighting the extraordinary police resources and powers mobilised to regulate a small peaceful group of ‘socially distanced’ protesters operating within the existing public health orders. It places an autoethnographic description of this protest in the context of policing practice and green and cultural criminology. Additionally, it outlines the way in which such policing is emboldened by changes to laws affecting environmental protest, making activism an increasingly risky activity.

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Wahlström, Mattias. "Forestalling Violence: Police Knowledge of Interaction with Political Activists." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.4.37x3225027628j57.

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This article explores the reflexive processes among police during a transitional period following a large and traumatic protest event in Sweden, the 2001 European Union summit in Göteborg. The discussion revolves around transformations of the Swedish approach to protest policing and the subsequent attempt to revise "police knowledge" in relation to protest policing. Police constructions of external reality are analyzed with reference to two organizing concepts: provocation and dialogue. Particular attention is paid to attempts by the police to increase their awareness of "counterpart perspectives," and the concomitant use of stereotypes of protesters to maintain police officers' own reality constructions. Perceptions of negotiation with protesters are located in a tension between the poles: dialogue and control. Furthermore, it is argued that the policing philosophy of the Swedish police force has developed from a predominantly reactive approach into one most aptly described as "proactive management" of protest.

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Baker, David, Simon Bronitt, and Philip Stenning. "Policing protest, security and freedom: the 2014 G20 experience." Police Practice and Research 18, no. 5 (February 14, 2017): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2017.1280674.

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Gorringe, H., and M. Rosie. "'We will facilitate your protest': Experiments with Liaison Policing." Policing 7, no. 2 (February 4, 2013): 204–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pat001.

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Curtice, Travis B., and Brandon Behlendorf. "Street-level Repression: Protest, Policing, and Dissent in Uganda." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 1 (July 10, 2020): 166–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720939304.

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In many countries, police are both guardians of public safety and the primary instruments of state repression. Used to quell dissent, excessive police action can drive further collective action, leading to a repression-dissent nexus. Yet does repression spur dissent for all, or only for those already dissenting? We theorize repression by police causes political backlash, decreasing support for police and increasing political dissent. We argue these effects are conditioned by individuals’ proximity to the repressive act and support for the ruling party. Using a nationally representative survey experiment of 1,920 Ugandans, we find robust evidence for political backlash effects of repression across all demographics, regardless of proximity to the event. By examining the politics of policing, we show excessive police violence triggers political backlash, decreasing general support for the security apparatus and increasing willingness to publicly dissent for some populations.

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Baker, David. "‘Switch off Hazelwood’: Policing, Protest and a ‘Polluting Dinosaur’." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 22, no. 1 (July 2010): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2010.12035868.

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Wisler, Dominique, and Marco Giugni. "Under The Spotlight: The Impact of Media Attention on Protest Policing." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.e02v758487330131.

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Explanations of protest policing have neglected the "spotlight of the media." Based on data on repression and its media coverage in four Swiss cities from 1965 to 1994, our findings suggest that the mass media do have an impact on levels and forms of repression, along with political opportunity dimensions and levels of disruption. We identify two mechanisms. First, we show that the symbolic battles waged by protest groups and their outcomes affect the level of repression these groups face. More specifically, depending on whether the civil-rights or the law-and-order scenario wins in the public sphere, the police adopt different postures when facing disorders. Second, the police are also shown to be vulnerable to an increase of media attention during a protest campaign. When protest becomes a blind spot in the public sphere, repression increases.

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Ellefsen, Rune. "Relational dynamics of protest and protest policing: strategic interaction and the coevolution of targeting strategies." Policing and Society 28, no. 7 (November 28, 2016): 751–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2016.1262366.

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Sheptycki, James. "Policing Political Protest When Politics Go Global: Comparing Public Order Policing in Canada and Bolivia." Policing and Society 15, no. 3 (September 2005): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460500168618.

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Brooks, Heidi. "Democracy and its discontents: Protest from a police perspective." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 67 (May 15, 2019): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2019/v0n67a5711.

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In South Africa, media and scholarly research has increasingly drawn into question the correctness of police responses to post-1994 popular protest. Assessments of democratic policing, moreover, emphasise the critical role of the police in democratic development. Existing accounts of protest, however, seldom draw upon the assessments of individual police members. In an attempt to understand the challenges to democratic policing and the dynamics and complexities of protest, this article examines protest from the perspective of rank and file officers in the South African Police Service (SAPS). It shows, not only the importance of recognising bottom-up perspectives in constructing appropriate responses to protest, but the complexity of SAPS members’ own identities as both officers and citizens. Reports of police action indicate the sometimes unwarranted and disproportional use force. Yet, simultaneously, for many officers, protest seems to straddle their police and private lives, conferring on them a duty to enforce law and order, while experiencing the shortcomings of democracy themselves.

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Atak, Kıvanç, and Ismail Emre Bayram. "Protest Policing alla Turca: Threat, Insurgency, and the Repression of Pro-Kurdish Protests in Turkey." Social Forces 95, no. 4 (April 5, 2017): 1667–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sox029.

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Baker, Bruce. "Unchanging public order policing in changing times in East Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 3 (August 10, 2015): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000567.

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ABSTRACTThis article offers a political analysis of the practices and motives of public order policing in Ethiopia and Uganda. It offers an explanation of the continuation of forceful tactics against political protest in a context of changing methods of information gathering, organisation and mobilisation by urban activists resulting from their access to internet and communication technology. It finds the two regimes, as anocracies, are caught between legally allowing protest and yet, conscious of their fragility, determined to crush opposition. For the latter approach, their militarist leaderships rely heavily on continued police violence. The paper concludes that failure of the police to adapt their public order policing to the new protest environment leaves them increasingly ineffective and unpopular. It is likely to provoke an escalation of violence and may both undermine the legitimacy of their regimes and reverse their attempts to open political space that justified their rebellions against former autocracies.

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Thomas, Martin. "‘Paying the Butcher’s Bill’: Policing British Colonial Protest after 1918." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.1288.

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Moon, Kyeong hwan and 최천근. "A Study on Per formance Indicator s for Policing Protest." Police Science Journal 11, no. 3 (August 2016): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.16961/polips.2016.11.3.9.

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Lundman, Richard J., Donatella Della Porta, and Herbert Reiter. "Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies." Contemporary Sociology 28, no. 2 (March 1999): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654900.

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Waddington, P. A. J. "David R. Mansley (2013). * COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE, DEMOCRACY AND PROTEST POLICING." Policing 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2014): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pau004.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest policing'

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