Academic literature on the topic 'Psychology, Clinical. Sociology, Criminology and Penology. Social psychology'

A Review of: Enger, K. B. (2009). Using citation analysis to develop core book collections in academic libraries. Library & Information Science Research, 31(2), 107-112. Objective – To test whether acquiring books written by authors of highly cited journal articles is an effective method for building a collection in the social sciences. Design – Comparison Study. Setting – Academic library at a public university in the US. Subjects – A total of 1,359 book titles, selected by traditional means (n=1,267) or based on citation analysis (n=92). Methods – The researchers identified highly-ranked authors, defined as the most frequently cited authors publishing in journals with an impact factor greater than one, with no more than six journals in any category, using 1999 ISI data. They included authors in the categories Business, Anthropology, Criminology & Penology, Education & Education Research, Political Science, Psychology, Sociology/Anthropology, and General Social Sciences. The Books in Print bibliographic tool was searched to identify monographs published by these authors, and any titles not already owned were purchased. All books in the study were available to patrons by Fall 2005. The researchers collected circulation data in Spring 2007, and used it to compare titles acquired by this method with titles selected by traditional means. Main Results – Overall, books selected by traditional methods circulated more than those selected by citation analysis, with differences significant at the .001 level. However, at the subject category level, there was no significant difference at the .05 level. Most books selected by the test method circulated one to two times. Conclusion – Citation analysis can be an effective method for building a relevant book collection, and may be especially effective for identifying works relevant to a discipline beyond local context.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the violence risk assessment practices in Israel by social workers, clinical criminologists, and marriage and family therapists using a Web-based survey. Design/methodology/approach A Web-based survey and participation letter were translated into Hebrew and distributed to members of the Israel Association of Social Workers, the Israel Society of Clinical Criminology and the Israel Association for Marital and Family Therapy following the Dillman Total Design Survey Method. Findings The sample was composed of 34 professionals, who reported using structured instruments to predict and manage the likelihood of violence in over half of their risk assessments over both their lifetime and the past 12 months. Younger female respondents who entered their profession more recently were more likely to use instruments during the risk assessment process. There appeared to be a trend toward decreased use of actuarial instruments and increased use in structured professional judgment instruments. Originality/value The first national survey of violence risk assessment practices by behavioral healthcare professionals in Israel was conducted. This study revealed the risk assessment utility trends in Israel, finding that compared to professionals in North America, South America, Europe, East Asia and Australia, professionals in Israel conducted fewer risk assessments and used structured instruments less often, highlighting concern about the lack of reliance on evidence-based techniques in the country.

Despite the growing number of bias-motivated violence studies, the evidence available remains limited, and there are several gaps in our understanding of the complex relationship between negative attitudes and biased violence. In addition, the literature on this topic has many facets and nuances and is often contradictory, so it is difficult to obtain a clear overall picture. Research has made good progress in this area, but it still suffers from a lack of systematization and from a highly segmented approach to victimization and offending. To contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the subject, this integrative narrative review provides a critical reappraisal of the theoretical, methodological, and empirical research from a systemic perspective. To this end, 134 academic publications on personality and social psychology, clinical psychology, sociology, criminology, and related disciplines were examined. The evidence suggests that although bias-motivated violence shares characteristics with other types of offensive behavior, it is actually a unique phenomenon due to its background rooted in prejudice, identity, and attitudes in which the intersection of individual, psychosocial, and ecological factors is especially relevant. The impact on the victim and their community is diverse, but it has a series of distinctive severe psychological consequences that significantly reduce the probability that incidents will be reported. Here, we present a series of findings and reflections on bias-motivated violence and provide recommendations for research, practice, and policy.

In western cultures, neoliberalism has resulted in a shift from collective risk responsibility to individual risk responsibility; one in which individuals are expected to manage their risks for the collective good (O’Malley 61). A good citizen of the 21st century is one who accepts responsibility for their own personal health, well-being, and success. Individuals who require structural support, or refuse to (re)produce white, cis, able-bodied, and heteronormative, systems threaten the status quo and face marginalisation. Fat people, for example, are viewed as irresponsible citizens. They consume too many resources and fail to uphold the revised social contract (the moral obligation to be healthy). Furthermore, capitalism, according to Jones (32), relies on the apparatus of desire; more specifically, heterodesire. Fatness, therefore, is considered a threat to this apparatus, as it is excluded from heteronormative desire (Murray 239). Instead, fatness is positioned as a category for regulation (and legislation), that demands individuals to undertake the “uncompensated, unending work of individualist self-improvement…a condition of both the body and of labour under neoliberal capitalism” (Wykes, Queer 7). Fat bodies are monitored by their governments, their families, and their workplaces. They are regulated by friends and strangers alike; fat bodies are public property to shame and scold for the betterment of the individual. In the intersection of neoliberalism and capitalism, fatness is read “as a moral failing and as an aesthetic affront” (Murray 14). This results in hostile environments in which fat people are exposed to negative bias, hostile attitudes, and legalised discrimination (Puhl and Heuer 941). Living in such a context requires fat people to develop, maintain, and revise, identities in the shadow of internalised oppression. Many fat people, unsurprisingly, experience negative weight and/or body identities that often eclipse other identities held. And these weight identities are spoiled identities; stigmatised identities in which the bearer is held responsible for the stigma (Courtot 201; Kent 368). Goffman (42, 130) argued that individuals living with spoiled identities engaged in identity management strategies, including withdrawing (removing oneself from public interaction), passing (camouflaging the stigma), and covering (engaging in behaviours that made the stigma less offensive). More recently, scholars have argued that a fourth identity management style of coming out is available to individuals as well. Coming out has been explored in individuals with discreditable (non-visible) stigmas (Sánchez et al 17; Schrimshaw, Siegel, Downing, and Parsons, 143) and those with discredited (visible) stigmas (Howarth 444; Titschkoshy 135). Coming out as fat has been empirically explored by Saguy and Smith (53) and Pausé (Coming out, 50). Individuals in the Fatosphere, an online community of people who have come out as fat, are engaging in anti-assimilationist activism (Cooper 17-18). They queer fat embodiment, disrupting the normative obesity discourse and rejecting the demands of the neoliberal system. They are defiant resistors, performing their fatness in inappropriate ways (Wykes, Neoliberalism). They are, in short, doing fatness wrong. Consider, for example, Jenn Leyva, of The Fat and the Ivy, and her online project aimed at responding to neoliberal messages of responsibility. The project, But What about Your Health? is hosted on Tumblr, a Web 2.0 tool that allows for user created content to be blogged and reblogged. Tumblr allows for text posts, video posts, picture posts, audio posts, link posts, and quotes. According to information on But what about your health?, Leyva uses the site to respond to messages she receives that concern her health. “Every time you tell me I'm unhealthy or ask, I mean concern-troll about my health, you have to watch me eat something ‘unhealthy’”, the site informs. Some of the questions that Leyva receives include, “Have you had a stroke yet?”, “I’m not out to police your body, but how do you not feel sick after that much sugar that fast?” “…what if your doctor told you that should lose weight to have a better life quality or improve your health?”, and the old standby, “But what about your health?!” Some commenters do not ask a question, but leave a declarative statement instead (“You are so unhealthy”). In the project, Leyva shares the comments she has received, and responds by posting videos and gifs of her eating. And not just eating, but eating junk food such as donuts, hash browns, brownies, chocolate covered cinnamon rolls, and the ubiquitous McDonald’s fried apple pie. Leyva is pushing back and rejecting the discourse of the obesity epidemic. Similar to those who use the #obeselifestyle tag in Twitter and Instagram, Leyva is flaunting her irresponsible choice; doing fatness wrong by gleefully consuming foods she should deny herself. Fat people are not supposed to take pleasure in their fatness, they are supposed to feel shame. They are not allowed to embrace their size, they are to be burdened with the work of becoming less than who they are. One commenter felt that Leyva is not only performing her fatness wrong, but performing her fat activism wrong as well, this is really upsetting to me. its not about ‘fat acceptance’ this is encouragement of poor and deteriorating health conditions among people everywhere…Please dont encourage people to neglect their health, have respect for your body and nourish it with exercise and healthy clean food. The commenter is suggesting that Leyva is tarnishing the fat civil rights movement with her unapologetic performance, and setting a dangerous example for others (glorifying obesity, anyone?) Is this commenter seeking for Leyva to engage in a different identity management style? Would they take comfort if Leyva was apologetic, or consuming a salad as a gesture of penance? Maybe satisfaction would only occur if Leyva removed herself from the Internet entirely. Or perhaps this respondent is hoping that Leyva will change her performance to that of the good fatty. A good fatty is an apologetic fat person who takes “care” of themselves (read: is well groomed, fashionable, and active) and acknowledges that they could and should be pursuing lifestyle choices that are socially palatable. Stacy Bias has suggested that there are many versions of the good fatty in her comic blog, 12 Good Fatty Archetypes, including the fat unicorn (a healthy eating, daily exercising, metabolically healthy fatty), the work in progress (“the fatty in the process of becoming not-a-fatty”), and the no fault fatty (the fatty who can trace their fatness to a genetic or biological (pre)disposition, thereby shifting the blame to out of their control). Each of these performances, notes Bias, seeks to legitimise their existence with the larger fat hating culture. This is the opposite of the performance of the rad fatty, the dangerous fat person who rejects cultural expectation and stigma. In choosing to eat junk food in response to moralising questions about her health, Leyva is performing the rad fatty; she is “engaging in performative displays of behaviours that are discourages or considered stereotypical of fat people but with intention and a tone of rebellion” (Bias). Bias’ comic draws to mind Graham’s (178) work on lipoliteracy. Lipoliteracy, according to Graham, is the act in which people read fat bodies, believing the visual inspection of a fat body provides the viewer information about the individual’s lifestyle choices, health status, and moral character (Graham 179). In this comic, Bias illuminates how lipoliteracy may operate and the power structures it reinforces. It also highlights the danger the good fatty archetype(s) present to the fat civil rights movement. These acceptable versions of fatness may open the door for those who perform them, but they also ensure that the frame is not wide enough for other kinds of fatness to push through. Bitchtopia argued that in putting good fatties on a pedestal as acceptable forms of fatness, “our media is alienating the bodies who aren’t glowing white, able-bodied, smooth-skinned, and only slightly chubby”. Because the correct performance of fatness is not just about behaviours and attitudes, but also the privileges attached to race, class, and cis gender, that many recognized good fatties embody. It Gets Fatter (IGF) is a group that works to promote the issues of fat queer people of colour by unpacking body positivity and challenging the conflation between weight and health. IGF represents a community that is often ignored or overshadowed in fat activism, people of colour. The creators share, “This project was born out of the frustration and the isolation that a lot of fat, brown queer folks face in their communities, and in an attempt to find a way of feeling less alone in ours. While there is a thriving online community of white fat people, we know that there is something uniquely different about experiencing fatness as a person of colour” (It Gets Fatter). It Gets Fatter hosts a Facebook page (see above link), a Tumblr, and a series of videos on vmeo. The group also hosts events in Canada, including workshops. Information about the events are posted across the group’s social media platforms, making their work a note of difference in the Fatosphere as visible Fat Studies scholarship and activism is dominated by individuals in the United States (Cooper 328). On the IGF Tumblr, individuals who identify as fat and a person of colour are invited to make submissions; submissions may be text, video, audio, and photos. The purpose of these submissions is to provide a repository of fat positive material that highlights the experiences and lives of fat queer people of colour. Sites such as this strive to provide a community for others and allow for representations from individuals who may marginalised within the larger fat community. They note, “We will show preference to submissions from queer, trans*, disabled and poor/working class folks. If you don’t fit into one of these categories just be aware of the space you’re taking up in the movement and consider submitting something to another fat positivity thingy if it feels relevant!” In this, It Gets Fatter speaks directly to tensions within the fat civil rights movement, as white cis straight fat people often have their voices amplified at the expense of other voices within the movement. One member of IGF, Asam Ahmad, has reflected on this in a piece on Marilyn Wann’s blog, Fat!So?. Ahmad notes that the media/community organisations usually approach white fat people to speak on the issues of fat politics. He argues that in doing so, only certain kinds of fatness are presented to the larger public; only certain kinds of voices get heard. In these conversations, considerations of how fatness intersects with race, class, orientation, and ability, are rarely brought to the fore. He implores well known fat activists to ask themselves, “Is your voice really that idiosyncratic and fabulous? Or is it more likely that you are benefitting from white privilege and other structural systems of oppression?” (Ahmad). Fat Studies scholarship and activism are making many of the same mistakes as second wave feminism, as white voices and issues are presented as the voices and issues of fat people. Many scholars and activists also fail to acknowledge and authentically engage with their white privilege; their straight privilege; their cis privilege. For scholars and activists alike to continue to push back against neoliberal responsibility and capitalism’s heterodesire, a commitment must be made to do better at recognizing the value of an intersectional lens (Pausé, Intersectionality 83). And acknowledgement that responsibility for highlighting voices of fat people of colour, voices of fat working poor, voices of fat queers, does not fall to those groups alone. The power transferred through white supremacy places the largest burden on white people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people of colour. The power transferred through capitalism places the largest burden on middle and upper class people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people from working and poorer classes. And the power transferred through the academy places the largest burden on those within academia to ensure that spaces are made and held for those denied entry to the Ivory Tower. For many outside of the academy, the emergence of Web 2.0 tools have allowed for spaces to be created, maintained, and shared, that amplify voices of disparate individuals across social platforms. For fat people, the rise of the Fatosphere has ensured that oppositional fat politics may be engaged with by anyone with access to the Internet (Pausé, Express 1; Pausé, Commotion 76). And with the technological advance, the conversation around fatness is changing. It has been argued that spoiled identities, especially visible ones, present a situation where “all other narratives are impossible” (Kent 368). But fat people online have (co)constructed ways to present opposing narratives of fatness. And many are rejecting dominant discourses and appropriate ways of being, delighting in the opportunities to perform their fatness wrong. References Ahmad, Asam. “Dear White Fatties (and Other Socially Visible Fat Activists).” Fat!So? 23 Jan. 2015. Bias, Stacy. “12 Good Fatty Archetypes.” Stacy Bias 4 June 2014. Bitchtopia. “How the Inspiring Good Fatty Hurts the Body Positive Movement.” Bitchtopia 10 Mar. 2015. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. “Maybe It Should Be Called Fat American Studies?” The Fat Studies Reader, eds. Esther Rothblum and Sandra Solovay. New York: New York University Press, 2009. 327-333. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. "What’s Fat Activism?" University of Limerick Department of Sociology Working Paper Series, 2008. Courtot, Martha. “A Spoiled Identity”. Shadow on a Tightrope: Writings by Women on Fat Oppression, eds. Lisa Schoenfielder and Barb Wiser. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1983. 199-203. Dickins, Marissa. Weight-Related Stigma in Online Spaces: Challenges, Responses and Opportunities for Change. Diss. Monash University, 2013. Goffman, Erving. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1963. Graham, Mark. “Chaos.” Fat: The Anthropology of an Obsession, eds. Dan Kulick and Anne Meneley. New York: Penguin, 2005. 169-184. Howarth, Caroline. “Race as Stigma: Positioning the Stigmatized as Agents, Not Objects.” Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 16.6 (2006): 442-451. It Gets Fatter. “It Gets Fatter! Fat Queers of Color Take on Fat Phobia in Our Communities.” Black Girl Dangerous 1 Oct. 2012. Jones. Stefanie. “The Performance of Fat: The Spectre Outside the House of Desire.” Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014, 31-48. Kent, Le’a. “Fighting Abjection: Representing Fat Women.” The Body Reader: Essential Social and Cultural Readings, eds. Lisa Jean Moore and Mary Kosut. New York: New York University Press, 2010. 367-383. Murray, Samantha. "Pathologizing 'Fatness': Medical Authority and Popular Culture." Sociology of Sport Journal 25.1 (2008): 7-21. Murray, Samantha. “Locating Aesthetics: Sexing the Fat Woman.” Social Semiotics 14 (2004): 237–247. O'Malley, Pat. "Neoliberalism and Risk in Criminology." The Critical Criminology Companion (2008): 55-67. Pausé, Cat. “Express Yourself: Fat Activism in the Web 2.0 Age.” The Politics of Size: Perspectives from the Fat-Acceptance Movement, ed. Ragen Chastain. Santa Barbara: Praeger Publishing, 2014. 1-8. Pausé, Cat. “X-Static Process: Intersectionality within the Field of Fat Studies.” Fat Studies (2014): 80-85. Pausé, Cat. “Causing a Commotion: Queering Fatness in Cyberspace”. Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014, 75-88. Pausé, Cat. “Live to Tell: Coming Out as Fat.” Somatechnics 2.1 (2012): 42-56. Puhl, Rebecca M., and Chelsea A. Heuer. "The Stigma of Obesity: A Review and Update." Obesity 17.5 (2009): 941-964. Saguy, Abigail C., and Anna Ward. “Coming Out as Fat: Rethinking Stigma.” Social Psychology Quarterly 74.1 (2011): 53-75. Sánchez, Mónica, Esteban Cardemil, Sara Trillo Adams, Joanne L. Calista, Joy Connell, Alexandra DePalo, Juliana Ferreira, Diane Gould, Jeffrey S. Handler, Paula Kaminow, Tatiana Melo, Allison Parks, Eric Rice, and Ismael Rivera. “Brave New World: Mental Health Experiences of Puerto Ricans, Immigrant Latinos, and Brazilians in Massachusetts.” Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 20.1 (2014): 16-26. Schrimshaw, Eric W., Karolynn Siegel, Martin J.Downing Jr, and Jeffrey T. Parsons. “Disclosure and Concealment of Sexual Orientation and the Mental Health of Non-Gay-Identified, Behaviourally Bisexual Men.” Journal of Consulting Clinical Psychology 81.1 (2013): 141-153. Titchkosky, Tanya. “From the Field – Coming Out Disabled: The Politics of Understanding.” Disability Studies Quarterly 21.4 (2001): 131-139. Wykes, Jackie. “Introduction: Why Queering Fat Embodiment.” Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014. 1-12. Wykes, Jackie. “Fat Bodies Politic: Neoliberalism, Biopower, and the ‘Obesity Epidemic’.” Massey University. Executive Seminar Suite, Wellington, New Zealand. 12 July 2012.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Psychology, 2004.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Dec. 1, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-01, Section: B, page: 0564. Chair: Amy Holtzworth-Munroe.

Using a community sample of 296 youth participating in a longitudinal study, this study sought to explore: (1) gender differences in rates and patterns of offending; (2) gender differences in pathways between childhood and adolescent family risk factors, adolescent depression, and juvenile delinquency and (3) childhood sexual abuse as a risk factor of female delinquency? Structural equations models were initially run separately for girls and boys. Early exposure to family violence did not predict delinquency for either sex. It did influence later parenting practices for girls' only. Girls depression was also affected by current parenting practices. Parenting in adolescence did not predict girls' delinquency, although the relationship approached significance in the predicted direction. Only girls' depression was significantly related to girls' delinquency. For boys, the only significant relationship in the model was between parenting in adolescence and juvenile delinquency. Although the patterns of associations between the girls' and boys' models appear to differ, multi-group structural equation models tested whether the pathways between constructs statistically differed by sex. Results from these analyses indicate that the pathways between parenting in adolescence and depression, and depression and delinquency are significantly more relevant for girls than for boys. The final model including sexual abuse, was tested for girls only. Child sexual abuse affected parenting in adolescence and also predicted adolescent depression. Although childhood sexual abuse failed to directly predict delinquency, the pathway emerged as a trend.

The forensic artists who create suspect composite drawings of wanted criminals for law enforcement agencies are frequently exposed to the details of traumatic events. The manner and degree to which this exposure to details of violence affects the perceptions and lives of these artists comprise the basis of this phenomenological study. Interviews with 8 experienced forensic artists include inquiries about their background and training and their perceptions of the most disturbing type of crimes, and also about how they subjectively process the traumatic material received via the cognitive interviews that they conduct with victims and witnesses of violent crime. Perceptions of a more comprehensive effect of violence on society are also explored. Other pivotal aspects of this study include the manner in which memories of criminal cases are evoked, and specifically the way in which specific facial features that these artists have imaged in composites may act as triggers to these memories. The results of this inquiry reveal the varied degrees to which these forensic artists are conscious of the effects of this repeated exposure to traumatic detail. However, conscious revelations of such an impact on their lives occur frequently during the research interviews due to the narrative process of specific cases with which they had been involved. Recommended future research includes further exploration of specific facial features as triggers to traumatic memory and of the gender of the forensic artist may have on the perception of facial features and their translatable meanings within the context of a suspect composite interview.

Research suggests that sexual abuse (SA) increases the likelihood of alcohol/drug use (AOD), and that AOD increases criminality. As such, in this study 50 women completed a survey reporting their histories of SA, AOD, and criminality. Fifteen related hypotheses were formulated: age at which drug abuse began would be lower; total number of drugs used, higher; age of first crime, lower; age of first incarceration, lower; and cumulative time in prison, greater, for those with SA vs. those without, for those who did not report their SA vs. those who did, and for those who did not receive treatment for SA vs. those who did. Thirteen of 15 hypotheses trended as predicted, significantly different from chance using Chi square. Trends for those who did not report SA vs. those who did, and for those who did not receive treatment for SA vs. those who did, were universally in line with hypotheses. Hypotheses regarding those with SA vs. those without remain less clear, with three of five outcome measures trending as expected. Together, these findings suggest that it may not be an SA history in itself that predicts earlier and greater severity of AOD, earlier criminal behavior, and greater prison time; but that the lack of treatment for SA and lack of reporting of SA may predict earlier and more severe behavioral disruptions. This underscores the importance of supporting girls and women who experience SA with access to reporting and treatment to reduce the emotional and behavioral sequellae of SA.

Keywords: substance use, sexual abuse, criminality, alcohol use

The harmful effects of substance abuse among adolescents and its close association with juvenile crime and recidivism have been well documented. While a legal referral to the juvenile court may prompt an assessment of substance abuse or dependence, juvenile court diversion personnel must often rely only on an informal interview to determine the presence or severity of a juvenile's substance abuse problem. This may result in a failure to detect underlying substance abuse problems and to initiate appropriate treatment. The present study explored whether or not a standardized instrument, the Adolescent Substance Abuse Subtle Screening Inventory (SASSI-A2) might improve identification of substance abuse problems in juvenile offenders who had been referred to one of two early intervention classes (a Misdemeanor class or a Substance Abuse class). Fifty-four percent of the sample met the criteria for a high probability of either a Substance Abuse Disorder or a Substance Dependence Disorder as measured by the SASSI-A2. Nearly twenty-six percent (25.9%) of juveniles in the Misdemeanor class and 35.7% of the juveniles in the Substance Abuse class met the criteria for a substance abuse disorder. Nearly fifteen percent (14.7%) of juveniles in the Misdemeanor class and 33.3% in the Substance Abuse class met criteria for a Substance Dependence Disorder. These findings suggest that the use of the standardized test was significantly better at detecting substance abuse problems among juvenile offenders in diversion than a standard informal interview-only.

The research question posed within this study is "What are the primary ecological factors that impact successful reentry of ex-offenders from incarceration to civil society?". This question is answered through a thorough study of the literature that investigates the complex relationship between the individual ex-offender and their interfacing ecological system(s). Information gleaned from secondary research will be analyzed using a thematic analysis approach. Thematic analysis is a research approach that provides a framework for identifying relevant resources and outcome information, comparing and contrasting these sources of information, and reporting on themes discovered within this extant literature. For the purpose of this study, thematic analysis was used to describe and organize the data collected and provided a framework to interpret the multifarious factors influencing prison reentry outcomes. Against the current trends of deficit-based and fragmented explanations for the growing trends in poor prison-reentry outcomes, this study introduces and promotes alternate explanations that offer a holistic approach which includes both the ex-offender and ecological system factors as relevant influences to be considered when addressing the social problem of prison reentry. Future recommendations emphasizing the vital role that psychologists play in developing policies and practices that improve prison reentry outcomes are offered, including efficacious approaches that are relevant to each level of the espoused ecological system.

Becoming employed after release is one of the most effective ways for returning citizens to successfully reintegrate into the community and to prevent recidivism. However, individuals recently released from jails and prisons face unique challenges, both personal and environmental, that impede this process. This study evaluated the effectiveness of a microtrial intervention for 47 recently released ex-offenders actively seeking employment. This intervention, tailored from the Michigan JOBS program, was designed to keep job seekers motivated. The researcher hypothesized that the intervention would increase levels of job search efficacy, self-efficacy, and job search behaviors both immediately after the intervention as well as at the two week follow-up, and that this relationship would be moderated by the personality factor of impulsivity. Previous research has linked higher levels of impulsivity with diminished follow-through and reduced engagement in goal-directed behaviors. The outcome of this study did not support this model, as impulsivity did not moderate this relationship, neither immediately after the intervention nor at the two week follow-up. Impulsivity was assessed using both self-report and behavioral measures. While it was predicted that the three measures of impulsivity would correlate highly and form a latent factor, the behavioral measure did not correlate strongly with one of the self-report measures, and therefore moderation analyses were run separately for each measure. Testing the effects of the intervention without the impulsivity moderator found that the inoculation against setbacks module increased levels of job search efficacy immediately after the intervention, but this effect faded by the two week follow-up. No other effects of the intervention by condition were found. The benefits and drawbacks of the microtrial methodology are described in greater detail, and future directions for interventions with this population are suggested.

This study represents the first attempt to evaluate the predictive validity of the Level of Service Inventory-Ontario Revision (LSI-OR; Andrews, Bonta, & Wormith, 1995) on young offenders. The LSI-OR is a risk/need assessment measure designed to assess risk of recidivism and other offender problems, and to classify offenders for supervision and treatment (Andrews & Bonta, 1998). Although the scale has been used with young offenders, it has not yet been adequately validated with this population. The sample consisted of 154 16- to 18-year old, Caucasian, male, young offenders from Northern Ontario, who had been sentenced to custody or community (probation) terms. Following a 3.8-year follow-up period, 50.6% of the sample had been reconvicted, with 20.1% for a violent offence. Recidivists scored significantly higher than nonrecidivists on the LSI-OR total score and on six of the eight risk and need subscales. Correlations between the LSI-OR total score and general and violent recidivism were .46 and .31, respectively. ROC analyses indicated significant effects for LSI-OR total and combined scales with general offending (AUCs of .77 to .80) and with violent offending (AUCs of .72 to .74). Controlling for location (custody-community), hierarchical multiple regression analyses revealed the LSI-OR's incremental predictive validity for general, violent, and nonviolent recidivism. The General Risk/Need and Responsivity Sections made unique contributions to the final model of binary nonviolent recidivism. General Risk/Need contributed to the prediction of binary violent recidivism. Among the General Risk/Need subsections, Criminal history and Leisure/recreation as well as Criminal history and Education/employment uniquely contributed to the model of nonviolent and violent charges, respectively. The results support the use of the LSI-OR instrument with 'older' young offenders, especially those in the community, but should be cross validated on another (larger) sample of 16- to 18-year old offenders. Future research exploring the role of young offenders' responsivity concerns, in particular their motivational problems and use of denial/minimization, is suggested because these items also discriminated between recidivists and nonrecidivists in the current study.

Structural equation modeling was used to test a theoretical model of the etiology of the deviant sexual aggression by adolescents. The subjects were 117 juvenile male sexual offenders who had been referred from either criminal justice or social service agencies to a clinic that treated offenders. The tested theoretical model included several family factors: parental deviance, child physical and sexual abuse history, and children's bonding to their parents. The model as a whole fitted the data very well. As for the specific hypotheses in the model, physical abuse by the father and sexual abuse by males were found to increase sexual aggression by adolescents. Also, children's bonding to their mother was found to decrease their sexual aggression. These results are explained from the social learning perspective and parent-child attachment or social control perspective. Further, the directions for the future research are suggested.

This study examines the structure of antisocial behavior in 219 juvenile offenders. The study shows, through a series of nested model comparisons via confirmatory factor analysis, that reliable data on firesetting juvenile offenders (n = 85) best fits a three-factor model composed of overt, covert, and oppositional antisocial behavior. The same three-factor model also best fits the data for comparable non-firesetting juvenile offenders (n = 134). It is argued that results from this study support a conceptualization of firesetting as likely part of a pattern of developmentally advanced, persistent, antisocial behavior. Though the same general structure of antisocial behavior best fit the data for both groups, the firesetting group exhibited a significantly higher frequency and variety of antisocial acts. Finally, the present study illustrates and discusses the implications of large methods effects due to source of information (i.e., parent and child ratings) in typical measurement approaches to youthful antisocial behavior.