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Journal articles on the topic 'Protracted Social Conflicts'
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1
Heifetz, Aviad, and Ella Segev. "Escalation and delay in protracted international conflicts." Mathematical Social Sciences 49, no. 1 (January 2005): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2004.08.001.
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Gawerc, Michelle. "Constructing a Collective Identity Across Conflict Lines: Joint Israeli-Palestinian Peace Movement Organizations*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-193.
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For collective action to occur and be sustainable, social movements must construct collective identities and develop a sense of themselves as collective actors. This is especially difficult for movements that work across deep political and cultural chasms, and in situations of protracted conflict. Yet, there has been almost no research on how movement organizations, which work across conflict lines in situations of protracted conflict, are able to establish this sense of cohesion. This project investigates how two joint Israeli-Palestinian peace movement organizations are able to construct shared collective identities in a political environment where each side is cast as the enemy of the other. The findings indicate that in protracted conflicts, trust building is a distinct and critical process inherent in constructing a collective identity. The findings similarly reveal that while storytelling goes a long way toward establishing trust initially, ultimately, collective identity construction depends on visible confirmatory actions.
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Popov, Maxim. "MAJOR THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS." Politologija 87, no. 3 (October 9, 2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2017.3.10857.
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This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.
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Nuri, Najafov Zafar. "Conceptual Bases of the İmpact of Ethnic Conflicts on Regional and İnternational Security." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 1, no. 2 (June 5, 2021): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v1i2.447.
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The article examines the impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security. It is noted that during the Cold War, it was impossible to conduct serious research in this area. Because ethnic conflicts were seen as an internal affair of states. However, with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of absolute sovereignty intensified the interaction between the domestic life of the country and the international community. Such a development in the context of globalization has turned ethnic conflicts into a problem of international politics, taking them out of the context of the internal affairs of states. The globalization of ethnic conflicts has strengthened its impact on regional and international security and laid the groundwork for the "ethnicization of international relations". The impact of ethnic conflicts on regional and international security can be studied in the context of instrumentalism, neomondialism, the Brubaker’s Triangle, ethno-political movements, and theories of protracted conflict. In the theory of instrumentalism, ethnic conflict is seen as a means of struggle by elites. Even this struggle serves the interests of the ruling forces not only within the country, but also abroad. In the theory of protracted social conflicts, the main processes revolve around internal conflicts and identities. The Brubaker’s Triangle and theories of the ethnopolitical movement play an important role in the study of the external resources of separatism and its transformation into an interstate war. In the context of neomondialism, S. Huntington's theory of "clash of civilizations" tried to justify the fact that future conflicts will occur between religious and civilizational systems stemming from cultural factors.
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Coleman, Peter T., Antony G. Hacking, Mark A. Stover, Beth Fisher-Yoshida, and Andrzej Nowak. "Reconstructing ripeness I: A study of constructive engagement in protracted social conflicts." Conflict Resolution Quarterly 26, no. 1 (June 2008): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/crq.222.
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Azar, Edward E., and Chung In Moon. "Managing Protracted Social Conflicts in the Third World : Facilitation and Development Diplomacy." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 15, no. 3 (December 1986): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298860150030601.
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Fernando, L. "Ethno-nationalism and Youth Dimension in the Protracted Social Conflicts in Sri Lanka." International Relations in a Globalising World 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2005): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097288640400100102.
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Popov, Maxim. "Conflict Resolution Strategy as Political Integration Resource: Theoretical Perspectives on Resolving Ethnic Conflicts in the North Caucasus." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3368.
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This article explores the different approaches to study of conflict resolution strategyfrom a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy aspolitical integration resource is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflictsin the instable region of North Caucasus. The author considers structural factors of protractedconflicts and emphasizes a destabilizing role of the re-politicization of ethnicity of a regionsociety in crisis. The concept of ethnic “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoreticalmodel of exploring causes for increased ethno-confessional tensions in the North Caucasus.The article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution theory to de-escalate growing ethnoconfessionaltensions and transform protracted ethnic conflicts. Interdisciplinary approach toanalyzing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource, while combining conflicttheory and neo-functionalistic paradigm, is the methodological basis of this research. The needto stimulate political integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical pointof view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factorsare related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentationand escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the socio-political conditions of the North Caucasianconflicts, the author calls social inequalities, civil identity crisis, authoritarian and ethnopolitical“renaissance”, economic polarization, “ideological combat” between the secular modernizationand fundamentalism. Discussing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource,it is necessary to consider the following: 1) North Caucasian integration is a macro-politicalproject, the content of which is determined by issues of social security of multiethnic Russia;2) development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows theinadmissibility of structural demodernization, fundamentalism and cultural isolationism. Today,the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macro-region, as it forms the southernvolatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as preventive tool onthe conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted socio-culturalproblems, transforming and rationalizing regional ethnic contradictions.
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Richards, Paul. "Against ethnicity." Focaal 2009, no. 54 (June 1, 2009): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540101.
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Ethnicity—once the preserve of anthropologists and folklorists studying disappearing tribal and peasant cultures—has become an important element in the models and explanations of a broader community of social scientists seeking to comprehend post-Cold War social disorder. But is ethnicity equivalent to variables such as resource competition or poverty? Ethnicity can be viewed as an epiphenomenon. The argument has major consequences for the way ethnic conflicts are analyzed and resolved. The article considers neo-Durkheimian conceptual tools for uncovering mechanisms generative of ethnic epiphenomena, and explores a neo-Durkheimian approach to conflict resolution. Specifically, Mary Douglas's ideas on ring composition are extended to include the ethnomusicological project of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók, and then applied to epiphenomena emerging from the protracted civil conflict in the West African country of Sierra Leone.
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DALE, ROBERT. "Divided we Stand: Cities, Social Unity and Post-War Reconstruction in Soviet Russia, 1945–1953." Contemporary European History 24, no. 4 (October 16, 2015): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000302.
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AbstractThis article explores the divisions created by the Great Patriotic War, its aftermath and the reconstruction of Russian cities in the late 1940s and early 1950s. It examines the conflicts created by rebuilding housing, infrastructure, restoring communities and allocating resources in cities where war's painful legacy continued to be felt. The war's impact varied enormously between cities on the frontlines and in the rear. Contrary to official propaganda rebuilding was a protracted process, which created divisions rather than unity.
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Markin, Valeriy V., and Aleksandr V. Kinsburskiy. "Composite Regional Conflict (for Example the Situation Around the Mountain Tratou in the Republic of Bashkortostan)." Sociologicheskaja nauka i social naja praktika 8, no. 2 (2020): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/snsp.2020.8.2.7307.
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The increasing complexity of modern social life gives rise to multilateral contradictions between various social actors on a whole range of interests and values. Such ripened and formed contradictions can turn into a very acute complex conflict, one of the varieties of which is a block conflict, where there is no obvious dominant, but the “main line” of the confrontation of several parties, along which others are involved, is traced. Such conflicts, as a rule, have a long process and are difficult for their optimal resolution. On the example of a protracted regional conflict of a socio-economic, environmental and ethnocultural order around the shihan (mountain) of Tratau in Bashkortostan, which received a certain socio-political discourse, the article reveals its complex (block) nature, search (including through sociological research) and finding a compromise solution to resolve it. Methodological approaches, a methodological and instrumental apparatus of sociological support for the search, preparation and adoption of political and managerial decisions regarding the specified regional complex (block) conflict are shown.
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Giessmann, Hans-Joachim. "Kann innerstaatlicher Frieden verhandelt werden?" Sicherheit & Frieden 38, no. 4 (2020): 206–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2020-4-206.
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Armed conflicts resulting from a broken social contract are protracted, intricate, and often systemic. When they finally end, negotiations alone do not eliminate the underlying causes of violence. In the past, many negotiated solutions failed because the driving forces of political and social violence persisted, and negotiations did not result in a genuine peace process. Against this background, dialogue and mediation approaches are gaining support for the goal of bringing lasting peace to intra-state conflicts. They too have their pitfalls, if considered the better alternative without reflection. For the peace process in Afghanistan, the comparative analysis of the three approaches of negotiation, dialogue and mediation is above all a case for wise linkage.
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Ansori, Mohammad Hasan. "Secularism and the Issue of Islam in the Aceh Conflict: A Framing Process Approach." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 1, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v1i1.96.
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Aceh conflict is widely recognized as one of the most protracted and violent conflicts not only in Southeast Asia, but also in the globe. This study intends to look at the secessionist conflict from he social movement perspective, and specifically from the theoretical instrument of framing process. This study goes a little further by getting engaged with the strategic issue of Islam in the region. In lieu of commonly adopted macro and structural analysis of the conflict, this study methodologically instead applies micro and dynamic analysis of the conflict. In general, this study primarily argues that the framing strategy adopted by Free Aceh Movement (GAM) is clearly secular in nature, and/or far away from the Islam-nuanced religiosity and spirit. However; Islam is often exploited particularly for mass mobilization. The movement"s framing strategy mainly includes natural resources exploitation, ethnic-nationalist vision, universal value of self-determination, the history of Aceh Kingdom and human right violation.
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Raeymaekers, Timothy, Ken Menkhaus, and Koen Vlassenroot. "State and non-state regulation in African protracted crises: governance without government?" Afrika Focus 21, no. 2 (February 15, 2008): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02102003.
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This article introduces a collection of papers that treat the question of governance in conditions of protracted crises in Subsahara Africa. Contrary to the widespread belief that African conflicts are little more than (undoubtedly complex and intractable) instances of anarchy and chaos, the authors present the reader with tangible evidence of the existence of non-state governance processes by constituencies attempting to manage the perils of long periods of violent strife and state failure. Their aim is to move beyond the purely empirical and to theorize and situate such phenomena of non-state governance in the broader context of political and social change that is currently reshaping Africa.
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John, Nicholas A. "Social Media Bullshit: What We Don’t Know About facebook.com/peace and Why We Should Care." Social Media + Society 5, no. 1 (January 2019): 205630511982986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119829863.
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If we live in media, then our knowledge of our social lives must, at least partly, come from those media. It is in this context that I analyze www.facebook.com/peace , a page that claims to show “how many new friendships formed just yesterday” between Facebook users from the opposing sides of three different protracted conflicts. However, the numbers seem unfeasible, leading to a series of attempts to try and evaluate them independently, as well as to ask Facebook if they could explain them. This article presents these failed efforts to verify the numbers published by Facebook, and the subsequent conclusion that they are, technically speaking, bullshit, and more specifically, social media bullshit. It is in reaching this conclusion that the article contributes to theoretical discussions around data, social media, and knowledge.
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Rozpedowski, Joanna K. "Just Peace at War’s End." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 26 (March 31, 2015): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.26.6.
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The contemporary period is characterized by intense scholarly, legal and socio-political debates about the conceptual framework, which ought to guide state responses to unmitigated violence resulting from protracted armed conflicts across the globe. The prevalence of military interventionist discourse in the media and governmental organizations necessitates further reflection on the international community’s legal obligations not only with respect to putting an end to violence, but holding aggressors of armed perpetrations individually accountable for political unrest, economic destabilization and loss of life as well as responsible for the reestablishment of social and political order on the ground, which are to ensure human security in the process of post-conflict nation-building. The analysis of two recent conflicts in Kosovo and Iraq will provide a critical foundation for the examination of international bodies’ and state actors’, such as the United Nations (in the case of Kosovo) and of the United States (in the case of Iraq), implementation of legal mechanisms by which the jus post bellum principles can be made useful for, both, (i) the purposes of providing justifications for war and (ii) post-conflict restoration of order. In addition, relevant connections will be examined between the principles guiding humanitarian interventions and just war narratives, which make military intermediations publically palpable. The study and conclusions drawn may prove especially pertinent to a continuing diplomatic stalemate with regard to armed conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, renewed tensions in South Sudan, the Central African Republic and various micro-insurgencies in Somalia, Libya or Mali.
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Taylor, Philip. "Coercive Localization in Southwest Vietnam." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 9, no. 3 (2014): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2014.9.3.55.
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This paper describes the protracted struggles by ethnic Khmers in An Giang Province to regain farmland taken from them by ethnic Vietnamese migrants during their forced absence from the Vietnam-Cambodian border during and after the Third Indochina War. Efforts by the original landowners to organize collectively to seek justice from national authorities were stifled by local officials motivated to preserve the new status quo and were ideologically delegitimized by members of the rural middle class. The findings shed new light on ethnic minority political agency and show how the Vietnamese state is drawn materially and discursively into conflicts between competing social groups.
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POPOV, Maxim. "NORTH CAUCASUS: PROMOTING CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGY IN AN UNSTABLE REGION." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 32 (July 5, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.32.3.
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The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.
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Sule, Babayo, Ibrahim Kawuley Mikail, and Muhammad Aminu Yahaya. "AN OVERVIEW OF THE GENESIS, SOURCES, MANIFESTATIONS AND IMPACT OF SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS (SALW) IN NORTHERN NIGERIA." Journal International Studies 16 (December 30, 2020): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.12.
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The protracted proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) across the globe to Africa and specifically in Northern Nigeria has led to the explosion of social crises which culminated in insecurity situation in the region for more than a decade now. Armed conflicts emanated from the effects of the spread of SALW across the three geopolitical zones in the North which manifested in the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast, farmers-herders conflict in the Northcentral, armed banditry in the Northwest and ethnoreligious conflicts in addition to kidnappings in the region. The objective of this study is a critical and thorough investigation of the SALW in exacerbating armed conflicts in general in the Northern part of Nigeria. The problem is the scenario in which the armed conflicts are threatening to entirely destabilised the region and the manner in which the SALW are increasing despite the global efforts to contain their spread for security reasons. This research used a qualitative method of data collection and analysis. Both the primary and secondary sources were used. The primary source was the interview conducted with selected informants in the relevant area of study. The secondary source was the use of available literature on the subject matter of study and the discussions were made using thematic analytical interpretations. The research discovered that the rampant armed conflicts in Northern Nigeria is the reminiscent of the spread of SALW in the region which tantamount to the present critical security situation. Also, weak policy and political institutions contributed to the spread of SALW which means there is a need for a strong policy approach. The work recommends among other numerous suggestions that efforts should be intensified in intelligence gathering to detect the networking of the racketeers in the armed business and contain them appropriately as well as total blockage of the weapons’ route.
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Kim, Dong Jin. "Beyond identity lines: women building peace in Northern Ireland and the Korean peninsula." Asia Europe Journal 18, no. 4 (June 17, 2019): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00551-5.
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Abstract This article explores the challenges and contributions of women in building and sustaining peace in protracted conflicts by conducting a comparative case study on Northern Ireland and Korea. Similarities in the histories of the conflicts and the concurrences in the peace processes have been attracting policy makers and researchers to share lessons between the Northern Ireland and Korean peace processes. However, the peacebuilding role of women and their transversal perspective have not yet received significant attention compared to the high-level agreements, signed predominantly by male politicians. This article identifies the similarities in the peacebuilding activities of women in Northern Ireland and Korea, in terms of their recognition of the interconnection between identity politics and patriarchy, building relationships across the divide through transversal dialogue, and initiating nonviolent peace movements against the militarism of their societies. The comparative case study also shows dissimilarities between the two cases, with regard to the freedom of women to move beyond boundaries, and being part of the official peace process. This article concludes the role of women in both contexts is a key element in sustainable peacebuilding; however, it appears that women’s peacebuilding would not be able to reach its full potential to break down violent structures in conflict-affected societies, as long as their transversal perspective remains at the level of social movement, not part of peacebuilding at all levels of societies, including high-level negotiations.
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Wayland, Sarah. "Ethnonationalist networks and transnational opportunities: the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora." Review of International Studies 30, no. 3 (July 2004): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006138.
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This article presents an empirical case study of a type of nonstate actor largely overlooked in the IR literature on transnationalism: the diaspora or transnational ethnic actor. Building upon findings from contentious politics or social movements scholarship, I highlight the nexus of domestic and transnational politics by demonstrating how actors form ethnic networks and utilise transnational opportunities to pursue political goals in various states. Specifically, I argue that the formation of ethnic networks in the Tamil diaspora has enabled the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or ‘Tigers’ to engage in protracted insurgency against the Sri Lankan government army. Whereas traditional contentious politics scholarship is unable to explain the longevity and intensity of that conflict, a consideration of the transnational dimension provides new insight into how ethnic conflicts may be sustained. The combination of greater political freedom, community organising and access to advanced communications and financial resources in receiving states has allowed Tamil separatists in the diaspora to maintain ‘transnational ethnic networks’ which are in turn used to mobilise funds that have prolonged the secessionist campaign in Sri Lanka.
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Casula, Philipp. "Between “ethnocide” and “genocide”: violence and Otherness in the coverage of the Afghanistan and Chechnya wars." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 5 (September 2015): 700–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1048673.
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The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the two Russian wars in Chechnya were the longest, most protracted conflicts of the USSR and Russia after WWII. Both were conducted under conditions of unprecedented violence in peripheral territories. Despite their distance in time and space, both wars are closely linked to each other on the level of cultural representations in contemporary Russia. This paper analyses how the conflicts were represented in a key Soviet and Russian newspaper as the wars unfolded. It analyses the textual and visual coverage of the wars in theKrasnaia zvezda(1980–1986; 2000–2003), in order to disclose changing interpretations of violence and the Other. The paper argues, first, thatKrasnaia zvezdatold the story of two different types of violence prevailing in each conflict. The Afghan case was presented as one that put the social and cultural transformation of the population at the center of its attention – violence was hence not only physical and excessive but also cultural, as it aimed at the social fabric of society. The Chechen case focused on the recapture of territory and the restoration of sovereignty. Therefore, physical violence appeared more bluntly in the coverage of the conflict. Second, the paper shows that these two different types of violence implied two different visions of the Other. In Afghanistan, the Other was represented as becoming more and more similar to the socialist Self. This dynamic is visually underscored by numerous images of Afghans who have embarked on the path to Soviet modernity. In Chechnya, in contrast, the Other was presented as traditional, backward, and immutable. The Other was usually reduced to complete cultural difference and depicted a dehumanized fashion. This orientalization of the Other was a precondition for the use of excessive physical violence.
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Pohorila, L. M. "Catholic bioethics as a moral regulator of human action." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 49 (March 10, 2009): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.49.2001.
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After a time of scientific discoveries, technological revolutions and cultural upheavals, after a time of elevation of the human genius to the highest peaks, it was time for deep anxiety for his own fragile future and the realization of the rather fragile state of many seemingly settled things. The development of the information space leads to the practice of mass indignation of the population, especially of children and adolescents, misunderstandings on the basis of economic and social achievements give rise to protracted interethnic conflicts. Breakthroughs in the field of medicine often lead to repeated explosive effects in society. In addition, rapid environmental pollution has resulted from the intensive development of human activity. It should be noted that not only nature has become contaminated, but human and soul bodies and bodies become more polluted.
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Parfinenko, A. Y. "TOURISM AND PEACE IN POLITICALLY DIVIDED NATION: CASE STUDY." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.27-48.
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The article is devoted to the study of the role and place of tourism in the interaction and reconciliation of divided nations. The focus is on individual cases of Western and Eastern Germany, North and South Korea, the Taiwan-China conflict. Such a research approach enables to take into account international-political features of a particular conflict situation and to figure out general patterns of the influence of tourist contacts on the process of reconciliation. The work reveals the evolution of mobility regimesbetween the conflicting parties and their influence on the transformation of bilateral relations. The political processes that preceded the development of tourist contacts between the two Germanies, on the Korean peninsula and in the Taiwan Strait were highlighted. The influence of tourist interaction on the establishment of peace and political stability in the respective regions, the integration of divided nations into a single tourist-communicative and economic space have been explored. It is argued thatinformal tourist contactsplay at constructive role in reducing tension, establishing trust and creating the environment for future political relations. It is emphasized that tourism cannot be an alternative to traditional diplomacy, the means of preventing direct violence or conflicts, however, it plays a significant role in eliminating "structural violence" – main cultural, social and economic differences that take place in conditions of protracted conflicts and political isolation of the parties. Reducing conflict occurs as the sustainability and openness of tourism between conflicting parties increase. The article states that the current state of rivalry between Washington and Beijing in Northeast Asia complicates the process of reconciliation and reunification of divided nations, but does not reject it. Existing opportunities for expanding mobility regimes between North and South Korea, China and Taiwan open up significant prospects for this. It has been concluded that the transnational character of modern international relations makes it possible to actively use tourism as a neoliberal policy of socio-economic as well as cultural integration and foreign policy impact.
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Austin, Jonathan Luke, and Philippe Beaulieu-Brossard. "(De)securitisation dilemmas: Theorising the simultaneous enaction of securitisation and desecuritisation." Review of International Studies 44, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000511.
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AbstractThis article theorises the simultaneous enaction of securitising and desecuritising moves. It argues that the frequent simultaneity of these two processes, which are normally considered mutually exclusive within Securitisation Theory (ST), has previously gone unnoticed given a set of methodological, temporal, and ontological biases that have developed within ST. Demonstrating how these biases can be overcome – and even reconciled with the seminal texts of ST – by drawing on work from within social theory and elsewhere, we argue that the frequent simultaneity of (de)securitising moves most urgently requires us to reconsider the normative status of desecuritisation within ST. Although desecuritisation has traditionally been viewed as normatively positive, we argue that its temporally immanent enaction alongside securitising moves might introduce more violence into security politics and, in fact, exacerbate protracted conflicts. Ultimately, we make the normative ambitions of some within ST more opaque. Desecuritisation is not a shortcut to the ethical-political good within ST.
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Kabiito, Bendicto. "Environmental Economies, Survival Ecologies, and Economic Interests in Pastoral Uganda." Journal of Science and Sustainable Development 8, no. 1 (August 4, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jssd.v8i1.1.
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This paper presents a departure from the historical cataloguing of scarcity and poverty, as definitive frames of Karamoja sub-region of Uganda; a narrative that purports to portray the duo as natural, permanent and insurmountable features of the sub-region. This study demonstrates that these were both created in and projected onto the sub-region. The study provides evidence to the fact that; 1. Externally-driven pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial undertakings (which are underrated in many analyses on Karamoja) are the building blocks of the protracted conflicts, insecurities and ecological damages that ravaged Karamoja; 2. The sub-region offers more potentials than limitations as studies on Karamoja tend to portray. This research report is an invitation to both inward and outward looking (of Karamoja) for diagnosis and solutions. Inspired by critical realism and environmental justice theories, the study interrogates policies, mentalities, actions and inactions that fostered economic and ecological exploitation of Karamoja; endangering environmental and social ecologies of the sub-region. Attention is paid to how these jeopardised the environment-based economy of the sub-region’s population, while highlighting the human, ecological and economic potentials that need and deserve collective action for social and environmental re-address.
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Verkhovod, Liliia. "War and economy: legal and illegal practices of income generation." Grani 23, no. 8 (October 20, 2020): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172071.
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The article emphasizes that the armed conflict has become a part of modern Ukraine and caused changes in all spheres of public life. This updated the scientific discourse about the nature of today's wars and their characteristics. The article emphasizes that at the present stage, the war between powerful powers is unlikely, given the potential for the use of nuclear weapons. However, the conflicts of low intensity periodically arise and continue in various parts of the world. Not only do they become constituent elements of public life, but reform the economy both at global and local level.The components of modern capitalist system are the industries that serve military needs. The income of defense corporations show high demand for their products. It is used not only by the countries that are involved in an armed confrontation, but also by other states that can be at war any moment. Locally armed confrontation is destructive for the economy of the country, focused on functioning in peacetime. Being involved into a protracted conflict entails changes in all the aspects of social life. Economic system adapts and generates new practices. Some paradoxical situations arise, so that there some opportunities to "earn" on the conflict, and therefore people who are interested in its preservation.The armed conflict in Ukraine is often called a hybrid war. Besides, in scientific discourse there are other names – the conflict in the «grey zone», «grey war», unlimited conflict, a non-conventional war as «War on behalf of». The war in Donbass is a new type of conflict. Taking into consideration its duration, it has led to the emergence of various kinds of economic practices – both legal (for example, the increase in military orders, scope services for permanently migrating displaced people, etc.), and illegal (for example, smuggling of goods across the line of demarcation). They have become a part of everyday life not only in the frontline areas of Donbass, but also of the entire country.
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Musendekwa, Menard, Munyaradzi Tinarwo, Rumbidzayi Chakauya, and Ereck Chakauya. "Beyond Land Redistribution: A Case for Stewardship in Land Reform." Journal of Land and Rural Studies 9, no. 1 (November 18, 2020): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321024920968315.
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The right to own and derive value out of the land, (cf. ownership) is a human right enshrined in the constitution of most democratic countries. Land reform is arguably the most emotional, socio-economic, and political subject of the colonial and post-colonial era of the African continent. It is a subject that has remained sacred and a taboo creating a fertile ground for protracted political, social, economic, and religious conflicts. Many African indigenous communities are genuinely struggling to address inequality and deprivation. Despite the overwhelming economic demand to address the land question, only a handful of African countries have been bold enough to tackle the issue head-on, sometimes with dire consequences. In the current article, we use the Zimbabwe land reform programme as a case and through a biblical lens show cause for land not just as a commodity where belonging is the ultimate deciding factor but rather emphasise ownership by stewardship. This perspective is compatible with modern systems of governance, ubuntu in the African traditional culture, and encourage efficiency of production to achieve food security despite the polarised discourse of land reform in most countries.
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Toria, Malkhaz, Nino Pirtskhalava, Elene Kekelia, and Konstantine Ladaria. "Trapped in the Past: Memories of Georgian Internally Displaced Persons on the Margins of Society." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.34.
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AbstractFrom the early 1990s through the 2008 “Russo-Georgian war,” waves of armed conflicts in the Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali regions of Georgia forced thousands of residents, mainly ethnic Georgians, to leave their homes. More than two decades of protracted internal displacement, marked by tough economic and social problems, led this vulnerable community to a common trap in reckoning with the past: an overwhelming sense of the fundamental ruptures between the idealized past and current, miserable reality. Failures of the displacement policy and “side effects” of numerous humanitarian aid projects hinder internally displaced persons’ social integration and leave them on the margins of Georgian society with almost a singular option: to constantly recall meaningful life in the lost homeland, which they remember as free of ethnic phobias and economic problems. In this article, we suggest that for persons who are internally displaced, memories are defined not only by their past lived experiences and present hardships, but also by the official historical narratives that argue that Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-Ossetian “endemic” unity and cohabitation was destroyed by Russian imperial politics. Living in constant pain also narrows the future expectations of the internally displaced persons. However, it is the past and the memories that are supposed to be useful in achieving the utopian dream of a return.
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Noh, Jin-Won, Yu-Mi Im, Kyoung-Beom Kim, Min Hee Kim, Young Dae Kwon, and Jiho Cha. "Digital and Economic Determinants of Healthcare in the Crisis-Affected Population in Afghanistan: Access to Mobile Phone and Socioeconomic Barriers." Healthcare 9, no. 5 (April 27, 2021): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare9050506.
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Despite recent progress in Afghanistan’s health system from the support of international donors and NGOs, protracted conflicts combined with a series of natural disasters have continued to present substantial health risks. Extreme poverty has still aggravated social determinants of health and financial barriers to healthcare. Little is known about the context-specific factors influencing access to healthcare in the crisis-affected population. Using a subset of data from ‘Whole of Afghanistan Assessment (WoAA) 2019’, this study analyzed 31,343 households’ data, which was collected between 17 July and 19 September 2019 throughout all 34 provinces in Afghanistan. The outcome measured was access to care in the healthcare facility, and multivariable binary logistic regression models were used to identify the specific factors associated with access to healthcare. Of 31,343 households exposed to complex emergencies in Afghanistan, 10,057 (32.1%) could not access healthcare facilities when one was needed in last three months. The access to healthcare was significantly associated with displacement status, economic factors such as employment status or total monthly income, and the distance to healthcare facilities. Significant increase in healthcare access was associated with factors related to communication and access to information, such as awareness of humanitarian assistance availability and mobile phone with a SIM card, while disability in cognitive function, such as memory or concentration, was associated with poorer healthcare access. Our findings indicate that the crisis-affected population remains vulnerable in access to healthcare, despite the recent improvements in health sectors. Digital determinants, such as access to mobile phone, need to be addressed along with the healthcare barriers related to poverty and household vulnerabilities. The innovative humanitarian financing system using mobile communication and cash transfer programs would be considerable for the conflict-affected but digitally connected population in Afghanistan.
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Zavhorodnia, V. M., and A. S. Naumov. "“The way to Dayton”: the military conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina peaceful settlement process in 1992-1995." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.72.
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The paper examines the preconditions for the conclusion, significance and consequences of the implementation of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Agreement between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Four plans for peace achievement are considered, in which the International Community had consistently sought to resolve the Bosnian conflict in 1992-1995. The process of concluding a unique international document that not only put an end to the bloody interethnic confrontation and established new foundations for relations between the three Balkan countries, but defined the principles of the constitutional order of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined. The authors analyze the ambiguous scientific and political assessments of the Dayton Agreement, ranging from unequivocal approval to sharp criticism, and the reasons for the success of the Dayton Process, including joining the U.S. negotiation process and ensuring compliance with NATO’s commitment to violators. The risks inherent in the Dayton Agreement in the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also identified. The problem of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Agreement is vital for the post-Yugoslav space. Despite the declared principle of equality of citizens, in fact, political human rights in the country directly depend on ethnicity, and public authorities are based on the principle of national representation. The sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina raise a number of issues, given their control by International bodies. An analysis of historical experience convincingly shows that the Dayton Accords can only be seen as a temporary mechanism for resolving the crisis and easing tensions, which has made it possible to achieve peace, end ethnic discord and lay the foundations for a democratic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Recognizing the effectiveness of the Dayton Agreement, the authors argue that some of its provisions do not comply with generally accepted principles of International Law, in particular, in terms of the territorial organization of the state and the formation of public authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This approach does not comply with the principle of equality of human rights, regardless of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other beliefs, national or social origin, property status, birth or other circumstances. It is also undeniable that the Dayton Accords did not resolve the interethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also seeks to identify ways to address the Bosnian crisis in the current situation in Ukraine, given the annexation of Crimea and the protracted military conflict in Donbas, and to determine the admissibility and potential limits of external intervention in military conflicts.
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DREMOVA, Katerina. "Conciliatory Justice in Modern Russia." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v11.1(47).03.
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The research studies conciliatory justice in modern Russia. Its formation and peculiarities in the institution of alternative ways of resolving legal conflict on the example of mediation are considered. Various views regarding the mediation definition are analyzed, and the author's vision of this category concept is given. The origins of mediation history abroad and in Russia are studied. The essence and peculiarities of mediation application as an alternative method of economic disputes settlement are characterized. The benefits of using conciliatory procedures in a business environment are revealed. The main aspects of the procedural legislation reform initiated by the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation concerning the change in the legal regulation of conciliatory procedures application in the settlement of legal conflicts are outlined. It is noted that the beginning of procedural reform in Russia with regard to dispute settlement through conciliatory procedures was triggered by the resolution of the plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation ‘On submission to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of Russian Federation a federal law draft ‘On amendments to a number of legislative acts of the Russian Federation in connection with conciliatory procedure improvements’ adopted on 18 January 2018 and the resolution of the Government of the Russian Federation. Statistics on the ratio of dismissals agreed, dispute settlement through the mediation procedure, as well as plaintiff-triggered dismissals are provided. Methodology: the study is carried out on the basis of the universal method on scientific study of the social development principles –dialectical materialism provisions, as well as general and specific scientific methods: dogmatic, regulatory legal, legal comparative, fragmented historical and legal, case studies (statistical data and judicial statistics analysis), logical (hypotheses, analogy, modeling, analysis and synthesis methods), philosophic (axiological, derivation methods on the basis of priori and axiomatic provisions), generalization and abstraction methods. Conclusions: To date, entrepreneurs are increasingly using conciliatory procedures when settling disputes. This way of dispute settlement becomes very convenient, businessmen are not in the need to spend their time on litigation, often protracted, but can settle issues more quickly and effectively. Today, conciliatory justice in the Russian Federation is going through the stage of formation and development and in the future is to become a demanded institution of judicial law.
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Ramsbotham, Oliver. "The analysis of protracted social conflict: a tribute to Edward Azar." Review of International Studies 31, no. 1 (January 2005): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006327.
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The aim of this article is to draw attention to the work of a conflict analyst whose theory of ‘protracted social conflict’ – developed in a sustained series of publications over a twenty-year period from the early-1970s – has been neglected in mainstream international relations, strategic studies and security studies circles. The first section offers a conceptual context for assessing the originality and significance of Azar's approach. The second section outlines his theory of protracted social conflict. The third section evaluates his theory in the light of developments in conflict analysis in the 13 years since his death. The conclusion is that Azar's work does not merit such neglect and that it still offers useful pointers for an understanding of the sources of major armed conflict in the turbulent and contested arena of post-Cold War politics.
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Grace K, Neinunnem, Paramita Bhawmik, Jayakumar C, and Sekar K. "Emotional Vulnerability of Displaced Children in a Protracted Conflict." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.49.3.
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Children are the most vulnerable and affected population in areas of protracted armed conflict. Due to internal displacement, deaths, injury, separation from family, and other social and economic disruptions are on the rise. In India, there are limited studies focussing on children in protracted conflict. This study focusses on the state of Manipur and looks into the relationship between the background to displacement and emotional vulnerability and tries to understand the different aspects of emotional vulnerability that children have faced due to the protracted armed conflict.
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Mugisha, Joseph Y. T., Joseph Ssebuliba, Juliet N. Nakakawa, Cliff R. Kikawa, and Amos Ssematimba. "Mathematical modeling of COVID-19 transmission dynamics in Uganda: Implications of complacency and early easing of lockdown." PLOS ONE 16, no. 2 (February 22, 2021): e0247456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0247456.
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Background Uganda has a unique set up comprised of resource-constrained economy, social-economic challenges, politically diverse regional neighborhood and home to long-standing refuge crisis that comes from long and protracted conflicts of the great lakes. The devastation of the on-going global pandemic outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) is likely to be escalated by these circumstances with expectations of the impact of the disease being severe. Materials and methods In this study, we formulate a mathematical model that incorporates the currently known disease characteristics and tracks various intervention measures that the government of Uganda has implemented since the reporting of the first case in March 2020. We then evaluate these measures to understand levels of responsiveness and adherence to standard operating procedures and quantify their impact on the disease burden. Novel in this model was the unique aspect of modeling the trace-and-isolate protocol in which some of the latently infected individuals tested positive while in strict isolation centers thereby reducing their infectious period. Results The study findings show that even with elimination of all imported cases at any given time it would take up to nine months to rid Uganda of the disease. The findings also show that the optimal timing of easing of lockdowns while mitigating the possibility of re-emergence of a second epidemic wave requires avoiding the scenario of releasing too-many-too-soon. It is even more worrying that enhancing contact tracing would only affect the magnitude and timing of the second wave but cannot prevent it altogether. Conclusion We conclude that, given the prevailing circumstances, a phased-out lifting of lockdown measures, minimization of COVID-19 transmissibility within hospital settings, elimination of recruitment of infected individuals as well as enhanced contact tracing would be key to preventing overwhelming of the healthcare system that would come with dire consequences.
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Jaspars, Susanne, and Sorcha O'Callaghan. "Livelihoods and protection in situations of protracted conflict." Disasters 34 (March 11, 2010): S165—S182. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.2010.01152.x.
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Rinker, Jeremy, and Jerry Lawler. "Trauma as a collective disease and root cause of protracted social conflict." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 24, no. 2 (May 2018): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000311.
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Averianova, Nina. "CONSOLIDATION OF UKRAINIANESS AS A PRIORITY PROBLEM OF UKRAINE NATIONAL ELITE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 22 (2017): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2017.22.11.
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It is shown, that for the further development of the Ukrainian Statehood the feeling of the national unity of all elitist groups and agreement by them about strategical perspectives of the nation’s progress is necessary. The powerful factors of consolidation of Ukrainianess are forming presence of national elite that must instance public unity. Influence of national elite on development of all spheres of life of the state, on introduction and efficiency of functioning of democratic reforms in a country, on the level of economic and spiritual stability in society does not cause doubts. Consolidation of Ukrainianess depends on ability national of economic, intellectual and other political elites to produce strategies of development of the state protect her interests directly. The process of consolidation is protracted and heavy, he presents a main socio-political task to development of society. And as exactly a national elite forms reference points for advancement of the state, then it is necessary, that she, first of all, was of interest all society, was highly skilled and enjoyed a confidence among a population, successive and open in the actions, shut out internal conflicts and squabbles, that will become the mortgage of rallying of all Ukrainianess. As elites play in the society certain social functions, so the different elite’s groups are marked out. Each of these groups realizes its own complex of duties, so that the criteria, determining the belonging to some of the elitist group are different. In this study the condition of the modern Ukrainian artistic elite is analyzed. The result of artistic and practical activity of the artistic elite is art which appears as a specific means of influencing public consciousness. The art represents significant and value dimension of the national being of the Ukrainianess, gives a vision of historical being of the Ukrainian national, reflects spiritual links between a personality and the national, spiritual unity and succession of generation. That is why purposeful usage of art in modern conditions the can be a powerful factor of consolidation of Ukrainianess. The artistic elite of Ukraine creating artistic works offering cultural and artistic programs and projects should lay the ideas of national unity and patriotism in them.
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Casas-Casas, Andrés, Nathalie Mendez, and Juan Federico Pino. "Trust and Prospective Reconciliation: Evidence From a Protracted Armed Conflict." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620945968.
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Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.
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Ben Shitrit, Lihi, Julia Elad-Strenger, and Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler. "Gender differences in support for direct and indirect political aggression in the context of protracted conflict." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 6 (October 3, 2017): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317714301.
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The relationship between gender and political aggression is hotly debated and the empirical evidence is often mixed. While many surveys find a gender gap, with women less supportive of politically motivated aggression and violence than men, numerous case studies point to women’s active involvement in political violence and refute the association of women with peacefulness. This article argues that the gender–aggression relation depends upon (1) the type of political aggression under study (i.e. direct vs. indirect political aggression), and (2) contextual factors, notably the salience of a protracted conflict. Using original datasets representing Israeli Jews (N = 3,126) we found that in the context of protracted conflict, gender has a unique effect on support for indirect forms of political aggression, over and above other central predictors of political aggression (i.e. political orientation and threat perceptions), such that women are actually more supportive of politically motivated social distancing and exclusion of out-groups in conflict as compared to men. Women and men, however, do not differ in their support for direct, politically motivated, violent acts against government officials. Results also shed light on potential mechanisms underlying these differences (and lack thereof), in the context of protracted conflict. The findings cast further doubt on the stereotype of ‘peaceful women’ and point to the need for policymakers concerned with conflict resolution to address context-related factors when considering the gender-based differences in political aggression.
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Kulatunga, Sasini T. K., and Rajith W. D. Lakshman. "Responding to security threats: livelihoods under protracted conflict in Sri Lanka." Disasters 37, no. 4 (September 6, 2013): 604–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/disa.12028.
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Desivilya, Helena, and Michal Raz. "Managing diversity and social divisions in nurses’ work teams." EuroMed Journal of Business 10, no. 2 (July 6, 2015): 264–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/emjb-08-2014-0024.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to discern the legacies of social divisions, notably protracted social conflict on team members’ relations, collaborative interactions and ways of coping with such work-life reality. Design/methodology/approach – This study constitutes a pilot phase of a research on nationally and ethnically diverse nurses’ teams operating in medical centers. It used qualitative methodology: a semi-structured individual interviews with 12 nurses. Findings – The findings underscore the challenge of engaging diversity in mixed work teams operating in the shadow of protracted conflict. The results indicated inter-group biases, implicit discrimination and tensions due to the salience of social categorization and the faultline phenomenon. These tensions mount in crisis situations, such as violent incidents associated with the national conflict. The major coping pattern was directing the disagreements to a hidden sphere. The findings showed paucity of organizational level efforts to engage diversity and social divisions-related issues. In spite of the complexities associated with diverse workplaces, the nurses revealed high capability of maintaining cooperative interactions and effectively performing their healthcare tasks. Research limitations/implications – The current study represents a pilot phase of a larger research project. Subsequent stages will extend the sample size and use additional research instruments for data collection. Practical implications – Human resources managers need to address the organizational issues related to diversity and social divisions, including policy and training activities. Social implications – Engaging “otherness” remains a considerable challenge in diverse work setting, especially when team work constitutes the main work pattern. It should be faced by work organizations and social institutions. Originality/value – The study involves an innovative element as it attempts to elucidate the ramifications of diversity and inter-group tensions in “real-life” circumstances; namely, work setting in the context of a divided society. Most of the previous research examined such phenomena in the laboratory and/or on ad hoc groups.
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현승수. "Escalation of Conflict in the North Caucasus: An Analysis from the Perspective of Azar's Theory of Protracted Social Conflict." Korean Journal of Slavic Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2011): 21–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17840/irsprs.2011.27.3.002.
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Reifen Tagar, Michal, Christopher M. Federico, and Eran Halperin. "The positive effect of negative emotions in protracted conflict: The case of anger." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 47, no. 1 (January 2011): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2010.09.011.
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Rouhana, Nadim N. "Differentiation in Understanding One's Own and the Adversary's Identity in Protracted Intergroup Conflict: Zionism and Palestinianism." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 29, no. 10 (October 1999): 1999–2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb02293.x.
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Ron, Yiftach, Camelia Suleiman, and Ifat Maoz. "Women for Peace: Promoting Dialogue and Peace through Facebook?" Social Media + Society 6, no. 4 (October 2020): 205630512098446. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984461.
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The goal of this study is to examine the ways in which dialogue and peace are promoted and mobilized through a Facebook page in the protracted, ethnopolitical conflict between Israeli-Jews and Palestinians. A thematic qualitative text analysis based on the grounded theory approach was conducted on posts and comments that were published on the Facebook page of the Israeli grassroots movement Women Wage Peace (WWP), created by the Jewish and Arab women that participate in this movement. Our findings point to three major mechanisms through which attempts to mobilize peace were performed: building solidarity, maintaining engagement, and calling for action, thus contributing to our understanding of social media as a dialogue-provoking platform that enables users from different gender and ethnopolitical groups in divided and conflicted societies to perform peacebuilding actions. However, the findings indicate that at the same time, the page also constitutes a space for blatant expressions of hostility, hatred, and sexism that convey a backlash against the initiative and activity of WWP.
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여현덕 and Jeong Hyewoon. "New War: Characteristics & Global Governance for Resolving the ‘Protracted Social Conflict’ in Darfur and Kenya." Dispute Resolution Studies Review 9, no. 3 (December 2011): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2011.9.3.75.
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Duffy, Joe. "Citizens as social work educators in a post-conflict society: reflections from Northern Ireland." Alternativas. Cuadernos de Trabajo Social, no. 16 (December 15, 2009): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/altern2009.16.4.
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This paper examines how service users and carers can contribute to social work education in a post conflict society. A small-scale study undertaken in Northern Ireland is used as a case study to show how such citizens can potentially critically contribute to social work students’ understanding of the impact of conflict on individuals, groups and communities. The need to appreciate the effects of such community division is now a core knowledge requirement of the social work curriculum in Northern Ireland. The article reports on research findings with service users, carers and agency representatives which points to ways in which social work students can achieve a critical understanding of the impact of conflict. Northern Ireland, in this way, is presented as a divided society, still in a state of adjustment and evolution, following a period of protracted community strife and violence. The author suggests that individuals who have been directly affected by conflict can contribute in an informed and critical way to social work students’ developing knowledge and experience in an important area of their professional competence and understanding of anti-oppressive practice more broadly.
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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society: The case of Serbia." Psihologija 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1301027m.
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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties? preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one?s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.