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Platon, Mircea Alexandru. "“PROTRACTED CONFLICT”." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 2 (2015): 407–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x15000119.
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AbstractRobert Strausz-Hupé (1903-2002) and Stefan Possony (1913-1995) were two scholars and policy makers who reached the peak of their careers as the tutelary spirits of the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), founded in 1955 at the University of Pennsylvania. Through the FPRI and its journal,Orbis, the influence of these two anti-”totalitarian” crusaders reached the high echelons of the United States military and U.S. policy makers. This article analyzes the way in which the intellectuals of the FPRI—“defense intellectuals”—tweaked concepts such as “human rights,” “freedom,” “democracy,” and “open society” in order to promote the interests of the United States’s military-industrial establishment, court racist lobbies, and accommodate problematic Cold War allies such as South Africa.
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Treverton, Gregory F., Ariel E. Levite, Bruce W. Jentleson, and Larry Berman. "Foreign Military Intervention: The Dynamics of Protracted Conflict." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 4 (1992): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045331.
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Bauman, Peter, Mengistu Ayalew, and Gazala Paul. "Beyond Disaster: A Comparative Analysis of Tsunami Interventions in Sri Lanka and Indonesia/Aceh." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 3, no. 3 (September 2007): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2007.144966985627.
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This article investigates the impact of the tsunami and the tsunami interventions on the protracted conflicts in Sri Lanka and Indonesia/Aceh. Several variables helped to advance peace in one country and drove the escalation of violence in the other. Natural catastrophe alone did not lead to the mitigation of conflict: where neither side perceived an option for military victory, the tsunami itself, coupled with international support and pressure, offered a way out. However, lessons repeatedly learned during humanitarian interventions were not applied. The tsunami interventions were marked by major shortcomings, among them the failure to reach thousands of people displaced by conflict, a lack of effective coordination, conflict insensitivity, low levels of beneficiary participation, and the undermining of local capacities.
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O., Lopatina. "INFLUENCE OF RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN MILITARY (COMbat) ACTIONS ON THE PSYCHOLOGICAL STATE OF CITIZENS." Health, Physical Culture and Sports 29, no. 1 (2023): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/zosh(2023)1.17.
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Currently, there are more than two dozen protracted armed conflicts in the world in an active state. Military operations are an integral part of almost all wars and military conflicts. They can be carried out by various subjects of confrontation both in the course of wars and military conflicts, and as an independent type of military operations. One example of a prolonged armed conflict is the conflict in Ukraine. Participation in hostilities, including in local conflicts, often associated with the activities of radical organizations, remains an acute problem for mankind. Shelling, bombing, hostage-taking, forcible detention associated with a direct threat to the life and well-being of people are among the most significant psycho-traumatic factors of modern life. It is clear that in an extreme situation, each person can experience fear, anxiety, lack of a sense of security, nervousness, which will lead to an increase in the number of mental disorders and the emergence of protective, compensatory mechanisms. The military theorist and empirical psychologist K. Clausewitz repeatedly emphasized that the main element of war is danger (Clausewitz, 2002). Indeed, fear in combat is one of the most powerful emotions. “A person becomes dumb and in this stupefaction already ceases to control himself, cannot strain his attention to what is needed - he surrenders to the power of fear (Krasnov, 1998). In extreme situations that expose a person to stressful conditions, a public self-consciousness is formed, which begins to determine the individual feelings and behavior of people. The complex of experienced events creates the so-called single psychological space. The escalating social situation, namely terrorist attacks, as well as a number of military events, contributes to maintaining the relevance of the further development and improvement of psychology in the field of military activity in accordance with the characteristics and needs of the present time. People, seeing the processes taking place in other countries, do not understand why the past referendum, to which any representatives of the world community have the right, led to such horrific results. As a rule, such wars are preceded by a serious preparation of the mass consciousness. People who find themselves in a situation of military conflict are subjected to massive external influence, which leads to a change in the psycho-emotional state of each person in this situation.
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Darnton, Christopher. "Public Diplomacy and International Conflict Resolution: A Cautionary Case from Cold War South America." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz003.
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AbstractCan public diplomacy help resolve protracted international conflicts? Both rationalist and constructivist traditions identify significant domestic obstacles to international peacemaking. However, Robert Putnam's concept of “reverberation” implies that diplomats can expand their adversaries’ win-sets for cooperation by engaging foreign publics. This paper analyzes a most-likely case, with archival evidence: Argentine Ambassador Oscar Camilión's unsuccessful quest for Argentine-Brazilian rapprochement in 1976–77. Although the two countries later overcame rivalry, public diplomacy contributed negligibly to this success: internal Argentine divisions created mixed messages toward Brazil, Brazilian leaders launched a competing public relations operation, and these two currents obstructed and nearly terminated Camilión's mission. This case illuminates the paradoxes of Argentine foreign policymaking under military rule and offers a cautionary tale for scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy and conflict resolution.
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Stearns, Jason. "Involution and symbiosis: the self-perpetuating conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo." International Affairs 98, no. 3 (May 2022): 873–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac062.
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Abstract Literature on conflict duration emphasizes the importance of material factors, commitment problems and information asymmetries. Using the case study of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and drawing on interviews with 138 sources involved in the conflict, this article advances a theory of conflict duration that highlights the role that interests, identities and the social anchorage of belligerents play. Together, they explain how the conflict in the Congo has become an end in itself for belligerents, carried forward by its own momentum. This article describes the key factors: a proliferation of actors, the rise of a military bourgeoisie, the involution of interests, and the symbiosis of belligerents. A similar argument can be applied to other protracted conflicts in large and weak states. This understanding of conflict has repercussions for policy, as it suggests that there is no inherent link between elite political settlements and stability. It pushes away from the technocratic approach to institution-building to centre the role of the state and political culture in debates over peacebuilding.
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Talhami, Michael, and Mark Zeitoun. "The impact of attacks on urban services II: Reverberating effects of damage to water and wastewater systems on infectious disease." International Review of the Red Cross 102, no. 915 (December 2020): 1293–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000667.
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AbstractThis article investigates the effects that attacks during armed conflict which damage water and wastewater services have on the outbreak and transmission of infectious disease. It employs a lens of uncertainty to assess the level of knowledge about the reverberations along this consequential chain and to discuss the relevance to military planning and targeting processes, and to the laws of armed conflict. It draws on data in policy reports and research from a wide variety of contexts, and evidence from protracted armed conflicts in Iraq, Yemen and Gaza. The review finds a strong base of evidence of the impact of attacks on water and wastewater services, and a high level of confidence in information about the transmission of infectious disease. One clear risk identified is when people are exposed to water supplies which are contaminated by untreated wastewater. Obtaining a similar level of confidence about the cause and effect along the full consequential chain is challenged by numerous compounding variables, though there are a number of patterns related to the duration of the armed conflict within which the attacks occur. As the conflict protracts, both the risk of the spread of infectious disease and the evidence base for gauging the reverberating effects becomes stronger, for example. The article concludes that the reverberating effects of damage from an attack can be foreseen in some contexts and can be expected to become more foreseeable over time. The analysis suggests that the most pragmatic path for military institutions and those involved in targeting operations to take this knowledge into account is through a “precautionary approach” which assumes the existence of the reverberating effects, and works them in to the standard information-gathering and planning processes.
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Yaouba, Habiba. "A Legal Comparison of Regional Powers' Involvements in African Conflicts: Case Studies of Libya and South Africa." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 07 (2022): 624–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.6738.
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The Republic of Chad, located in central Africa, is under attack by a series of military coups; despite its prosperity, the country has emerged from protracted conflicts since its independence. The violence was perpetrated and directed by rebel groups of various ethnicities. As the regional leader, Libya decided in 1991 to intervene in internal Chadian affairs by mediating between the regime and rebel groups on political and economic matters, despite being under international sanctions. The first “Coup d’État” since Ivory Coast’s independence occurred in December 1999, and more recent coups have also been successful; the violence in Ivory Coast appears to be a conflict that has targeted both the military and civilians. The last military coup in 2002 failed and turned into a small war within the country, attracting South Africa’s involvement in the bloodied country by violence, fear, and escalating instability, which worsened the human rights situation. The Ivory Coast’s struggle was more intensely influenced by economic factors, while the conflict in Chad was the political cause. Legally, the international community arrangement in Ivory Coast obligated South Africa, as a regional leader, to secure peace and stability. In contrast, Libya illegally meddles in the internal affairs of Chad with its influential “brother leader,” who has a new position as a regional peacemaker and is dominant in the Sub-Saharan region.
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VARTAVARIAN, MESROB. "Warriors and States: Military labour in southern India, circa 1750–1800." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000038.
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AbstractThe consolidation of numerous regional polities in the aftermath of Mughal imperial decline presented favourable socioeconomic opportunities for South Asian service communities. Protracted armed conflicts in southern India allowed a variety of mercenaries, soldiers, and war bands to accumulate resources in exchange for mobilizing manpower on behalf of states with weak standing armies. This article focuses on British imperial efforts to obtain sufficient quantities of military labour during its struggle with the Mysore sultanate. As the sultanate assumed an increasingly hostile attitude towards independent warrior power, local strongmen sought more amenable arrangements with alternate entities. The British East India Company received crucial support from autonomous warrior groups during its southern wars of conquest. Warriors in turn utilized British resources to consolidate local sovereignties. Thus, the initial British intrusion into peninsular Indian society further fragmented the political landscape by patronizing petty military entrepreneurs.
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Orogun, Paul. "Plunder, Predation and Profiteering: The Political Economy of Armed Conflicts and Economic Violence in Modern Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 2 (2003): 283–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322763593.
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AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analytical study that is based on a political economy perspective concerning the effects of economic violence and the specter of predation-induced armed conflicts in modern African states. Although "blood diamonds," crude oil, "conflict timber," and illicit arms trafficking have engendered and exacerbated civil wars, cross-border raids, and protracted regional destabilization in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, my primary focus is on the ongoing military debacle in Liberia and the recently concluded mayhem in Sierra Leone. The "resource curse" hypothesis will be utilized to examine and to illuminate the impact of economic pillaging, illicit arms trade, and predatory warlordism on the political instability and humanitarian atrocities in these two West African countries. A review of the internal regime types and the regional security relations within the sub-region will help to contextualize the recurrent trends and discernable systemic patterns that have been associated with these pillaging wars in the post-cold war era of Africa's international relations. In short, armed conflicts have weakened state capabilities, strained the financial resources of nongovernmental organizations and even raised provocative questions about the political will and sustaining capacities of the international community and regional security organizations to keep the peace and create conditions that are conducive to long-term, sustainable and viable political stability and economic development in the conflict-ridden and war-ravaged Sub-Saharan African States.
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Casas-Casas, Andrés, Nathalie Mendez, and Juan Federico Pino. "Trust and Prospective Reconciliation: Evidence From a Protracted Armed Conflict." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620945968.
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Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.
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Kondapalli, Srikanth. "China’s Perceptions of Russia during the Ukraine Conflict." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 2 (May 24, 2023): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-2-89-87-103.
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The ongoing Russian military operation in Ukraine since February 2022 has presented significant challenges to China's foreign and security policies, as well as its economic and technological ties with the West. Initially, China refrained from criticizing Russia's military actions and adopted a "neutral" or "independent" stance in response to Western criticism. However, China was taken aback by the protracted nature of the conflict and Russia's inability to successfully conclude its military operation. This raised concerns within China, considering its own situation of potentially reunifying with Taiwan through military means if necessary. While there are distinctions between the situations in Ukraine and Taiwan, the initial speculation of China conducting military operations against Taiwan has gradually diminished, although military pressure on Taiwan remains. The conflict in Ukraine has also caused internal divisions within China and has had an impact on its relations with the West, which are crucial for China's rise on the global stage. This article aims to examine China's interests and positions regarding the ongoing Ukrainian conflict, the implications for its relations with Russia, and the opportunities and challenges that China faces in the current situation. The article employs an inductive approach, analyzing China's predicaments at four levels: perceptions within the decision-making bodies of the Communist Party, the foreign ministry, think-tanks, and the media community. It argues that in conjunction with China's economic contraction resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian military operation has prompted China to seriously contemplate how to safeguard its national interests, particularly with regard to Taiwan and its strategic objectives of attaining a prominent global position. These considerations carry medium to long-term implications for the evolving regional and global orders. In conclusion, the article briefly discusses the implications of these developments on India, shedding light on the broader regional dynamics influenced by China's response to the Ukrainian conflict.
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Tarapon, Oksana. "Cinnisni orієntiri v Ukrainі v umovakh formuvannja totalіtarnogo mentalіtetu 1920 – 1930-kh rr." Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 2, no. 1 (2016): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pomi201601.
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Values in Ukraine in the Formation of a Totalitarian Mentality in the 1920s and 1930s. Mental origins of Soviet totalitarianism were formed after the brutal military conflict during the establishment of the Soviet regime in Ukraine. Protracted military confrontation of several military and political forces exposed civilians to violence and lawlessness. Mass sufferring devalued a human life and intensified social disappointment. Physical and psychological injuries affected daily life and values of the society. The values of survival and self-preservation became dominant under conditions of permanent violence against society. The main characteristic of the totalitarian mentality was the fear, which consolidated the position of non-interference and passivity. During the 1920s and 1930s it facilitated Soviet authorities to use violence against some classes and groups of the society (requisition of bourgeoisie property, abuse of intellectuals, clergy, etc.). Sharp inversion of values, philosophical and moral foundations of the nation, multiplied by the forcible practices of the Soviet policy, resulted in the erosion of values, distorted traditional behavioral patterns of the society and caused deep injuries of mass consciousness.
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Michaels, Jeffrey H. "Waging “Protracted Conflict” Behind the Scenes: The Cold War Activism of Frank R. Barnett." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00718.
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From the end of World War II to the collapse of the Soviet Union, Frank R. Barnett, a private U.S. citizen, became a central player among the West's ‘Cold Warriors’ by developing and applying a unique methodology for organizing anti-Communist “political warfare” both in the United States and around the world. Recognizing the limits of government-sponsored activities in prosecuting a more aggressive strategy to counter the Soviet Union, Barnett sidestepped U.S. officialdom and created a parallel and less-constrained private network to engage in “protracted conflict” for the purpose of “rolling back the Soviet empire.” A key aspect of his activism involved developing educational gatherings for policymakers, lawmakers, industrialists, military reserve officers, and scholars. Arguably the most notable achievement of this network was that it kept the ideology of hardline anti-Communism on the “back burner” during a period when the mainstream discourse of “peaceful coexistence” and détente prevailed.
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Stokke, Kristian. "Political Representation by Ethnic Parties? Electoral Performance and Party-Building Processes among Ethnic Parties in Myanmar." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 3 (December 2019): 307–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419893530.
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What is the role of political representation by ethnic parties in a multi-ethnic state that has undergone a transition from military rule, and is seeking to resolve protracted intrastate conflicts? The present article examines this question through a contextual case study of ethnic parties in Myanmar – a state that is characterised by unresolved ethnic grievances and conflicts; a political transition that has created new opportunities for ethnic representation; and multiple ethnic parties making representative claims on behalf of ethnic groups. Based on a mixed methods approach, the article documents that ethnic parties have been relatively ineffective in ensuring formal and descriptive representation and have had limited possibilities for substantive representation of ethnic interests. The article also identifies key explanations for the weak electoral performance of ethnic parties, emphasising party fragmentation and vote-splitting as well as weak party institutionalisation and limited capacity to make representative claims. Finally, the article analyses strategies for party-building, in preparation for the 2020 election. Based on the common emphasis on vote-splitting, most ethnic states have seen initiatives to merge parties, while a few parties have also sought to develop their political platform and sector policies. The article concludes that ethnic parties may gain improved formal representation after the next election but questions about the parties’ capacity for substantive representation remains. The 2020 election will thus be a new test for how ethnic voters see themselves best represented, in the light of competing representative claims and past experiences: by ethnic parties or non-ethnic democracy parties?
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Rastol'tsev, S. "Transnistrian Settlement in the Context of Geopolitical Confrontation." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2022): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-3-133-148.
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The article deals with the evolution of the Transnistrian conflict resolution through the prism of geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the West (primarily, the European Union), its current state and prospects, taking into account the development of the situation after February 24, 2022. Being situated between the two strategic security actors in Europe, Moldova since the early 2000s has become increasingly dependent on the state of their relations, which had a direct impact on the Transnistrian conflict settlement, complicating the chances for its comprehensive resolution. The growth of confrontation between Russia and the EU led to breaks of the negotiation process and its stagnation. Escalation of the Ukrainian crisis increased pressure on Transnistria and complicated military and political risks in the region. In the current circumstances, there is a real danger of “unfreezing” of the protracted Transnistrian conflict, which seemed almost impossible in the previous geopolitical conditions.
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Zheltukhina, Marina R., and Wazir S. Radhi. "Analytical study of cultural programs of Iraqi satellite TV channels." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 28, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2023-28-1-122-131.
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The authors examine the trends of Iraqi television after 2011, when the national broadcasting reached a new level. During this period, cultural programs with the aim of stabilizing the public mood and moral recovery began to be developed and popularized. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of the cultural programs of the Iraqi satellite channel, taking into account the socio-historical background. A general analysis of modern Iraqi television, which was formed after the end of the protracted military conflict with the United States, is given. The general thesis is put forward that the tense military and political situation in Iraq was naturally reflected in the airwaves of TV channels in the country, where the volume of the cultural component is extremely small. As the country goes through the post-war years, stabilizing the public mood is very important, and cultural programs can play an important role in this aspect. Modern Iraqi satellite television is in its formative and developmental stage due to external social and political factors. The research contributes to the development of scientific methodological and theoretical basis for the further study of Iraqi media.
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Rzeszutko, Mariusz. "Low intensity conflict: the Russo-Georgian situation after 2008." Res Politicae 14 (2022): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2022.14.04.
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The signature of the so-called Six-Point Ceasefire Agreement and the Agreement on Measures Implementing to the Six-Point Plan by all parties of the Russian-Georgian conflict, resulted in the international arena considering the Russian-Georgian conflict as frozen. Successive indistinguishable politicians elected as a president and prime ministers have ensured that Georgia and its problem have been forgotten by the international arena and the global mass media. Recognition of such a status has only emboldened the Russian Federation, leading it to take further steps in the area of the occupied republics and, in the longer term, the Near Abroad space. Moreover, despite its official frozen status, the active phase of the conflict has been, and continues to be, maintained by the Russian Federation by keeping military bases and border guards on Georgia’s occupied territories, as well as by carrying out a delimitation process (so-called borderisation) with the defector separatist authorities. The spikes in tensions at the so-called unrecognized borders indicate that neither side wants to tolerate a further deterioration of the security situation in that area. In the face of recent events, including Russia’s renewed aggression on Ukraine, the protracted Russian-Georgian conflict, though of low intensity, should notably return to the agenda of Russia’s talks with the West.
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Anakhov, P. V. "Geophysical threats of wartime to high-risk objects of Ukraine." Geofizicheskiy Zhurnal 44, no. 3 (August 24, 2022): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24028/gj.v44i3.261970.
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Environment is changed by man consciously and mostly unconsciously. A characteristic feature of modern times is the unprecedented number of potentially dangerous enterprises that pose a real threat of emergencies of natural and man-made origin. Accidents at 203 high-risk Ukrainian facilities can lead to emergencies at the regional and state levels, spreading to other countries. Of all human engineering activities, hydraulic engineering has the greatest impact on the natural environment; significant effects of artificial regulation of precipitation, mining. These actions may also have military uses that involve intentional harm. The main task of military hydraulic engineering is the creation of artificial water barriers to advance the enemy. The use of artificial rainfall for the same purpose helps to soften road surfaces and provokes landslides along them, supports the erosion of river fords and increased soil water saturation. The earthquakes caused by the bombings are causing extensive damage to infrastructure. At the end of February 2014, Russia launched hostilities in Ukraine, which began with the annexation of Crimea, continued with a protracted armed conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, led to the entry of troops on February 24, 2022. Military action is accompanied by conscious and unconscious manifestations of aggression in potentially dangerous enterprises.
To protect against natural disasters of anthropogenic origin, in 1976 the Environmental Modification Convention was adopted. To date, only 94 of the 193 UN countries have ratified or agreed to the Convention. The list of potential 99 violators is supplemented by the founding member states of the United Nations and initiators of the development of the Convention within the USSR, the Russian Federation, which is waging hostilities on the territory of Ukraine, and Belarus.
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Feste, Karen A. "Foreign Military Intervention: The Dynamics of Protracted Conflict. Edited by Ariel E. Levite, Bruce W. Jentleson, and Larry Berman. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992. 334p. $32.50." American Political Science Review 88, no. 1 (March 1994): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944934.
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Markedonov, S. "Transformation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict: Historical Experience and Current Developments." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-120-130.
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The military-political reconfiguration of the post-Soviet space that is comparable in its scale and possible consequences to the process of the collapse of the former USSR is taking place now. This development makes topical the study of the roots of the Eurasian conflict and the trajectories of its development. The author of the article has chosen the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as an analytical pattern in order to reconceptualize some explanation models and redefine key definitions concerning it. The study represents a greater panoramic view on the spectrum of the Armenian-Azerbaijani disputes. Following E. Azar theoretical ideas, he identifies the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as a protracted social one covering both ethnic, intercommunal, interstate, national and external dimensions. He also pays attention to the major concepts of the K. Deutsch communication theory. The author traces the spread of nationalism strategies in the South Caucasus in parallel with modernization, urbanization and growth of literacy. He connects the strengthening of these strategies with the first experience of Armenian and Azerbaijani nation-states in 1918–1920 and subsequent “Sovetization” of both republics. Particularly underlying the Soviet techniques that address the nationalism, the author concludes that the specific political experience in the USSR promoted ethno-territorial nationalism. Thus, by the eve of the Soviet Union’s demise both republics were ready to launch new editions of their nation-states. Traditionally, scholars, while addressing the confrontation, oppose the Karabakh Armenian fight for national liberation and Armenian occupation of some Azerbaijani areas. The author examines the particularities of the two aforementioned formats of the conflict after the dissolution of the USSR and offers an explanation framework to the new realities of the current state of this conflict after the “second Karabakh war” of 2020.
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Rahman, Bambang Arif. "Islamic revival and cultural diversity; pesantren’s configuration in contemporary Aceh, Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2022): 201–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v12i1.201-229.
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This study aims at investigating the extent to which pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Aceh, Indonesia have flourished in encountering multicultural situations in the post-disaster of a massive tsunami and post-separatist-military conflict through the lens of Islamic revivalism. A decade and a half after the gigantic natural disaster in 2004 and the protracted bloody conflict, Aceh underwent various changes in social, economic, political, educational, and religious areas. In the educational and religious sectors, a pivotal metamorphose took place in pesantren as a means of Islamic revival, where this Islamic boarding school has transformed into multicultural institutions. Using a qualitative design, this study observed a small number of pesantren in Aceh, interviewed their key stakeholders, and analyzed pesantren documents. The findings show that pesantren cultures in contemporary Aceh differ from previous monolithic traditional Islamic schools in curriculum, characteristics, typology, and affiliation. This change is a unique mark of an Islamic revival following the influx of the plural Indonesian and of the world communities to Aceh after the catastrophe and violence with their heterogeneous aids and cultural settings. In addition, the implementation of shari’a (Islamic) law in this special province after both tragedies confirmed the work of the Islamic revival, though many nationalists sharply criticize this sectarian and exclusive law within multicultural countries like Indonesia. However, in this situation, pesantren in Aceh expressed a positive commitment to celebrating cultural diversity through ethnicity respect, religious tolerance, and Indonesian unity rather than endorsing the idea of an Islamic state.
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Yurlov, Felix N. "INDIA — SEARCH FOR A FOREIGN POLICY COURSE." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (26) (2023): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-204-212.
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In January 2023, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared that the world is in crisis and called for a summit of more than 120 developing and less developed countries comprising the Global South with the goal of creating a new world order. Until recently, India has been able to maintain neutrality in her relations with Russia. As for China, there are unresolved problems with this country, especially the protracted border conflict. India is concerned with China’s growing power. Current world developments, including those in Asia and Ukraine, resulted in an invitation to N. Modi to come to the US with a state visit in June 2023 to ‘celebrate the enduring friendship’ between the two countries. The invitation stated that the US looked forward to continuing to work with India to build a brighter future for both countries and for the world. The expectations for this visit were based on the assumption that India was an important power that could counter China’s growing economic and military influence. US – India relations in the XXI century will be critical for the whole world. During his talks with Modi, Biden underscored the importance Quad, which includes USA, India, Japan, and Australia and is aimed at limiting China’s influence and outreach. Modi stated that the New Delhi – Washington relations were stronger and deeper than ever before and prior to his state visit he said that there was ‘unprecedented trust’ between the leaders of India and the US.
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Goodby, James E. "When War Won Out: Bosnian Peace Plans Before Dayton." International Negotiation 1, no. 3 (1996): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180696x00197.
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AbstractThe elements bearing on the prospects for a political settlement in Bosnia-Herzegovina came together in 1995 in a way that made peace possible. These included a forceful US lead in the negotiations, a protracted NATO air campaign, a shift in the local balance of power adverse to the Bosnian Serbs, expulsion of the Serbian population from Krajina, and a readiness of Serbian President Milosevic to negotiate a settlement on behalf of the Bosnian Serbs. These elements were not present in 1992-94 when two earlier mediation efforts collapsed before peace plans that had a measure of acceptance from the parties to the conflict could be put into effect. The particular internal features of the three plans and the distinctions between them did not cause two of them to fail and one to succeed. To conclude that the 1992-93 plans would have had a chance of succeeding if the United States or the Europeans had used military force to support them is probably not wrong but it misses an important point. There are moments in a dynamic situation when external inputs produce maximum effects while at other times the cost of intervention to achieve a given result is likely to be higher. In catastrophe theory, the condition when external input produces maximum effect within the system is called metastability. The author urges that in analyzing negotiating situations the notion of ripeness take into account the concept of metastability.
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Shevchuk, N. "“Coercive Diplomacy” as an Instrument of EU Influence on the Peace Process: Transdniestrian Casus." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 10 (2023): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-10-120-131.
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“Coercive diplomacy” is often described as a protective and non-offensive political and diplomatic tool, an alternative to military action based on the threat of force instead of its use. The article shows how “coercive diplomacy” has evolved nowadays, when it is applied in the form of sanctions and special economic regimes both as an incentive to action and as a requirement to change policies. The emphasis is placed on the role of trade policy in the context of settlement of a protracted conflict. The experience of using trade and economic instruments by the European Union within the framework of the “carrot and stick” strategy is analyzed on the example of stimulating the reorientation of Transdniestrian producers from the Russian to the European market and then involving this unrecognized de facto state in the regime of the deep comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA) of the EU in order to influence the peace process and the reintegration of the Republic of Moldova. The author concludes that trade instruments allow the EU not only to keep the Transdniestrian elites in its zone of influence, but also to balance Russian presence in this region. The article has been prepared on the basis of an extensive number of sources, including statements of participants in the processes described in the article, as well as the recorded results of the author’s working meetings, for a number of years directly involved in the negotiation process on the Transdniestrian settlement in the “5+2” format and negotiations with the leadership of the EU Trade Department on the implementation of certain aspects of the DCFTA regime in Transdniestria.
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Eran-Jona, Meytal, Roni Tiargan-Orr, Stephen Z. Levine, Yehiel Limor, Mordechai Schenhav, and Uzi Ben-Shalom. "Habituation of Fear—Israeli-Jewish Population during Protracted Belligerence." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 23 (November 30, 2022): 16067. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192316067.
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The identification of demographic factors of vulnerability and resilience in communities facing belligerent conflicts is increasingly relevant today. This representative study aims to examine the effect of protracted violence on the level of fear of the overall Israeli-Jewish population, and the role of the conflict on the connection between socio-economic factors and fears. Sixty-six representative samples were identified and surveyed from 2001 to 2019 (n = 37,190) that occurred during (n = 14,362) and between (n = 22,828) seven conflicts and non-conflict periods. Results show that during military conflicts, civilians declared less fears of physical injury comparing routine time; a slow trend of decline in the level of fears over time was observed; during routine periods, fear was associated with female-gender and with the lowest income level group. Ultra-orthodox and Religious respondents had significantly less fear than the secular and traditional respondents. During military conflicts, the results changed significantly, mainly for the lowest income group, women and ultra-orthodox.
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Udayakumar, S. P. "Futures of protracted conflicts." Futures 36, no. 3 (April 2004): 379–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0016-3287(03)00161-7.
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SHEBALDINA, Galina. "THE RELEASE OF PRISONERS: BASED ON MATERIALS FROM PEACE AGREEMENTS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN IN THE 16TH–18TH CENTURIES." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4 (27) (2021): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-4-82-90.
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Establishing legal norms regulating the status and position of prisoners of war was a protracted process. It started out as traditions, customs, and practical experiences accumulated during military conflicts. As time went by, the development of humane outlooks, in Europe strongly influenced by Christian morals and ethics, resulted in changes to the status and situation of prisoners. The article traces this process in detail, considering the relevant treaties concluded by Russia and Sweden in the 16th-18th centuries following the end of military conflicts between the two states. This research helps discover prerequisites for shaping a unified international law on prisoners-of-war in the late 19th – early 20th centuries.
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Guoqiang, Dong, and Andrew G. Walder. "Local Politics in the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Nanjing Under Military Control." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 425–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000039.
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China's protracted regional conflicts of 1967 and 1968 have long been understood as struggles between conservative and radical forces whose opposed interests were so deeply rooted in existing patterns of power and privilege that they defied the imposition of military control. This study of Nanjing, a key provincial capital that experienced prolonged factional conflict, yields a new explanation: the conflicts were prolonged precisely because they could not be characterized as pitting “conservatives” against “radicals”, making it difficult for central officials, local military forces, or Mao Zedong to decide how to resolve them. Furthermore, Beijing officials, regional military forces, and local civilian cadres were themselves divided against one another, exacerbating and prolonging local conflicts. In competing for approval from central authorities, local factions adopted opportunistic and rapidly shifting political stances designed to portray their opponents as reactionary conservatives—charges that had no basis in fact.
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Azar, Edward E. "Protracted international conflicts: Ten propositions." International Interactions 12, no. 1 (June 1985): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050628508434647.
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Kirschner, Shanna A. "Simulating Negotiation in Protracted Conflicts." Journal of Political Science Education 16, no. 4 (November 17, 2018): 430–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512169.2018.1530122.
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Nakir, M., Arief Prayitno, and Ridwan Gunawan. "Interoperabilitas antar matra dalam skema perang berlarut." JRTI (Jurnal Riset Tindakan Indonesia) 8, no. 1 (January 17, 2023): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.29210/30032505000.
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<span lang="EN-US">The discourse on the development of the military strategy nowdays is inseparable from the globalization. Defense experts are faced with an increasing trend of international system instability and it is increasingly difficult to predict. The presence of new technology also influences the characteristics of modern conflicts where future wars are becoming increasingly complex. In general, wars are planned by the aggressor for a short period of time in order to achieve victory quickly, however, the little ones force long-lasting wars as protracted wars. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive design. The purpose of this study is to analyze how far the interopability between the branches of the land arm in the protracted war scheme in Indonesia is. The research was carried out at the Army Headquarters and the Army Education and Training Command. The research data were analyzed in four steps, namely data reduction, presenting data, integrating data and drawing conclusions. The results of the study indicate that it requires strengthening of interopability between dimensions in the protracted war scheme in Indonesia. The conclusion is that in modern warfare, interoperability is absolutely necessary in military operations. Suggestions for the need for further research on interoperability between branches in the Army Forces in a protracted war scheme are more specific in one large island defense area. </span>
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Montiel, Cristina Jayme. "Building peace spaces in protracted conflicts." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 14, no. 2 (April 2008): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781910802017396.
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Remler, Philip. "Ukraine, Protracted Conflicts and the osce." Security and Human Rights 26, no. 1 (December 29, 2015): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02601003.
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Aspects of the Ukraine crisis present enormous problems for the future of osce and other international conflict mediation. Annexation, “hybrid” warfare, the proliferation of non-recognized separatist polities, the absence of a shared baseline of facts and, therefore, the sharp divergence of narratives, and perhaps most of all, the development of fortress mentalities – all of these have challenged the “Helsinki acquis” on which the osce is based. Developments in the protracted conflicts – greater Russian control over three of the separatist polities to the point of crypto-annexation and the spread of the idea that democracy and human rights are no more than tools of Western imperialist domination – affect the way in which the osce and its mediators are perceived. The cycle of Russian assertiveness and Western response has created a self-reinforcing spiral that consolidates alliances among those who share a fortress mentality, is used to justify past actions, discourages “weakness” in the face of pressure, and encourages ever more aggressive responses to it. In the face of this discouraging picture, osce mediators should build on the remaining areas of co-operation – especially on the Karabakh conflict – and emphasize osce impartiality. The osce has always been a “big tent,” a forum of diverse equals, none of whom has a perfect record on democracy and human rights. Criticizing and being criticized is not, therefore, a “double standard,” but a dialogue that enriches all participating States.
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Mendenhall, Slade. "Declared War and American Victory: A Search for Effective Commitment." British Journal of American Legal Studies 9, no. 2 (August 4, 2020): 261–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2020-0017.
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AbstractThis Article argues that the act of formally declaring war entails a measure of explicit commitment on the part of American political actors that raises the cost of failure and motivates politicians to see engagements through to a decisive end, fulfilling the role of a contract or institutional commitment device. It argues that undeclared conflicts, lacking such a device, are more likely to end on less decisive and less favorable terms to the United States. On this basis, it explains the emergence of a decades-long trend of protracted, unsuccessful, and indecisive military engagements by the United States as having emerged from the erosion of a constitutionally established separation of powers with respect to the initiation and administration of foreign military conflicts. In defense of this theory, it uses case studies to assess the relevance of its predictions and to weigh potential objections involving selection bias and imperfect information.
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Bünte, Marco. "Myanmar’s Protracted Transition." Asian Survey 56, no. 2 (March 2016): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.2.369.
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This article argues that Myanmar is experiencing the beginning of a protracted transition, in which the military, the opposition, and the country’s civil society are renegotiating political space. The protracted transition might take decades, and opposition forces and civil society will face an uphill struggle to fully liberalize the regime.
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Haled, Alheder. "Prospects for Cooperation Between Russia and Syria in Various Scenarios of Military Conflict Development." Scientific Research and Development. Economics 9, no. 3 (June 22, 2021): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9111-2021-9-3-50-55.
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The paper is devoted to determining the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the Syrian Arab Republic in various scenarios of military conflicts. In order to identify the relationship between the success of the country's foreign economic policy and the military conflicts waged on its territory, a study was conducted of such indicators of Syria as: the growth rate of the peace index and the GDP growth rate. A strong inverse correlation is revealed, which means that the level of political situation and peace in the state determines the efficiency of the economy. In view of this, various scenarios of the development of the military conflict in Syria have been studied: at the initial stage, at the stage of active hostilities, at the present stage of overcoming the crisis. The last stage involves four different scenarios for the development of a military conflict, including a local nature and a protracted nature with the involvement of other countries of the world. Options for developing cooperation between Russia and Syria have been identified for each scenario. Taking into account the assessment of the international political situation, the two most likely scenarios for further military events in Syria are identified, and the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Syria in these conditions are outlined.
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Kolås, Åshild. "Naga militancy and violent politics in the shadow of ceasefire." Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 6 (November 2011): 781–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311417972.
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Ceasefires are often seen as a simple measure to end violence and allow more substantive negotiations to begin. Contemporary conflict resolution models thus posit the ceasefire as a basic step in the peacebuilding trajectory. Offering an in-depth analysis of Naga militancy in Northeast India, this article argues that ceasefires should rather be understood as a part of the dynamics of conflict. Northeast India is a site of protracted conflict involving multiple contestants, where Naga militant organizations play a key role. A string of ceasefires since 1997 between the Indian government and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has contained fighting between security forces and militants, while violence has continued unabated between NSCN factions and among an array of other armed groups in the area claimed as ‘Nagalim’, with serious consequences for local communities. This study suggests that ceasefires may impact on conflict dynamics in at least three ways, all interrelated: (1) by affecting the internal cohesion of belligerent groups, (2) by affecting the operational space of armed groups, and (3) by affecting the relations between multiple stakeholders and parties to a conflict, including but not limited to the challenger(s) and the state. The study concludes that the terms of ceasefire agreements, the strategic use of ceasefires by conflict actors, and the opportunities created by a lack of effective monitoring of ceasefire ground rules has facilitated the operations of militants vying for territory, revenues from illegal ‘taxation’ and political stakes. Ceasefires have also paved the way for an escalation of factional and intergroup fighting and violent politics in Northeast India, by empowering signatory groups versus contenders as well as nonviolent actors.
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Heifetz, Aviad, and Ella Segev. "Escalation and delay in protracted international conflicts." Mathematical Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (January 2005): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2004.08.001.
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Simão, Licínia. "The problematic role of EU democracy promotion in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.001.
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This article looks at the interdependences between the democratisation processes in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh and the management of the Karabakh conflict, focussing on the EU’s democracy promotion policies. The article argues that the EU’s normative foreign policy in the South Caucasus has been limited by the permanence of the protracted conflicts, in two interrelated ways. First, by not addressing the conflicts the EU focused on long-term goals but failed to provide short-term incentives towards peace. Second, by allowing only a limited involvement in the protracted conflicts, especially inside Karabakh, the EU was perceived as a reluctant partner, undermining its normative credentials.
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Policinski, Ellen, and Jovana Kuzmanovic. "Protracted Conflicts: The enduring legacy of endless war." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 912 (December 2019): 965–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000399.
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Cochran, Shawn T. "The Civil–Military Divide in Protracted Small War." Armed Forces & Society 40, no. 1 (March 26, 2013): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x12465418.
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Yaro, David Suaka, Daniel Dramani Kipo-Sunyehzi, and Munkaila Abdul Basit Danjoe. "Protracted Conflicts in Africa: Evidence of the Ramifications of Bawku Conflict in Ghana on Access to Health Facilities and Health Service Utilisation." SCIENCE MUNDI 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/scimundi.3.1.5.
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The study mainly analyzes some protracted conflicts in Africa, particularly in Northern Ghana in Bawku in the Upper East Region of Ghana. The theoretical perspective was on protracted social conflict theory with insights from Edward Azar and its implications or ramifications on the internal and external relations of countries. The method used was largely a descriptive survey design, with the main instrument of data collection being a questionnaire, which was administered in the Bawku area in June 2023. A simple random sampling technique was used to select the respondents. The sample size was 399, and the data was analyzed with basic statistics and presented in tables and charts. The study found that the Bawku conflict significantly affected or impacted both the people's access to healthcare facilities (56.3%) and their access to healthcare service utilization (51.2%). Also, the study found that the most detrimental effects of the conflict were in terms of death (78.7%), injuries (74.5%), and obstructions to people's daily activities or operations (66%). In terms of the most effective or most common conflict resolution mechanisms that have been used in the conflict, they include the use of police and the military, followed by traditional councils and houses of chiefs. The study recommends that there must be concerted efforts by the central government and all stakeholders to address the conflict and find a long-lasting solution to the ethnic conflicts that have engulfed the Bawku traditional area. Also, political parties should limit their interference (meddling or snooping) and allow the traditional leaders in the Upper East Region, together with the National House of Chiefs’ free hand, to mediate and resolve the protracted Bawku conflict in Ghana.
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Mironova, Margarita. "THE EU’S APPROACH TO CONFLICT RESOLUTION: IMPLICATIONS FOR EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.2.
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The article deals with examining the EU main approaches on crisis management and conflict prevention on the example of the Eastern Partnership countries, internal and external factors that affect implementation of the EU activities in Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, implications for the EU and the region. The EU has a unique experience of activities in all crisis phases: early warning, mediation, deployment of EU missions and operations in conflict areas, post-conflict peacebuilding (stabilisation, reconstruction and reconciliation). The EU’s comprehensive and integrated approach towards crisis management includes a package of mixed political-military measures with focus on civilian component of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The strategic autonomy outlined as the guideline in the EU Global Strategy 2016 is an impetus for the EU more active and distinct role as a security actor, for enhancing its institutional and operational capabilities in the area of crisis regulation. Though there is a lack of EU capacity as a security provider in case of protracted conflicts in Eastern partner countries. The EU has sought to avoid direct involvement in conflict settlement: there aren’t any efficient mechanisms of it within the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership initiative. The determining factors of the EU’s approach to conflict resolution in Easter Europe are: absence of direct military threats and less challenges comparing to Southern and Eastern Mediterranean region; lack of political will and unity, multi-vector member-states’ policy; external influence of other actors, mainly Russia, unwillingness of the EU member-states to be engaged in geopolitical tensions with it. The regional security deficit requires more active and efficient EU engagement as a security provider in settling the protracted conflicts. The relevant measures should be: establishment of security compact within the Eastern Partnership initiative, deployment of additional missions in the region, coordination of activities with the OSCE, US and NATO.
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Ivanov, S. M. "Conflicts in the Middle East and Prospects for their Resolution." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 22, 2023): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2305-01.
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The article analyzes the origins, causes, a brief history, participants, external players of regional confl icts in the Middle East, development dynamics and prospects for their resolution. The author comes to the conclusion that by now most of the Middle East protracted confl icts have been frozen, but there are sporadic outbreaks of violence and provocations, accompanied by mutual rocket and artillery strikes and shelling. Mostly, such incidents take place on Israel's borders with the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria. The Israeli Air Force is carrying out missile and bomb strikes against military facilities and pro-Iranian military groups in Lebanon and Syria. The Turkish authorities, under the pretext of fighting terrorism, carry out military punitive operations in northern Syria and Iraq, as a result, there are casualties among the Kurdish militias and civilians in the border areas. Local skirmishes and exchanges of blows between US military personnel and Iranian proxy forces in Syria and Iraq do not stop. Missile and drone attacks also target oil and gas production facilities, tankers of Saudi Arabia and other countries in the Persian and Oman Gulfs. In general, a fairly high level of terrorist threat remains in the region. The author believes that the weakening of the position of the United States and its Western allies in the Middle East, the course taken by the countries of the region to diversify their external relations through rapprochement with China, India, and Russia creates good prerequisites for the peaceful resolution of protracted confl icts. This is also facilitated by the normalization of relations between Turkey and Israel, Saudi Arabia with Iran, the establishment of relations with an increasing number of Arab countries with Israel, the return of Syria to the League of Arab States, etc. At the same time, sharp disagreements and fundamental contradictions remain between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine, in particular, over the status of Jerusalem, the occupied Palestinian territories and Israeli settlement activity. Lebanon and Syria have territorial claims to Israel. So far, the process of a Middle East settlement under the auspices of the UN and the quartet of international mediators has been frozen. And if Riyadh and Tehran were still able to overcome the confrontation and, with the mediation of China, Iraq and Oman, began to restore previously broken relations, then the confrontation with elements of a hybrid war between Iran and Israel remains and is fraught with escalation into an armed conflict. In recent years, the unresolved Kurdish problem has become more and more acute. Deprived by Western politicians of the right to establish their own state, the multi-million Kurdish people found themselves divided by the borders of four states, whose authorities are pursuing a clearly discriminatory policy towards their Kurdish minorities. On the agenda is the struggle of the Kurds for equal rights and freedoms with the so-called titular nations (Turks, Arabs, Persians), and in the future the creation of Kurdish autonomous regions or subjects of federations. The author comes to the conclusion that the growing trend towards a multipolar world order dictates the need for a peaceful resolution of regional conflicts and long-term enmity of peoples, creates objective prerequisites for establishing their mutually beneficial cooperation, regardless of national, ethnic, confessional affiliation.The time of domination in the countries of the third world of the colonial principle "divide and conquer" is coming to an end.
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Rengger, N. J. "Military intervention in European conflicts." International Affairs 71, no. 2 (April 1995): 368–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623455.
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Gonta, Semen Nikolaevich. "“Civilian” quadcopters (drones) and their role in modern military conflicts." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2023): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2023.6.69317.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the use of commercial quadcopters in modern military conflicts. The relevance of the work is due to the fact that the experience of a special military operation (SVO) in Ukraine, as well as other military conflicts, has demonstrated to the whole world that even such a seemingly harmless tool as a quadcopter can become a formidable military force used in battle. The object of the study is commercial (also called “civilian”) quadcopters (drones). The subject of the study is the use of commercial quadcopters (drones) in modern military conflicts around the world. The author has studied in detail the process of development of commercial quadcopters (drones) as military instruments, and determined the role of quadcopters in modern military conflicts. Also, the author describes in detail the areas of application of civilian quadcopters in military conflicts. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods (content analysis method), as well as on special historical methods (narrative and historical-genetic). The scientific novelty of the article lies in a detailed study of the use of civilian quadcopters in modern military conflicts, namely: in a special military operation (SVO) on the territory of Ukraine, in military clashes between the Sudanese rapid reaction forces and the Sudanese armed forces, which began in April 2023, as well as in the Arab-Israeli conflict escalated again in October 2023. The author’s special contribution to the study of the topic is a detailed description of the use of civilian quadcopters in all of the above conflicts. The work also contains a large corpus of photographic materials on the use of quadcopters in military conflicts. Based on the study, we can conclude that the role of civilian quadcopters in modern military conflicts has significantly increased.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Bunina, A. Davydov, E. Desyatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, et al. "Joe Biden’s First Year in the White House." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2022): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-1-54-77.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2021. The past year turned out to be unexpectedly successful for the Democratic administration of Joseph Biden, who managed to use his party's almost maximum control over the federal government to lay the legislative foundation for the implementation of one of the priority items on the election agenda and began the transformation of the foreign policy strategy of the US global leadership. His first year was really eventful — in the difficult conditions of the ongoing pandemic, he opened a new stage of social and foreign policy transformations. The current US President came to the White House with a large-scale social agenda, on which the Democratic Party has been working all 4 years of Trump's presidency in anticipation of revenge. The ambitious plans, in addition to fighting the pandemic, included the subsequent reform of the healthcare system launched by Barack Obama, ensuring racial equality and social justice, updating the country's long and seriously worn out infrastructure, launching a ‘green transition’ and reforming the country's immigration system. All these reforms are long overdue and really needed. However, since the beginning of the XXI century the reform efforts of presidents traditionally produce very little results — an average of one large-scale reform for each president. The list of changes required by the country is growing, but the speed of its implementation is only falling. The reason for this slowdown lies in partisan polarization and radicalization, which grew rapidly during the same period, shrinking the space for compromise, a key condition for reform efforts under the American separation of powers. The Democrats with J. Biden won their chance for a blitz in 2020, however, not only the Republicans, whose numerical minority made it possible to worry less about their resistance, but also the unity of the Democratic Party itself, were on the way to its implementation. Over the past four years, the left wing of the party has expanded its membership in Congress and has become a powerful force, ready to resist even its own president. The large-scale social agenda proposed by J. Biden during the election campaign, which implies the expansion of the social responsibility of the state, eventually caused serious objections from both left-wing Democrats and Republicans. The first considered it insufficient, for the second it offered too revolutionary changes. Biden's centrist position in the face of radicalization proved to be more of an obstacle to pushing forward reforms than an opportunity to implement them. As a result, all participants had to compromise. Paradoxically, radicalization, which destroyed opportunities and room for compromise, itself became a compromise factor in a situation where changes could be too drastic for both the government itself and society. Finally, the Biden administration was able to seize a unique moment of democratic control over federal power to implement an important part of its social agenda. Biden's original plan to reform the country's infrastructure has seriously changed over this year of cross-party agreements, but in general, the adopted ‘Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act’ launches large-scale changes in several areas at once, on which the further development and competitiveness of the United States depend. Despite a relatively quick recovery, the US economy continues to face major challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic: high inflation and disruption in production chains. The new model for maintaining and expanding US global leadership, formulated and gradually implemented by Joe Biden’s administration, is based on the creation of a single ideological and technological space of allies in opposition to China and other authoritarian states challenging the US. The anti-Chinese vector determines the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy: returning to traditional allied relations, expanding alliances, ending protracted military campaigns, minimal strategic involvement in long-term conflicts, targeted interaction with competitors and adversaries, and controlled confrontation. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real-time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on an international level.
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Malhotra, Deepak, and Sumanasiri Liyanage. "Long-Term Effects of Peace Workshops in Protracted Conflicts." Journal of Conflict Resolution 49, no. 6 (December 2005): 908–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002705281153.
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Lewis, Dustin A. "The notion of “protracted armed conflict” in the Rome Statute and the termination of armed conflicts under international law: An analysis of select issues." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 912 (December 2019): 1091–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000028.
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AbstractLegal controversies and disagreements have arisen about the timing and duration of numerous contemporary armed conflicts, not least regarding how to discern precisely when those conflicts began and when they ended (if indeed they have ended). The existence of several long-running conflicts – some stretching across decades – and the corresponding suffering that they entail accentuate the stakes of these debates. To help shed light on some select aspects of the duration of contemporary wars, this article analyzes two sets of legal issues: first, the notion of “protracted armed conflict” as formulated in a war-crimes-related provision of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and second, the rules, principles and standards laid down in international humanitarian law and international criminal law pertaining to when armed conflicts have come to an end. The upshot of the analysis is that under existing international law, there is no general category of “protracted armed conflict”; that the question of whether to pursue such a category raises numerous challenges; and that several dimensions of the law concerning the end of armed conflict are unsettled.