Relevant bibliographies by topics / Protracted Social Conflicts

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Protracted Social Conflicts'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Protracted Social Conflicts"

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Heifetz, Aviad, and Ella Segev. "Escalation and delay in protracted international conflicts." Mathematical Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (January 2005): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2004.08.001.

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Gawerc, Michelle. "Constructing a Collective Identity Across Conflict Lines: Joint Israeli-Palestinian Peace Movement Organizations*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-193.

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For collective action to occur and be sustainable, social movements must construct collective identities and develop a sense of themselves as collective actors. This is especially difficult for movements that work across deep political and cultural chasms, and in situations of protracted conflict. Yet, there has been almost no research on how movement organizations, which work across conflict lines in situations of protracted conflict, are able to establish this sense of cohesion. This project investigates how two joint Israeli-Palestinian peace movement organizations are able to construct shared collective identities in a political environment where each side is cast as the enemy of the other. The findings indicate that in protracted conflicts, trust building is a distinct and critical process inherent in constructing a collective identity. The findings similarly reveal that while storytelling goes a long way toward establishing trust initially, ultimately, collective identity construction depends on visible confirmatory actions.
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Popov, Maxim. "MAJOR THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS." Politologija 87, no. 3 (October 9, 2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2017.3.10857.

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This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.
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Nuri, Najafov Zafar. "Conceptual Bases of the İmpact of Ethnic Conflicts on Regional and İnternational Security." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 1, no. 2 (June 5, 2021): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i2.447.

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The article examines the impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security. It is noted that during the Cold War, it was impossible to conduct serious research in this area. Because ethnic conflicts were seen as an internal affair of states. However, with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of absolute sovereignty intensified the interaction between the domestic life of the country and the international community. Such a development in the context of globalization has turned ethnic conflicts into a problem of international politics, taking them out of the context of the internal affairs of states. The globalization of ethnic conflicts has strengthened its impact on regional and international security and laid the groundwork for the "ethnicization of international relations". The impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security can be studied in the context of instrumentalism, neomondialism, the Brubaker’s Triangle, ethno-political movements, and theories of protracted conflict. In the theory of instrumentalism, ethnic conflict is seen as a means of struggle by elites. Even this struggle serves the interests of the ruling forces not only within the country, but also abroad. In the theory of protracted social conflicts, the main processes revolve around internal conflicts and identities. The Brubaker’s Triangle and theories of the ethnopolitical movement play an important role in the study of the external resources of separatism and its transformation into an interstate war. In the context of neomondialism, S. Huntington's theory of "clash of civilizations" tried to justify the fact that future conflicts will occur between religious and civilizational systems stemming from cultural factors.
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Coleman, Peter T., Antony G. Hacking, Mark A. Stover, Beth Fisher-Yoshida, and Andrzej Nowak. "Reconstructing ripeness I: A study of constructive engagement in protracted social conflicts." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 1 (June 2008): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/crq.222.

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Azar, Edward E., and Chung In Moon. "Managing Protracted Social Conflicts in the Third World : Facilitation and Development Diplomacy." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 15, no. 3 (December 1986): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298860150030601.

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Fernando, L. "Ethno-nationalism and Youth Dimension in the Protracted Social Conflicts in Sri Lanka." International Relations in a Globalising World 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2005): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097288640400100102.

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Popov, Maxim. "Conflict Resolution Strategy as Political Integration Resource: Theoretical Perspectives on Resolving Ethnic Conflicts in the North Caucasus." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3368.

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This article explores the different approaches to study of conflict resolution strategyfrom a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy aspolitical integration resource is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflictsin the instable region of North Caucasus. The author considers structural factors of protractedconflicts and emphasizes a destabilizing role of the re-politicization of ethnicity of a regionsociety in crisis. The concept of ethnic “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoreticalmodel of exploring causes for increased ethno-confessional tensions in the North Caucasus.The article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution theory to de-escalate growing ethnoconfessionaltensions and transform protracted ethnic conflicts. Interdisciplinary approach toanalyzing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource, while combining conflicttheory and neo-functionalistic paradigm, is the methodological basis of this research. The needto stimulate political integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical pointof view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factorsare related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentationand escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the socio-political conditions of the North Caucasianconflicts, the author calls social inequalities, civil identity crisis, authoritarian and ethnopolitical“renaissance”, economic polarization, “ideological combat” between the secular modernizationand fundamentalism. Discussing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource,it is necessary to consider the following: 1) North Caucasian integration is a macro-politicalproject, the content of which is determined by issues of social security of multiethnic Russia;2) development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows theinadmissibility of structural demodernization, fundamentalism and cultural isolationism. Today,the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macro-region, as it forms the southernvolatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as preventive tool onthe conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted socio-culturalproblems, transforming and rationalizing regional ethnic contradictions.
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.

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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Richards, Paul. "Against ethnicity." Focaal 2009, no. 54 (June 1, 2009): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540101.

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Ethnicity—once the preserve of anthropologists and folklorists studying disappearing tribal and peasant cultures—has become an important element in the models and explanations of a broader community of social scientists seeking to comprehend post-Cold War social disorder. But is ethnicity equivalent to variables such as resource competition or poverty? Ethnicity can be viewed as an epiphenomenon. The argument has major consequences for the way ethnic conflicts are analyzed and resolved. The article considers neo-Durkheimian conceptual tools for uncovering mechanisms generative of ethnic epiphenomena, and explores a neo-Durkheimian approach to conflict resolution. Specifically, Mary Douglas's ideas on ring composition are extended to include the ethnomusicological project of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók, and then applied to epiphenomena emerging from the protracted civil conflict in the West African country of Sierra Leone.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protracted Social Conflicts"

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Sims, Bryan M. "Conflict in perpetuity? Examining Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict through the lens of land reform." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96932.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013. By measuring representation and autonomy – indicators of human needs satisfaction– this dissertation traced each phase of the protracted social conflict as it both helped to create the conditions for a liberation model of representation while simultaneously further exacerbating protracted social conflict within Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed die verhouding tussen die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap veral deur die lens van grondbeleid, binne die konteks van Zimbabwe se uitgerekte sosiale konflik. Dit het ten doel om belangrike insigte op te lewer in die oorsprong, vorm en impak van politieke leierskap en die burgerlike samelewing. Die word blootgestel in 'n manier wat die dinamika van die elite en mobilisering op grondvlak in ag neem soweel as die politieke konteks waarin grondbeleid óf gemaak is of belemmer word. Hierdie tesis konfronteer ook 'n opkomende empiriese probleem: die afwesigheid van beskrywende data met betrekking tot die betrokkenheod van die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap tydens die grondhervorming proses in Zimbabwe gedurende die tydperk van oorgang tussen 2008 en 2013. Deur die meting van verteenwoordiging en outonomie - aanwysers van menslike behoeftes bevrediging - word elke fase van die uitgerekte sosiale konflik ondersoek met betrekking tot hoe ‘n bevryding model van verteenwoordigheid beide gehelp het om die voorwaardes te skepvir die eindeiging van die PSC; maar terselfdertyd het dit ook die sosiale konflik in Zimbabwe verder uitgerek. !
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Almansour, Mansour. "The participant role of external powers in protracted social conflicts : the case of Lebanon 1973-1982." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262988.

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Jerónimo, Natividade Helena Mateus. "Scientific expertise, uncertainties and politics : the protracted social and political conflicts over hazardous industrial waste in Portugal." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613020.

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Barrinha, Andre Filipe de Carvalho. "Politics, Security and the Construction of Protracted Social Conflicts. With special reference to the conflict between the Turkish State and the Kurdistan Workers' Party." Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508622.

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Jammeh, Ebou. "What could be a peacemaking strategy based on relative deprivation and provention perspective in Casamance?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27342.

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The Casamance conflict for decades has been unable to produce a sustained peace settlement. This project utilised among others, the relative deprivation and basic human needs satisfaction theories respectively and concludes that the conflict is underpinned by relative deprivation, strongly felt and driven by the elite group. Both the current phase as well as in the past, the conflict has been driven and to an extent manipulated by these elite, motivated by self-empowerment. Masked under the struggle of a relatively deprived masses into collective violence, seeded in a classic social conflict of a type rooted in stereotyping, marginalisation and underdevelopment, primarily driven by basic human needs dissatisfaction expressed in terms of the levels of poverty.   These stemmed in part from the colonial pass which set into motion the continuous suppression and segregation of the Casamance region. In particular, of the Diola ethnic identity thus, the conflict’s ethno nationalists dimension. This research presents a deprivation approach strategy to peace making, which among other factors includes addressing the socioeconomic and political causes of the conflict and also one that underscores the relevance of a credible third party involvement to resolving the dispute between a fractured MFDC and a reluctant Government of Senegal.
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Cavanaugh, Kathleen Anne. "Protracted social conflict in Northern Ireland : a basic needs approach." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267845.

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Lamamra, Nisrine Amel. "Protracted conflict in Africa : the social construction of sovereignty and war in Western Sahara." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608018.

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Thomson, William Wallace. "Conflict intervention and human needs satisfaction : exploring nonviolent approaches to the Israel-Palestine protracted social conflict 1993-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10202.

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Dickhout, Michael G. (Michael Gordon) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Ripe moments: preconditions for the resolution of protracted social conflict - Zimbabwe's road to Lancaster House re-examined." Ottawa, 1991.

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Barklin, Cathrine. "'A Perfect Storm' A case study of how the Ebola response played into conflict dynamics in Sierra Leone." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22827.

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Between 2014 and 2016, West Africa was struck by the largest ever Ebola epidemic. In Sierra Leone, the outbreak occurred only about a decade after the end of an eleven-year long civil war, which left the country with little capacity to contain the virus. While many have investigated the crisis that the Ebola outbreak caused West African countries, few have turned their attention directly towards the response to it. Following that line of thought, this case study explores how the Ebola response carried out by local, national and international actors played into conflict dynamics in the aftermath of the Sierra Le-onean civil war. By applying the theoretical perspectives of ‘the fortified aid compound’ and ‘dependent agency’, I argue that the response embodied a militarised approach and that it was insensitive towards local customs, which showed in shifting acts of compliance and resistance by beneficiaries. Lastly, by applying the theory of ‘protracted social con-flict’, I argue that conflict dynamics from the civil war were amplified by the Ebola re-sponse to some extent. The study concludes that future responses to epidemics, particu-larly in conflict affected settings, should consider potential negative effects connected to response structures and measures to a greater extent.
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Books on the topic "Protracted Social Conflicts"

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The management of protracted social conflict: Theory and cases. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Dartmouth, 1990.

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Keen, David. Useful enemies: When waging wars is more important than winning them. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012.

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O'Leary, Brendan, and John McGarry. Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation: Case Studies of Protracted Ethnic Conflicts. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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1957-, McGarry John, and O'Leary Brendan, eds. The Politics of ethnic conflict regulation: Case studies of protracted ethnic conflicts. London: Routledge, 1993.

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Farrell, Justin. The New (Wild) West: Social Upheaval, Moral Devaluation, and the Rise of Conflict. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164342.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how dramatic social change in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem (GYE) after 1970 ramped up competing moral commitments. It draws on a wealth of longitudinal data about demographic, economic, and cultural rearrangement to show how the area transitioned, in striking fashion, from old west to new west. It makes two arguments: First, that this large-scale social change has important moral causes and consequences, as competing groups erect and protect new moral boundaries in the fight for nature. Second, this new social and moral arrangement fostered protracted environmental conflict. The chapter presents the cast of characters involved in GYE conflicts, and then documents the rise of conflict using a host of original time-series indicators, across a variety of institutional fields (e.g., lawsuits, voting segregation, congressional attention, scientific disputes, public responses, interest group conflict, carrying capacity conflict).
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Maoz, Ifat. Intergroup Contact in Settings of Protracted Ethnopolitical Conflict. Edited by Phillip L. Hammack. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199938735.013.30.

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Intergroup contact, encounters, and dialogues are pervasively used in settings of protracted, ethnopolitical conflict as a device for improving relations between the sides and promoting conflict resolution and reconciliation. This chapter reviews the theoretical underpinnings of such efforts and discusses different models and modes of planned intergroup contact in conflict, as well as the potential of the intergroup encounters to bring about change, while focusing on the ethical implications and consequences of the encounter with the other and its narrative in the setting of protracted ethnopolitical conflict. Specifically, it focuses on the case study of the violent protracted asymmetric conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. In this context it discusses the extent to which different modes and models of organized intergroups can overcome moral exclusion, extend the boundaries of moral responsibility for the other, and increase support for more socially just and equitable relations.
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Lissak, Moshe. Israeli Society and Its Defense Establishment: The Social and Political Impact of a Protracted Violent Conflict. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Wouters, Jelle J. P. In the Shadows of Naga Insurgency. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199485703.001.0001.

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In the Shadows of Naga Insurgency is a fine-grained critique of the Naga struggle for political redemption, the state’s response to it, and the social corollaries and carry-overs of protracted political conflict on everyday life. Offering an ethnographic underview, Jelle Wouters illustrates an ‘insurgency complex’ that reveals how embodied experiences of resistance and state aggression, violence and volatility, and struggle and suffering link together to shape social norms, animate local agitations, and complicate interpersonal and intertribal relations in expected and unexpected ways. The book locates the historical experiences and agency of the Naga people and relates these to ordinary villagers’ perceptions, actions, and moral reasoning vis-à-vis both the Naga Movement and the state and its lucrative resources. It thus presses us to rethink our views on tribalism, conflict and ceasefire, development, corruption, and democratic politics.
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Meertens, Donny. Colombia. Edited by Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Naomi Cahn, Dina Francesca Haynes, and Nahla Valji. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199300983.013.41.

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Using Colombia as a case study, this chapter focuses on women and land rights in post-conflict societies. It begins with a brief history of land rights for women in Colombia both before and during the conflict and explores the roots of Colombia’s protracted armed conflict in unequal land distribution policies and peasant exploitation. The chapter describes challenges associated with land restitution in Colombia through an examination of the successes and challenges of the Victims and Land Restitution Law. It focuses on gendered obstacles related to security and local governance, the general informality in land tenure, and patriarchal practices and culture in rural society. The chapter closes with a call for an increased focus on women’s economic and social rights in transitional societies and articulates a vision of restitution laws as having the potential for transformative, forward-looking change.
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DiCicco, Jonathan M., and Brandon Valeriano. International Rivalry and National Security. Edited by Derek S. Reveron, Nikolas K. Gvosdev, and John A. Cloud. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190680015.013.29.

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International rivalries are discussed with an emphasis on their relevance to U.S. national security. Social-scientific research on these protracted, antagonistic, and often violent relationships serves as a wellspring of insight into national security challenges. A primary focus on rivalries between sovereign states is supplemented with discussion of rivalries involving nonstate actors, including armed groups associated with insurgency and terrorism. To anchor these discussions, the chapter briefly denotes definitional, conceptual, and operational aspects of rivalry research. Rivalries are linked to U.S. national security concerns through first-, second-, and third-order effects. The challenge of overcoming histories of hostility to achieve peaceful resolution of rivalries is examined. Future directions in rivalry research, including the imperative to incorporate contemporary policy concerns (such as cybersecurity and emerging technologies and techniques associated with international conflict), are discussed in a forward-looking manner that emphasizes the complementarity of scholarship and policy arenas.
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Book chapters on the topic "Protracted Social Conflicts"

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Jok, Jok Madut. "Lessons in Failure: Peacebuilding in Sudan/South Sudan." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa, 363–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_20.

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Abstract Common to most protracted conflicts that relapse into war is a disconnect between elites and local communities, which typically suffer the most when the former undermine peace agreements to further their own narrow interests. The central argument in this chapter, drawing heavily on the recent history of Sudan/South Sudan and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), is that African conflict resolution and peacebuilding relies too heavily on political agreements between politico-military elites. These deals focus largely on elite power and resource-sharing arrangements. Mostly ignored are the communal and societal dynamics that initially fed the violence. Sudan/South Sudan’s persistent conflict and instability is a prime example of what happens when peace agreements are signed without due regard for the true nature and genesis of the conflict.
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Oberschall, Anthony. "Protracted Conflict." In Social Movements, 97–124. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315129631-4.

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Lordos, Alexandros, and Daniel Hyslop. "The Assessment of Multisystemic Resilience in Conflict-Affected Populations." In Multisystemic Resilience, 417–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190095888.003.0023.

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Violent social conflicts are driven by and contribute to a cascade of stressors and shocks that can entirely overwhelm individuals, households, communities, and institutions, leading to loss of life and protracted suffering. In this context, humanitarian, peacebuilding, and development organizations have begun utilizing a resilience lens to inform efforts for conflict prevention and postconflict recovery, while the scholarly community is conducting its own investigations to understand what can drive resilience in conflict-affected populations. In this chapter, the authors pull together these diverse strands of the practitioner and scholarly conflict resilience literature, to delineate a set of principles that can guide future work. Assessment of resilience in conflict-affected populations should integrate systemwide thinking with agent-focused research, utilize mixed-method approaches, leverage analytic methods that are suitable for detection of cross-systemic linkages, and engage with stakeholders across multiple systems and levels to maximize resilience-enhancing insight, planning and action.
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Popic, Tamara, and Natalija Perišić. "Former Yugoslavia." In Health Politics in Europe, 901–7. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860525.003.0040.

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This chapter traces the common past of the healthcare systems of seven countries that formerly were part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY): Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia. Due to their common state histories, these countries witnessed similar health policy developments, marked by the introduction of a social insurance system under the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and establishment of universal healthcare during the communist period. After the break-up of the SFRY in 1992, the countries departed on independent policy trajectories, which were protracted and disrupted by conflicts over state-building and nationalism, and in some countries also by civil war.
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"Protracted Social Conflict in Kashmir." In Conflict Management in Kashmir, 37–63. Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108539135.004.

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Impey, Angela. "Performing Transitional Justice." In Transforming Ethnomusicology Volume I, 169–86. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197517604.003.0011.

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This chapter invites critical scrutiny of the role of performance ethnography in development praxis, focusing specifically on the place of ethnomusicology in current discourses about alternative frameworks for transitional justice in post-conflict and fragile states. The paper responds to the increasing appeal in transitional justice literature for legal pluralism and reflects on the challenges and opportunities that traditional justice strategies pose for many of the fundamental assumptions that currently underlie post-conflict rule-of-law work. Taking direction from Brown et al. (2011) and Mignolo (2013), who call for imaginative “delinking” from current epistemic hegemonies in seeking solutions to pressing societal problems, the chapter argues for greater consideration of culture in responding to the multidimensional legacies of protracted conflict (Rush & Simić 2014). Drawing on research on Dinka ox-songs in South Sudan—a country that emerged from half a century of civil war with Sudan, but remains profoundly destabilized by internecine violence—the paper argues that in their capacity as public hearings, ox-songs offer locally embedded judicial instruments or “justice rituals” (Rossner 2013) of narration, listening, and understanding, opening discursive spaces for the expression of multiple public positions and forms of agency. While songs recount individual, clan, or community memories within the context of culturally legitimate expressive spaces, they equally reveal potentially incompatible rejoinders to social justice, forgiveness, and inclusivity, thus supporting new pathways for hybrid or plural frameworks for truth-telling, justice, and reparative outcomes.
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Berents, Helen. "Right(s) from the ground up: internal displacement, the urban periphery and belonging to the city." In The politics of identity. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526110244.003.0009.

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Often overlooked, internal displacement affects millions around the globe. Colombia’s protracted conflict, which has internally displaced approximately six million people (IDMC 2015a, 2015b), has embedded social exclusion and violence as features of everyday life for many Colombians who find themselves living in informal settlements on the urban periphery. Increasingly, connections between urban exclusion, insecurity and poverty can be read as a ‘violent’ failure of citizenship (Koonings and Kruijt 2007, 12) that negates the lived experience of those on the margins. This chapter contends that despite this negation those who struggle to survive make claims of the right to belong to (and in) the city through placing their bodies in public spaces as well as finding new articulations of place and belonging amongst the complexities of the everyday. Through exploring these acts this chapter asks how the internally displaced challenge established notions of the right to the city and are prompting alternative articulations of belonging.
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Sanabria, Harry. "The State and the Ongoing Struggle Over Coca in Bolivia: Legitimacy, Hegemony, and the Exercise of Power." In Dangerous Harvest. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143201.003.0011.

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Dangerous Harvest, the title of this volume, is an especially appropriate metaphor with which to begin to discuss and understand the ongoing, protracted, and increasingly violent struggle over coca in Bolivia—the third most-important coca leaf–producing country in the world (BINM 1998: 65). Such a metaphor—which suggests the reaping of a product that is potentially precarious, menacing, ominous, and even deadly—points to the fact not only that coca is an inherently conflict-ridden arena or social space but also that the most enduring and significant upshot of the current drive against coca, what is being “harvested” by recent counternarcotics efforts, is the potential for long-term structural instability and conflict in Bolivian society. In this chapter I pay special attention to this struggle over coca in Bolivia, particularly from the late 1980s to the early part of 2000. I will argue that the contest over coca in Bolivia reflects and embodies numerous and inherently conflictive claims and counterclaims (social, political, economic, and ideological) by different segments of Bolivian society, many of which entail fundamental questions about legitimacy, hegemony, and challenges to the exercise of power by elites and state elites. That is, to view the coca conflict as essentially one between “evil” or “criminal” coca growers and traffickers, on the one hand, and enlightened, law-abiding authorities and citizens, on the other—precisely the criminal justice perspective that ideologically informs, guides, and justifies current anticoca policy by U.S. and U.S.-funded counternarcotics agencies and programs—is not only not enlightening but also fundamentally counterproductive in that it fails to provide the necessary insights with which to grapple with and arrive at a just solution to some of the most important roots of the current coca strife in Bolivia. I will also try to understand and explain the seemingly successful coca eradication efforts in the late 1990s and first half of the year 2000, as well as how and why resistance to these efforts by coca cultivators in the Chapare appear to have been particularly ineffective in recent years.
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Reports on the topic "Protracted Social Conflicts"

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Marchais, Gauthier, Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.017.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, Cyril Owen Brandt, Patricia Justino, Marinella Leone, Eustache Kuliumbwa, Olga Kithumbu, Issa Kiemtoré, Polepole Bazuzi Christian, and Margherita Bove. Marginalisation from Education in Conflict-Affected Contexts: Learning from Tanganyika and Ituri in the DR Congo. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.048.

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This Working Paper analyses how violent conflict can enhance or reduce pre-existing forms of marginalisation and second, how new forms of marginalisation emerge as a result of violent conflict. To do so, we focus on the province of Tanganyika in the DRC, where the so-called ‘Twa-Bantu’ violent conflict has been disrupting the education sector since 2012, and secondarily on the province of Ituri, which has been affected by repeated armed conflicts since the 1990s. We use a mixed methods approach, combining quantitative data collection methods and several months of qualitative fieldwork. The study shows that the political marginalisation of ethno-territorial groups is key in understanding marginalisation from education in contexts of protracted conflict. Our results show that the Twa minority of Tanganyika has not only been more exposed to violence during the Twa-Bantu conflict, but also that exposure to violence has more severe effects on the Twa in terms of educational outcomes. We analyse key mechanisms, in particular spatial segregation, and the social segregation of schools along ethnic/identity lines. We also analyse the interaction between ethno-cultural marginalisation and economic, social and gender-related marginalisation.
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Carter, Becky. Gender Inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood Region. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.062.

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This rapid review examines evidence on the structural causes and drivers of gender inequalities in the Eastern Neighbourhood region and how these gender inequalities contribute to instability in the region. While the Eastern Neighbourhood region performs relatively well on gender equality compared with the rest of the world, women and girls continue to face systemic political and economic marginalisation and are vulnerable to gender-based violence. Research on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova identifies the key underlying cause to be a set of traditional patriarchal gender norms, intersecting with conservative religious identities and harmful customary practices. These norms do not operate in isolation: the literature highlights that gender inequalities are caused by the interplay of multiple factors (with women’s unequal economic resources having a critical effect), while overlapping disadvantages affect lived experiences of inequalities. Other key factors are the region’s protracted conflicts; legal reform gaps and implementation challenges; socio-economic factors (including the impact of COVID-19); and governance trends (systemic corruption, growing conservatism, and negative narratives influenced by regional geopolitics). Together these limit women and girls’ empowerment; men and boys are also affected negatively in different ways, while LGBT+ people have become a particular target for societal discrimination in the region. Global evidence – showing that more gender unequal societies correlate with increased instability – provides a frame of reference for the region’s persistent gender inequalities.
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