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Zheleznova, E. G. "THE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN, DISTRIBUTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF THE GERMANIC LANGUAGE." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 4 (December 30, 2017): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2017-4-113-117.
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English is the most known and spoken language in the world. In this regard, we are interested in the history of the English language. English belongs to the largest and most widespread group of languages called Germanic languages. Germanic languages are a group of closely related languages spoken by more than 500 million people across the globe. The article considers the modern Germanic languages, their distribution and classification, and their ancestors - the Germanic languages. The relevance of this work lies in the fact that Germanic languages are the ancestors of the modern Germanic languages that are native languages for most countries of Europe and South Africa. It is also possible to increase interest in the science of language as interlinguistics, and as a result, further development of linguistics as a whole. The aim of this work is to investigate the role of the Germanic languages in the history of linguistics, and also give the knowledge about phonetic and morphological features. The objectives of this article: to give a classification of modern Germanic languages, to indicate the distribution area, to highlight the phonetic and morphological features of old Germanic languages. In the paper we have used the following research methods: analysis, synthesis, and abstracting
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Vennemann, Theo. "The Relative Chronology of the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis." Diachronica 8, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.8.1.04ven.
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SUMMARY This paper studies systematic relationships between two sound changes, the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis. Since the High Germanic languages, i.e., High German and Lombardic, are a division of the West Germanic Sprachbund, it might be thought — and this is indeed the general view — that the more extensive West Germanic change necessarily antedates the more limited High Germanic change. But an examination of the relative chronology of the two changes in one of the languages that underwent both of them, Old High German, shows that, on the contrary, the systematic order of the two changes is the opposite: The better theory of the history of the Old High German phonological and morphological system is attained by the assumption that the High Germanic Consonant Shift antedates the West Germanic Anaptyxis. This result is in agreement with the author's overall theory of the Germanic Consonant Shifts by which the bifurcation of the Proto-Germanic tenues into the Low Germanic aspirates and the High Germanic affricates is one of the very oldest Germanic innovations. RÉSUMÉ L'article étudie les rapports systématiques entre deux changements phonétiques, à savoir celui de la mutation consonantique haut-germaine et celui de l'anaptyxis ouest-germaine. Comme les langues haut-germaines, i.e., le haut-allemand et le langobarde, représentent une division de l'union linguistique ouest-germaine, on pourra penser — et cela est en effet la position majoritaire — que le changement ouest-germain, étant le plus répandu, doit chronologiquement précéder le changement haut-germain plus restreint. Cependant, une examination de la chronologie relative dans une de ces langues qui a été sous-jettée à ces deux changements, i.e., le vieux haut-allemand, montre, au contraire, que l'ordre systématique de ces deux changements est opposé: On arrivera à une meilleure théorie de l'histoire du système phonologique et morphologique du vieux haut-allemand si'l on prend comme hypothèse que le changement consonantique du haut-germain précède chronologiquement l'ana-ptyxis ouest-germaine. Un tel résultat est en accord avec la théorie globale de l'auteur selon laquelle la bifurcation des occlusives proto-germain en aspirés bas-germains et affriqués haut-germains est une des plus vieilles innovations germaniques. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Artikel werden systematische Beziehungen zwischen zwei Laut-verânderungen untersucht, der Hochgermanischen Lautverschiebung und der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe. Da die hochgermanischen Sprachen, Hoch-deutsch und Langobardisch, eine Abteilung des westgermanischen Sprach-bundes bilden, liegt es nahe, anzunehmen, wie es auch der allgemeinen Auf-fassung entspricht, daß der weiter verbreitete westgermanische Wandel dem enger eingegrenzten hochgermanischen Wandel vorausgegangen sein müsse. Aber eine Untersuchung der relativen Chronologie der beiden Lautwandel im Althochdeutschen als einer derjenigen Sprachen, die beiden Veränderungen ausgesetzt waren, zeigt, daB die systematische Beziehung zwischen ihnen die genau entgegengesetzte ist: Man erhält die bessere Theorie der Geschichte des althochdeutschen Laut- und Formensystems, wenn man annimmt, daB die Hochgermanische Lautverschiebung der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe voraus-ging. Dieses Ergebnis steht im Einklang mit der ubergreifenden Lautverschie-bungstheorie des Autors, der zufolge die Verzweigung der urgermanischen Tenues in die niedergermanischen Aspiraten und die hochgermanischen Affrika-ten eine der allerâltesten germanischen Isoglossen gestiftet hat.
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Salmons, Joseph C. "Review of Voyles (1992): Early Germanic Grammar: Pre-, Proto-, and Post-Germanic Languages." Diachronica 10, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.10.2.12sal.
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Hill, Eugen. "West Germanic monosyllabic lengthening and Gothic breaking as partially Proto-Germanic developments." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 70, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 135–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.2.02hil.
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Abstract The paper deals with two Germanic sound changes which are traditionally believed to postdate the disintegration of the Proto-Germanic parent language. The lengthening in several monosyllables, attested in West Germanic languages, is usually believed to be an innovation of this branch. The so-called Gothic breaking is similarly thought of as belonging exclusively to East Germanic. The paper shows that there is evidence suggesting a Proto-Germanic age for parts of both sound changes, in particular for a lengthening in monosyllabic words ending in PGmc *-r and for a lowering of PGmc *i if followed by *r. Proto-Germanic possessed at least three pronoun-based place adverbs formed with PGmc *-r, cf. Goth ƕar ‘where’ from ƕa- ‘what’, þar ‘there’ from þa- ‘that’ and hēr ‘here’ from hi- ‘this here’. The vocalism of these adverbs did not match that of the corresponding pronouns on two points. First, the vowels of the adverbs were probably long. Second, the close PGmc *ẹ̄ (Goth ē, OHG ia) of ‘here’ did not match PGmc *i in the corresponding pronoun. The paper assumes that the long vowels of the place adverbs emerged by a lengthening of etymologically short vowels in monosyllablic words ending in PGmc *-r. The timbre difference between PGmc *ẹ̄ in ‘here’ and PGmc *i in the corresponding pronoun for ‘this here’ is accounted for by a lowering of PGmc *i before *r. Both postulated developments must have been operating already in Proto-Germanic times but the lowering must have chronologically preceded the lengthening. The paper introduces the data supporting the assumptions made and discusses the apparent counterevidence.
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Woźnicka, Marta. "Flexionsmarker der zweiten Person Singular aus diachroner und synchroner Sicht. Vom germanischen zum althochdeutschen Zustand." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, no. 38 (June 25, 2018): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.2017.38.15.
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Flexion elements are a typical feature of the so-called flexion languages and are characterized by the fact that they change their form depending on (in-)flexion and they decode at least two functions. In the case of a Germanic verb inflexion elements stand for two categories: person and a singular/ plural form. In Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic the inflection elements were relatively independent and it was easy to separate them from a verb stem which consisted of the so-called root and other components such as tense or mode markers. In old Germanic languages the processes of fusion and creating portmanteau word(s) (language contamination so to speak) were so advanced that it is difficult, yet not impossible, to separate primary flexion elements. The article presents the development of the 2-nd person singular marker from the Germanic state with regard to the Gothic language up to the old-high-German phase. The markers which were analysed belonged to the Present and Past Tense paradigm of all modes of the selected verb groups, that is both weak and strong ones and the rest not belonging to any of the groups mentioned above. The flexion elements were identified using a synchronic model of a morphological description worked out by Józef Darski (1987, 22004). Modification of the model concerning the character of diachronic studies ensures alsoa proper historical description.
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Vázquez-González, Juan G., and Jóhanna Barðdal. "Reconstructing the ditransitive construction for Proto-Germanic: Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 555–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0021.
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Abstract The semantic range of ditransitive verbs in Modern English has been at the center of linguistic attention ever since the pioneering work of Pinker (1989. Learnability and cognition: The acquisition of argument structure. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press). At the same time, historical research on how the semantics of the ditransitive construction has changed over time has seriously lagged behind. In order to address this issue for the Germanic languages, the Indo-European subbranch to which Modern English belongs, we systematically investigate the narrowly defined semantic verb classes occurring in the ditransitive construction in Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic. On the basis of data handed down from Proto-Germanic and documented in the oldest layers of the three Germanic subbranches, East, West and North Germanic, respectively, we show that the constructional range of the ditransitive construction was considerably broader in the earlier historical stages than now; several subclasses of verbs that could instantiate the ditransitive in early Germanic are infelicitous in the ditransitive construction in, for instance, Modern English. Taking the oldest surviving evidence from Germanic as point of departure, we reconstruct the ditransitive construction for an earlier proto-stage, using the formalism of Construction Grammar and incorporating narrowly defined semantic verb classes and higher level conceptual domains. We thus reconstruct the internal structure of the ditransitive construction in Proto-Germanic, including different levels of schematicity.
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van Doorn, Adriaan. "Some Phonological Developments in the Malberg Glosses." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 79, no. 4 (April 6, 2020): 457–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340170.
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Abstract The language of the Malberg glosses shows phonological developments that allow us to position this language variety within the West-Germanic dialect continuum. In this article the author shows that the language cannot be viewed as Old Dutch, nor as the ancestor of Old Dutch based on the attested phonological developments, notably: the assimilation of certain clusters; the partial merger of Proto-Germanic *g and *h; and the palatalisation of Proto-Germanic *g.
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Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. "Indo-European *Gu̯h in Germanic." Lingua Posnaniensis 54, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10122-012-0016-y.
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ABSTRACT Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak. Indo-European *gÁh in Germanic. Lingua Posnaniensis, vol. LIV (2)/2012. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences. PL ISSN 0079-4740, ISBN 978-83-7654-252-2, pp. 83-90. Purpose and method: In my paper I discuss the development of IE. *gÁh in the Germanic languages, using the historical-comparative method. Results: Two regular reflexes of IE. *gÁh in Proto-Germanic (*g and *w) can be explained by the place of the Indo-European accent, e.g. Gmc. *garmaz m. ‘fire dog’ (< IE. *gÁhórmos) vs. Gmc. *warmaz adj. ‘warm, hot’ (< IE. *gÁhormós); Gmc. *dagaz m. ‘day’ (< IE. *dhogÁhós) vs. Gmc. *snaiwaz m. ‘snow’ (< *snóigÁhos m. ‘snow’). Conclusion: The double distribution of IE. *gÁh in Proto-Germanic, which is motivated by the primitive accent, can be described as a rule similar to das Vernersche Gesetz.
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Vrieland, Seán D. "Tīa 'toe' and Old Gutnish Sources of Long ī." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 68, no. 2 (July 21, 2015): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.68.2.03vri.
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Explanations of the long ī in the Old Gutnish tīa ‘toe’ (>ModGu täiå) have been put forward that posit different ablaut grades than the Proto-Germanic *taihwōn which underlies the forms found in other Germanic languages. This is because it was thought the Old Gutnish form could not reflect the standard proto-form. This paper concludes on the basis of the parallel development of *slaihwōn ‘sloe berry’, which appears as ModGu släiå, that long ī can in fact continue the Proto-Germanic sequence *-aihw- as the result of regular sound development.
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Perdih, Anton. "Linguistic Distances Based on Counting of Equal Sounds in Numerals from 1 to 10 in Different Language Groups." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 5 (August 13, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i5.4451.
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The relative frequency of equal sounds in pairs of adjacent numerals from 1 to 10 in languages of eleven language groups is a basis for calculation of linguistic distances. By this criterion, the Slavic languages form a cluster separated from all other tested languages. Of other languages, Avestan and Sanskrit are the closest to them. The Germanic languages form another cluster but this cluster is within the space of other tested languages, which are widely dispersed. This is an additional indication that the aboriginal Proto-Indo-European was Proto-Slavic and their speakers were the aboriginal Europeans: mainly the Y Chromosome haplogroup I, mtDNA haplogroup U people. In contact with newcomers of other language groups either the newcomers turned to Proto-Slavic, or the previously Proto-Slavic speakers lost their Proto-Slavic at all, or they turned the non-Indo-European newcomers into Indo-European. A novel time line for Nostratic studies is proposed.
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Denton, Jeannette Marshall. "Reconstructing the articulation of Early Germanic *r." Diachronica 20, no. 1 (August 14, 2003): 11–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.20.1.04den.
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The seemingly contradictory influences of r on neighboring sounds in the early Germanic languages have fueled controversy over r’s articulation in Proto-Germanic and later dialects. In this paper, we examine a number of these early Germanic sound changes and compare their effects to those observed in recent phonetic studies of the coarticulation of different types of r on adjacent vowels. We conclude that an apical trill and a central approximant r are phonetically the most likely conditioners of the earliest Germanic sound changes, while later changes can be accounted for by rhotics which were phonetically related to these earlier articulations.
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Stifter, David. "The Proto-Germanic shift *a*o and early Germanic linguistic contacts." Historical Linguistics 122, no. 1 (November 2009): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/hisp.2009.122.1.268.
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Botsman, Andriy, Olga Dmytruk, and Tamara Kozlovska. "The development of Germanic analytical tenses." Actual issues of Ukrainian linguistics theory and practice, no. 41 (2020): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2020.41.135-154.
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The stages that encompass the future tense development are singled out as discrete phenomena within the process of the Germanic language development. The Gothic verb system can serve as the background for the investigation of the tense transformations in question. The difficulties of tense examination in the Old Germanic languages were connected with some conceptions about the Indo-Iranian and Greek languages that used to dominate in the scientific circles for a long time. Those conceptions were based on Latin and Greek patterns and postulated the use of present, past and future tenses in all Indo-European languages. The above conceptions were ruined when the study of Tokharian and Hittite demonstrated the use of the present tense for the description of future actions. The idea of losing “the protolanguage inheritance” was proved wrong, and it was incorrect to transfer the complex tense system of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin to other Proto-Indo-European languages. The examination of the tense differentiation in Gothic (as the main source of the Old Germanic language) demonstrates that the Gothic infinitive functioned as a no-particular-time unit, while personal verb forms were involved in performing tense functions. The Gothic present tense verbs represented present and future tenses and no-particular-time phenomena. Some periphrastic forms containing preterite-present verbs with the infinitive occurred sporadically. The periphrastic forms correlated with Greek and Latin patterns of the same future tense meaning. The periphrastic future forms in Gothic often contained some modal shades of meaning. The Gothic present tense functioned as a colony-forming archi-unit and a pluripotential (temporal) precursor. The periphrastic Gothic future forms are recognised as a monopotential (temporal) precursor with some modal meaning. The key research method used in the present article is the comparative historical method. The authors viewed it as the most reliable and appropriate for the study of tense forms.
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Botsman, Andriy, and Olga Dmytruk. "Trans-germanic peculiarities of preterite-present verbs." Actual issues of Ukrainian linguistics: theory and practice, no. 40 (2020): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apultp.2020.40.140-155.
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This article contains systematic and detailed analysis of morphological and semantic parameters of Germanic preterite-present verbs, dividing them into major and minor subgroups. The development of both preterite-present subgroups and their steady transformation into the modal verbs is a specific feature of all Germanic languages. Since the modal verbs of the Modern Germanic languages are morphologically defective, it is commonly assumed that preterite-present verbs of the old Germanic languages lost some of their morphological features in the process of turning into modal verbs. The semantic aspects of this process are rather obscure. All Germanic languages were losing some preterite-present verbs in the process of transformation from the Gothic language, which had fourteen preterite-present verbs. In OE there were twelve preterite-present verbs. Six of them survived in NE. The morphological description focuses on the finite and non-finite forms of the preterite-present verbs, which belong to the minor subgroup. The detailed description helps to see the origin and development of the minor subgroup in the new light. The description encompasses the data of classical Indo-European languages and Old Germanic languages. The authors emphasize the expediency of turning to the theory of preterite/strong verb origin, the verbs in question may be regarded as inter-group, hybrid units. In order to gain insight into the origin of the Germanic languages it is necessary to look into the history of the Gothic and West Germanic and North Germanic languages. The authors find it useful to compare common and different phenomena, highlighting individual specific processes taking place in the process of development of the Germanic languages. These languages are analyzed on different stages of their development, but inline with the view that the languages co-operated and coexisted in the same area. The data given in the article are used to analyze the problem implementing comparative grammar tools. The authors were particularly careful to take all grammatical forms into consideration while working with the lexical units from the ancient sources. Some additional information was taken from Greek, Latin and Sanskrit to produce reliable and consistent comparison of the German language with the rest of Indo-European languages.
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Stiles, Patrick. "The Comparative Method, Internal Reconstruction, Areal Norms and the West Germanic Third Person Pronoun." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 77, no. 1-2 (June 9, 2017): 410–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340083.
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The paradigms of the third person anaphoric pronoun in West Germanic show a split between Ingvæonic and non-Ingvæonic languages. The Ingvæonic dialects have numerous forms with initialh-, in contrast to non-Ingvæonic, where—corresponding toh-—vocalic ors-onsets are found. This divergence makes it difficult to envisage what the Proto-West Germanic set of forms looked like. The aim is to explore whether it is possible to reconstruct a common West Germanic paradigm from which both types developed. The answer turns out to be ‘yes’, thanks to the crucial evidence of Frisian. The article also rejects the view that Germanic attests the alleged Indo-European pronominal stem *syo-/*tyo-.
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Gooskens, Charlotte, and Femke Swarte. "Linguistic and extra-linguistic predictors of mutual intelligibility between Germanic languages." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 2 (October 2017): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586517000099.
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We report on a large-scale investigation of the mutual intelligibility between five Germanic languages: Danish, Dutch, English, German and Swedish. We tested twenty language combinations using the same uniform methodology, making the results commensurable for the first time. We first tested both written and spoken language by means of cloze tests. Next we calculated linguistic distance at the levels of lexicon, orthography, phonology, morphology and syntax. We also quantified exposure and attitudes towards the test languages. Finally, we carried out a regression analysis to determine the relative importance of these linguistic and extra-linguistic predictors for the mutual intelligibility between Germanic languages. The extra-linguistic predictor exposure was the most significant factor in predicting intelligibility in the Germanic language area. The effect of attitude was very small. Lexical distance, orthographic and phonetic distances were the most important linguistic predictors of intelligibility.
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Quinlin, Daniel P. "The accentuation and development of PGmc. */ga-/." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 3, no. 2 (July 1991): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700000688.
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ABSTRACTPrevious studies on the development of PGmc. */ga-/ have been inadequate due, in part, to a misunderstanding or underestimation of the roles of word accent and syntactic accent. Purported evidence for stressed */ga-/ in Proto-Germanic or later stages is dubious and can be refuted convincingly. This article suggests that PGmc. */ga-/ never received primary word stress because it had become a clitic. Such a hypothesis allows for an unproblematic phonological derivation from Proto-Indo-European and is a logical premise for interpreting subsequent developments in the Germanic languages.
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Kroonen, Guus. "The development of the Proto-Indo-European instrumental suffix in Germanic." Indogermanische Forschungen 122, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0005.
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Abstract It has long been acknowledged that Proto-Germanic *-dl- developed into *-ll- by a process of regular assimilation. Since long stops are regularly simplified in heavy and unstressed syllables in Proto-Germanic, some formations that superficially look like l-stems in this language are in reality to be derived from Proto-Indo-European instrumental nouns in PIE *-tl- and *-dʰl-. In this paper, I adduce a number of new cases focusing on those l-stems that have instrumental semantics, but also including some abstract nouns.
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Kassian, Alexei S., Mikhail Zhivlov, George Starostin, Artem A. Trofimov, Petr A. Kocharov, Anna Kuritsyna, and Mikhail N. Saenko. "Rapid radiation of the inner Indo-European languages: an advanced approach to Indo-European lexicostatistics." Linguistics 59, no. 4 (June 18, 2021): 949–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0060.
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Abstract In this article we present a new reconstruction of Indo-European phylogeny based on 13 110-item basic wordlists for protolanguages of IE subgroups (Proto-Germanic, Proto-Slavic, etc.) or ancient languages of the corresponding subgroups (Hittite, Ancient Greek, etc.). We apply reasonably formal techniques of linguistic data collection and post-processing (onomasiological reconstruction, derivational drift elimination, homoplastic optimization) that have been recently proposed or specially developed for the present study. We use sequential phylogenetic workflow and obtain a consensus tree based on several algorithms (Bayesian inference, maximum parsimony, neighbor joining; without topological constraints applied). The resulting tree topology and datings are entirely compatible with established expert views. Our main finding is the multifurcation of the Inner IE clade into four branches ca. 3357–2162 bc: (1) Greek-Armenian, (2) Albanian, (3) Italic-Germanic-Celtic, (4) Balto-Slavic–Indo-Iranian. The proposed radiation scenario may be reconciled with diverse opinions on Inner IE branchings previously expressed by Indo-Europeanists.
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Westergaard, Marit, and Tanja Kupisch. "Stable and vulnerable domains in Germanic heritage languages." Oslo Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 503–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8515.
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This paper provides an overview of Germanic languages as heritage languages, i.e. languages acquired naturalistically by children in parts of the world where these languages are not the majority language. Summarizing research on different types of heritage speakers of Danish, German, Icelandic, Norwegian, and Swedish, we identify certain stable and vulnerable domains. We focus on the so far best studied areas, word order and grammatical gender, adding evidence from other lesser studied domains, such as definiteness and phonology. We propose that in addition to the linguistic make-up of the phenomena in question, the size of the heritage community and, relatedly, opportunities to use the language need to be taken into account. The latter may explain, for example, why moribund varieties of German and the Scandinavian languages in North America appear to be less stable than the language of second-generation heritage speakers in Europe.
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Ярмолович, Г. Ю. "Extraction of germanic numerals from the indoeuropean proto-language." Мова, no. 28 (November 21, 2017): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2307-4558.2017.28.115825.
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Bennett, David C. "Word-order change in progress: the case of Slovene and Serbo-Croat and its relevance for Germanic." Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 2 (September 1987): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011270.
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It will be suggested in this article that Slovene, a South Slavonic language, is on the way to acquiring verb-second (V2) word order. In providing evidence in support of this view I shall compare Slovene, on the one hand, with the closely related language Serbo-Croat and, on the other hand, with relevant details from the history of the Germanic languages. The point of comparing it with Serbo-Croat is to discover the respects in which the word order of these two languages has diverged. Taken together with what is known about the word order of Common Slavonic, the facts emerging from this comparison allow us to identify one major respect in which Slovene has changed and two respects in which it is still changing. At the same time, they reveal a major respect in which Serbo-Croat word order is also changing. The point of comparing Slovene with the Germanic languages is twofold. First, since all the present-day Germanic languages either have or have had V2 word order (Haiman, 1974), it is possible that their history can help us to understand the changes currently taking place in Slovene and to predict how Slovene might change in the future. Secondly, where details of the history of the Germanic languages are poorly understood, the possibility exists of gaining fresh insight into them in the light of the changes that have taken place more recently, or indeed are still taking place, in Slovene. In this connection we shall assess the plausibility of two theories concerning the adoption of V2 word order by the Germanic languages, those of Vennemann (1975) and Wackernagel (1892).
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De Knop, Sabine, and Julien Perrez. "Conceptual metaphors as a tool for the efficient teaching of Dutch and German posture verbs." Review of Cognitive Linguistics 12, no. 1 (April 23, 2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rcl.12.1.01kno.
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The article deals with the typological differences between the Romance language French and the Germanic languages German and Dutch for the linguistic expressions of posture and location. It describes how these typological differences can be problematic for French-speaking learners of German and Dutch. The main difference between both types of languages is that posture and location tend to be encoded by posture verbs in Germanic languages and by very general verbs in Romance languages (Talmy 2000). After a detailed description of the semantic networks of the German and Dutch posture verbs, the paper takes a critical look at how these expressions are dealt with in teaching manuals. It further presents strategies for the efficient teaching of posture verbs to foreign language learners. These strategies are among others awareness-raising exercises about the compulsory use of posture verbs in Germanic languages and the description of conceptual metaphors in different languages. These pedagogical avenues for the efficient teaching of the Dutch and German posture verbs constitute a first step towards the elaboration of an experimental set-up aiming at verifying them.
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Noel Aziz Hanna, Patrizia. "On the Loss of High-Frequency Function Words." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 25, no. 1 (February 19, 2013): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542713000032.
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The loss of high-frequency function words is puzzling. Although they form part of core grammar—and, in some cases, have done so for thousands of years—some function words seem to just suddenly disappear. While the grammaticalization of content words into function words correlates with increase in usage, the loss of high-frequency function words cannot simply be explained by decrease in usage because of the indispensable function of these words. This article deals with the loss of the Germanic question particle, of the Germanic coordinating sentence conjunction, and of the Germanic negation particle. It describes their gradual decline as a result of language-specific interactions between phonology, syntax, and information structure: Function words occupy a fixed syntactic position, where they are systematically unstressed. Instead of being strengthened in their old position, they were lost. Instead of linking the loss of elements of core grammar to frequency-based semantic bleaching, it is attributed here to the interaction of linguistic subsystems. It is suggested that this development was unavoidable as the non-Proto-Indo-European structure of Germanic subsystems was eroding old Indo-European lexical material. Germanic prosody was not in harmony with the substance of the inherited Proto-Indo-European lexicon.*
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Shapochkina, O. "MODEL OF THE CATEGORY OF STATE AS “FUZZY MULTIPLICITY”: CATEGORICAL FOCUS OF QUALITATIVITY." Studia Philologica, no. 2 (2019): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.8.
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The research reconstructed the category of state in the old Germanic languages (Gothic, Old Saxon, Old Icelandic, Old English, Old High German) by structuring categorical focuses within the state paradigm. In the paper it is proposed to consider the category of state in the Old Germanic languages as “fuzzy multiplicity” where the nucleus is the predicate of state, and around it concentrates the state protocategorial construction with subject-object relations of physical, emotional-psychological, mental state and state of perception which transmit different macro-states within the state situation that contains such categorical focuses as quality, opposition, divergence, convergence and mobility. The article covers the essence of the categorical focus for qualitative state category in the Old Germanic languages. In particular, it was done comparison of quantitative indicators usage in state protocategorial constructions for active state, intertiv (inactive constructions), mediopassiv, constructions with IV-class verbs with ending –nan in Gothic, constructions with copula-verbs “to be/to become” + participle II, constructions with participle II, reflexive constructions, reciprocal constructions. Comparison was done in the Gothic-Scandinavian and West-Germanic language areas, and it is based on such Old Germanic literature sources as the Gothic Bible “Wulfila”, “Beowulf”, “Heliand”, “Song of Hildebrand”, “Muspilli”, “Song of Ludwig”, “Old Norse Edda”. The methods used in the study revealed the fundamental development actualisers and similar and distinctive features of the category of state in the Old Germanic languages. The reconstruction of the category of state for the Old Germanic languages in modern aspect has been restored. The research represents new vision of existing truths and positive experience for re-thinking the given interpretations.
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Garczyński, Błażej. "A Short Research in Danish Cardinal and Ordinal Numerals on Indo-European Background." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2015-0002.
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Abstract The article focuses on the Danish numerals 1-1000. It presents their Proto-Indo-European, Proto-Germanic, Old Danish and present forms whilst providing additional information on their development and corresponding numerals in other European languages. It focuses primarily on the vigesimal counting system, whose traces can be found in Danish, and which is the source of some unique forms unseen in other languages. Therefore, special attention is paid to the numerals of the series 50-90. Though these appear to be unique and exotic, the article shows that they are not to be perceived as an anomaly but rather a different path of development within the language Moreover, a brief explanation of the origins of the vigesimal system in Danish is provided. Also, several units of measurement showing traces of the vigesimal, duodecimal and sexagesimal systems are discussed. Finally, language reforms aimed at changing the numeral forms will be shortly portrayed.
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Sausa, Eleonora. "Basic valency orientation in Homeric Greek." Folia Linguistica 37, no. 1 (November 1, 2016): 205–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2016-0007.
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Abstract In a number of recent works, verbs and expressions encoding causative alternations have been regarded as a possible test for measuring the basic valency orientation of a language. This paper focuses on the basic orientation of valency in Homeric Greek. The test applied for determining this parameter is that proposed by Nichols et al. (2004, Transitivizing and detransitivizing languages. Linguistic Typology 8(2). 149–211), focusing on 18 causative alternations. The investigation carried out in this paper shows that Homeric Greek belongs to the detransitivizing type, showing an active-middle alternation as the preferred pattern for expressing causative alternations. This study aims to enrich the typological literature on this topic and positions itself among other studies of valency orientation in ancient Indo-European languages, such as Old Hittite, Old Indo-Aryan, Proto-Germanic, and Proto-Slavic, which show transitivizing strategies along with voice alternation patterns.
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Klein, Jared S., Toril Swan, Endre Mo̵rck, Olaf Jansen Westvik, and Endre Morck. "Language Change and Language Structure: Older Germanic Languages in a Comparative Perspective." Language 72, no. 1 (March 1996): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416843.
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Bauer, Laurie. "Co-Compounds in Germanic." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 22, no. 3 (September 2010): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542709990274.
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Co-compounds (sometimes termed “copulative compounds”) are com-pounds whose elements are of equivalent status and which can be glossed as having coordinated meaning (usually linked by and, but occasionally, in some languages, by or). There are several distin-guishable kinds of co-compounds, including dvandvas, appositional compounds, co-participant compounds, and so on (Wälchli 2005, Bauer 2008a). These were not available in early Germanic. Accordingly, co-compounds in modern Germanic languages are innovations, and it is scarcely surprising to see that there is much agreement about the types that are available. However, this apparent unity hides a host of differ-ences across languages. This paper focuses on the differences between Danish, English, and German in the use of co-compounds.*
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Bacskai-Atkari, Julia. "English relative clauses in a cross-Germanic perspective." Nordlyd 44, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.5213.
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The article talk examines the distribution of relativising strategies in English in a cross-Germanic perspective, arguing that English is quite unique among Germanic languages both regarding the number of available options and their distribution. The differences from other Germanic languages (both West Germanic and Scandinavian) are primarily due to the historical changes affecting the case and gender system in English more generally. The loss of case and gender on the original singular neuter relative pronoun facilitated its reanalysis as a complementiser. The effect of the case system can also be observed in properties that are not evidently related to case. Specifically, choice between the pronoun strategy and the complementiser strategy is known to show differences according to the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy. While English shows a subject vs. oblique distinction in this respect, matching its nominative/oblique case system, German dialects show a subject/direct object vs. oblique distinction, matching the nominative/accusative/oblique case setting in the language. The particular setting in English is thus not dependent on e.g. a single parameter but on various factors that are otherwise present in other Germanic languages as well, and it is ultimately the complex interplay of these factors that results in the particular setup.
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Shannon, Thomas F., Hubert Haider, and Martin Prinzhorn. "Verb Second Phenomena in Germanic Languages." Language 65, no. 3 (September 1989): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415252.
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Ekkehard König. "The Germanic languages (review)." Language 85, no. 4 (2009): 933–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.0.0161.
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Habrajska, Grażyna, Mikołaj Rychło, and Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak. "Collective nouns denoting trees in the Scandinavian languages." Scandinavian Philology 18, no. 2 (2020): 261–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2020.203.
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This article discusses the collective names of trees used in the Scandinavian languages, as well as the formation process of similar collective names in Eastern and Western Germanic. It should be emphasized that the Northern Germanic languages used the suffix *-ijan for creating collective nouns which denote ‘a group of trees’, e. g. ON. birki n. coll. ‘birch forest’, Icel. birki ‘birch forest; birch’, Norw. birki ‘birch forest’, Swed. björke ‘birch forest, birch grove’ (< PG. *berkijan n. coll. ‘a group of birches, birch forest, birch grove’ PG. *berkō f. ‘birch, Betula’). The same suffix denoting collectivity and originating from the Proto-Indo-European language is also present as *-ьje in most Slavic languages, cf. Ru. dial. берéзье n. coll. ‘birch forest, birch twigs’; OPol. brzezie n. ‘birch grove or forest’; Cz. březí n. ‘small birch-grove’, also břízí n. ‘birch twigs, birch-wood’; Slovak brezie n. ‘small birch-forest, birch-grove’; SC. bre ̑ z je n. coll. ‘birch forest’, Sloven. brẹ̑ zje n. ‘id.’ (< PSl. *berzьje n. coll. ‘group of birches, birch forest, birchgrove’ PSl. *bȅrza f. ‘birch, Betula’). Further possible traces of the same suffix can be found in the Baltic languages (cf. OPrus. pannean n. ‘mossy fen’ vs. Go. fani n. ‘mud’, OSax. feni n. ‘fen’) suggesting that the Proto-Indo-European collective suffix can be reconstructed as *-ii̯ o m (n. coll.). It seems probable that some northern Indo-European tribes used the derivative word *bhe r ̥h 2 ĝ i i̯ o m (n.) to denote ‘a group of birch trees’, especially ‘a birch grove’ or ‘a birch forest’.
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Nilsson, Torbjörn K. "Etymology of dialectal Swedish nårot and narg as reflected by Balto-Finnic loanwords: Finnish naarmu ‘scratch, scar’, Estonian näru ‘rag, tatter, frazzle’." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 7, no. 1 (January 1995): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542700000155.
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ABSTRACTThe Swedish dialectal words nårot ‘worn-out’ and narg ‘a piece of wornout cloth’ have not been etymologically treated so far. I here connect them with a family of Balto-Finnic words, likewise still lacking an etymology: Finn. naarmu ˜ narvas (<*narwa−), Est. näru (<*narwo-) and narvas ˜ narmas, etc. In these Balto-Finnic words, the -v- has in most attested forms undergone a sound substitution to -m-, known to have taken place in some Germanic loan words in Balto-Finnic. I propose that the above dialectal Swedish words can be explained as old wō/wa–stems, related to West Germanic words like Ger. Narbe, OE nearwian ‘to constrain’, etc. Thus, it appears that Finn, narvas-, naarmu, Est. näru, etc. are Proto-Germanic loan words in Balto-Finnic, and that the words later died out in the Germanic languages, only to be retrievable through dialectal Norwegian and North Swedish data and reconstructable through comparison with the Balto-Finnic loan words.
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Kusmenko, Jurij. "Fornisländsk literatur, genetik och historisk demografi om samisk-nordiska tidiga kontakter." Scandinavistica Vilnensis, no. 14 (May 27, 2019): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/scandinavisticavilnensis.2019.9.
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Old Icelandic literature, genetics and historical demography regarding Sámi-Scandinavian early contactsThe spreading of Sámi interference features to the North Germanic languages is confirmed not only by the Old Icelandic sagas, which show us an absolute acceptance of the Sámi in the North Germanic society and marriages between the two nations, but also by the populational genetics that show that the percentage of the “Sámish” haplogroups (Y-DNA N1c, mtDNA U5 and V) among the North Germanic people exceeds considerably the percentage of the modern Sámi population, which indicates a language shift and assimilation of a part of the Sámi (especially of the Southern Sámi). Changes in the population structure caused by two pest pandemics (in the seventh to ninth and in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) that affected Northern and Central Scandinavia to a much lesser degree could also contribute both to the spreading of the Sámi genes in Northern and Central Scandinavia and of the Sámi interference features in the North Germanic languages.
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Verstraete, Jean-Christophe. "Preverbal positions in three Germanic languages." Languages in Contrast 4, no. 1 (April 14, 2004): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.4.1.06ver.
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This study investigates the opposition between intra-clausal and extra-clausal positions in the preverbal domain in English, German and Dutch. It is argued that some of the traditional criteria used to distinguish between these positions, especially the criterion of pronominal resumption, are not entirely reliable, and a number of new criteria are introduced, including distribution in non-declarative contexts. On the basis of these descriptive refinements, it is proposed that the opposition between intra-clausal and extra-clausal positions can be defined functionally in terms of the scope of illocution markers: the intra-clausal position falls within the scope of illocution, whereas the extra-clausal position is outside its scope. This functional generalization does not only help to explain the various formal criteria that distinguish the two positions, but it is also in line with their typical discourse functions.
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Edzard, Lutz. "Embedded imperatives in Semitic, Germanic, and other languages." Oslo Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 21, 2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8490.
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Several Semitic and Germanic languages, just as languages belonging to other language families (Slovenian, Korean), embed imperatives and thus use direct speech in syntactical context, where most other languages would use subordinate clauses. This kind of embedding can entail “shifting indexicals” and “imposters”, i.e. the reference to one and the same person with different persons in the verbal and pronominal system, even within one and the same phrase. In this paper, departing from the Germanic and other data presented so far in this context, I attempt a descriptive analysis of this phenomenon focusing on Semitic, with only hints to elements of a formal analysis.
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Marx, Nicole. "Reading across the Germanic languages: Is equal access just wishful thinking?" International Journal of Bilingualism 16, no. 4 (December 19, 2011): 467–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367006911429517.
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To meet increasing needs for multilingual speakers, varied concepts such as Intercomprehension Pedagogy have evolved. Here, speakers of one language concurrently develop reading skills in multiple etymologically related languages. A prerequisite of such projects is information about mutual comprehensibility, including which languages might be easier to comprehend in which situations and for which learners. The present study investigated 73 German university students who read a short text in an unknown Germanic language (Danish, Dutch, Icelandic, Norwegian or Swedish) and then answered specific questions on content and structure. Results showed significantly higher success rates on all measures for Dutch, with isolated significant differences between the other languages and higher success in decoding lexical, in comparison to structural, information. No individual learner variables were found to be correlated with success. These data have implications for planning courses in Germanic intercomprehension, especially regarding time allotted the various languages.
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Hansen, Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard. "The outcome of PIE *-ē̆i̯(C)# and *-ē̆u̯(C)# in Germanic." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 67, no. 2 (July 21, 2014): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.67.2.02sim.
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By suggesting an interconnected series of soundlaws for the outcome of Proto-Indo-european (PIE) falling e-vowel diphthongs in final syllables in Proto-Germanic (PG) and in the individual Germanic languages, viz. PIE *-ei̯(C)# > PG *-ai(C)#, PIE *-ēi̯(C)# > PG *-ei(C)#, PIE *-eu̯(C)# > PG *-au(C)#, and PIE *-ēu̯(C)# > PG *-eu(C)#, this article renders superfluous the old, prevalent assumption of competing o-grade allomorphs in some of the oblique cases of the PIE i- and u-stems. Consequently, the i-stem gen.sg. is reconstructed only as PIE *-ei̯s (not as †-ois in addition), the u-stem gen.sg. only as *-eu̯s (not as †-ou̯s), the u-stem loc.sg. only as *-ēu̯ (not as †-ōu̯), the u-stem voc.sg. only as *-eu̯(not as †-ou̯), etc.
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Klævik-Pettersen, Espen. "What is Germanic and what is not about Old French V2." Linguistic Variation 19, no. 1 (September 24, 2019): 141–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.00011.kla.
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Abstract Old French is considered by many to have been a verb-second (V2) language. Furthermore, 13th century Old French featured a V2 system with strong restrictions on the prefield, meaning only a single constituent was generally accepted to the left of the finite verb. This bears a strong resemblance to the pattern found in the Modern Germanic V2 languages and has occasionally given rise to suggestions that V2 was a Germanic property inherited from the language of the Franks. In this paper, a concrete hypothesis is developed for the diachronic evolution of Old French V2 from Late Latin. It is argued that the hypothesis of Germanic influence is not necessarily incorrect, but too simplistic, as the two synchronic components of the Old French V2 construction -namely V-to-C movement and restrictions on the prefield – most likely have their own and independent diachronies as well. Comparative and historical evidence is presented to show that V-to-C movement is very unlikely to have been a product of Germanic influence and should rather be considered an internal development from Latin. As for the restricted prefield (so-called ‘linear V2’), the scarcity or even absence of evidence does not allow firm conclusions, but some general theoretical insights from the literature on language change and second language acquisition combine to make the idea of Germanic influence quite plausible.
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Rizzi, Anna Maria Mellini, Daniel G. Calder, and T. Craig Christy. "Germania: Comparative Studies in the Old Germanic Languages and Literatures." Language 65, no. 4 (December 1989): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414955.
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de Dreu, Merijn, and Leston Buell. "Neuter gender in a sexless language." Linguistics in the Netherlands 29 (November 2, 2012): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.29.04ded.
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In some Germanic languages, neuter gender is used both as a lexical gender and for certain grammatical functions, while in Romance languages, neuter gender is only employed for grammatical functions. Zulu, a Bantu language, has a much more elaborate noun class system than those languages, but one not rooted in sex or animacy as in Germanic or Romance. However, it is shown that Zulu noun class 17 is used for the same range of grammatical functions as neuter gender in Indo-European. Specifically, Indo-European neuter gender and Zulu class 17 are used when the referent has no specific noun class properties, for expletive subjects, and as the subject of nominal predication, even when the referent is human. Aside from its use in some languages as a gender for nouns, then, neuter gender can be understood as a cluster of grammatical functions, independently of the way the lexicon is organized.
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Simon, Ellen. "Laryngeal stop systems in contact." Diachronica 28, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.2.03sim.
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This article examines the linguistic forces at work in present-day second language and bilingual acquisition of laryngeal contrasts, and to what extent these can give us insight into the origin of laryngeal systems of Germanic voicing languages like Dutch, with its contrast between prevoiced and unaspirated stops. The results of present-day child and adult second language acquisition studies reveal that both imposition and borrowing may occur when the laryngeal systems of a voicing and an aspirating language come into contact with each other. A scenario is explored in which socially dominant Germanic-speaking people came into contact with a Romance-speaking population, and borrowed the Romance stop system.
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Johnson, Cynthia A. "Review of Walkden (2014): Syntactic reconstruction and Proto-Germanic." Diachronica 33, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.33.1.06joh.
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Pierce, Marc. "Review of Kroonen (2013): Etymological dictionary of Proto-Germanic." Diachronica 33, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.33.1.07pie.
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Louviot, Elise. "Semantic bleaching of nu in Old Saxon." Folia Linguistica 39, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 441–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2018-0016.
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Abstract In many Present-Day Germanic languages, reflexes of Proto-Germanic *nu have developed pragmatic and grammatical uses: in such uses, the earlier, lexical meaning of the word (“now”, “presently”) has been weakened or lost while new meanings have appeared. Pragmatic (especially connective) uses of nu have been identified in several ancient Germanic languages, but in such corpora, it can be difficult to distinguish between a genuine discourse marker and mere pragmatic inferences based on the lexical meaning of a given word. Such is certainly the case for Old Saxon, where nu seems to be used as a discourse marker in some cases, but where it is hard to determine whether such uses ever truly supplant nu’s temporal meaning. This paper systematically examines nu’s patterns of co-occurrence to determine whether nu is showing any sign of having undergone semantic bleaching. Examination of the data shows no evidence of semantic bleaching. There is a very strong connection between nu and markers referring to the moment of utterance or the situation of utterance more generally. Conversely, there are no cases of co-occurrence with markers whose meaning is strictly incompatible with nu’s lexical meaning and few instances of co-occurrence with markers expressing distance (temporal or otherwise) from the situation of utterance. Some patterns hint at the possibility of pragmatic uses of nu having already started to conventionalize to a limited extent, but such uses seem to have co-existed with nu’s temporal meaning without ever supplanting it.
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Kim, Ronald I. "Old EnglishCymeand the Proto-Indo-European Aorist Optative in Germanic." Transactions of the Philological Society 117, no. 1 (November 7, 2018): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12147.
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van Gelderen, Elly. "Null Subjects in Old English." Linguistic Inquiry 44, no. 2 (April 2013): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00127.
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I review the proposal made by Sigurðsson (2011) that null arguments follow from third-factor principles, as in Chomsky 2005 . A number of issues remain unclear: for instance, the kind of topic that licenses null arguments in Modern Germanic, including Modern English. I argue that Old English is pro drop and add to the discussion Frascarelli (2007) started as to which topic licenses a null subject. I agree with Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007) that the licensing topic in Modern Germanic and Old English is an aboutness-shift topic. I also argue that verb movement to C is necessary to license the empty argument in the modern Germanic languages (including Modern English), but not in Old English, since agreement is still responsible for licensing in that language, as in Italian.
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Pierce, Marc, Wolfgang Kehrein, and Richard Wiese. "Phonology and Morphology of the Germanic Languages." Language 76, no. 3 (September 2000): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417190.
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Smith, K. Aaron. "Standardization: Studies From the Germanic Languages (review)." Language 81, no. 2 (2005): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2005.0093.
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