Journal articles on the topic 'Public housing – El Salvador – San Salvador'

This study is based on historical documents belonging to the most important ecclesiastical institution in Seville during the 16<sup>th</sup> century. The Cathedral’s archives have been consulted, with special focus on the section devoted to books of written descriptive records of houses (called ‘apeos’) that belonged to the Cabildo (Chapter) in 1542. These records not only documented the physical distribution of the houses with measurements in Castilian yards of the different parts of the house, but also described the more qualitative features of the interior architectural design. The main purpose of this study is to characterize the typical Sevillian houses from historical documents of the period focused on the collation of San Salvador. By way of a novel methodology, the following steps have been developed: first, an architectural analysis; second, a typology of houses based on functions, dimensions, construction, lay-out, etc.; third, a detailed glossary of architectural terms listed to permit a rigorous understanding of the domestic architecture in 16<sup>th</sup> century Seville; and finally, an example of every documented record has been drawn. Among the most significant conclusions is that the Sevillian dwellings of that period reflected the Islamic terminology, architecture, construction and lay-out typical of Andalusia, but with distinctive features of Sevillian housing.

In this article, Dyrness and Sepúlveda argue that in El Salvador, young people are participants in a diasporic social imaginary that connects them with Salvadorans and other Latinos in the United States—before they have ever left the country. The authors explore how this transnational relationship manifests in two school communities in San Salvador: a private school long recognized as a gateway to the elite and a public school serving one of the most violent and impoverished urban marginalized communities in San Salvador. Focusing on two different contexts of socialization—“homeboy” expressive culture and school-based English instruction—they argue that both groups of students were experiencing contradictory forces of cultural socialization that are characteristic of the diaspora.

Resumo Este artigo focaliza uma avaliação participativa da situação de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) desenvolvida junto a moradores e líderes comunitários em Salvador, Bahia. A reflexão visa analisar esta pesquisa - incluindo desenho, dados geridos e sua utilização - dialogando com o conceito de SAN e os métodos existentes da sua avaliação. Observou-se que os dados secundários são de difícil acesso e/ou pouco uteis para a militância local. Quanto à pesquisa domiciliar desenhada e utilizada pelos participantes, ela permitiu caracterizar o quadro de insegurança alimentar e nutricional em áreas vulneráveis da comunidade, dialogando com os indicadores nacionais e os dados socioeconômicos, demonstrando a robusteza dos dados. Antes de tudo, é a relevância de abordagens participativas que mais se destaca: no mesmo movimento em que os resultados mostram o quanto a questão da SAN se insere no quadro de vulnerabilidade social, eles evidenciam o quão necessário se faz pensar a pesquisa em SAN como instrumento político e o conhecimento gerido como instrumento do poder. Nesse sentido, a avaliação da situação de SAN se constitui como processo emancipatório, indissociável da ação e dos atores da transformação social.

AbstractThe present study evaluates a combination prevention intervention for crack users in San Salvador, El Salvador that included social network HIV testing, community events and small group interventions. We examined the cumulative effects of the social network HIV testing and small group interventions on rates of HIV testing, beyond the increase that we saw with the introduction of the social network HIV testing intervention alone. HIV test data was converted into the number of daily tests and analyzed the immediate and overtime impact of small group interventions during and in the twelve weeks after the small group intervention. The addition of the small group interventions to the baseline of monthly HIV tests resulted in increased rates of testing lasting 7 days after the small group interventions suggesting a reinforcing effect of small group interventions on testing rates.

The prevalence of urogenital infection caused by Chlamydia trachomatis was examined in 100 non-pregnant women with cervicitis, and 100 healthy women, in San Salvador City, El Salvador. Pharmacia Chlamydia EIA test was used for the detection of chlamydial antigen in urethral and cervical specimens from all the women. Direct immunofluorescence was used for confirmative tests on the EIA positive and the negative gray zone samples. C. trachomatis antigen was detected in 28% of the women with cervicitis compared with 5% in the group of healthy women ( P < 0.001). The cervicitis group were also screened for Neisseria gonorrhoeae which was isolated from 12% of them. One strain out of 12 was beta-lactamase producing (PPNG). Five per cent of the women with cervicitis had simultaneous C. trachomatis and N. gonorrhoeae infections.

One-hundred and twenty-nine pregnant women in labour (age range 15–46 years; median age 23) and 42 infants born to chlamydia-positive mothers (age range 5–15 days; median age 10) were investigated to estimate the prevalence and incidence, respectively, of Chlamydia trachomatis infection in San Salvador, El Salvador. Urethral and cervical samples were obtained from all women and conjunctival specimens were taken from both eyes of each child. The chlamydial antigen was detected with the commercial Pharmacia Chlamydia EIA kit. Direct immunofluorescence (DFA) (Syva MicroTrak) was used for confirmation. In the newborns both EIA and DFA tests on direct preparations from ocular smears were performed on all the samples. The prevalence of chlamydial infection in pregnant women was 44% (57/129). The incidence of chlamydial infection in neonates was 64% (27/42), and the majority of the infected children (56%) had conjunctivitis. Referring to individuals rather than specimens the sensitivity of EIA tests on conjunctival samples from the infants was low (37%) as compared with 91% on urethral and cervical specimens from the pregnant women.

Resumo O Fome Zero e as políticas de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) fizeram do Brasil uma referência internacional em tecnologias sociais de promoção do acesso à alimentação. Este artigo analisa percepções de líderes comunitários e/ou moradores de um bairro popular de Salvador sobre a atuação do Estado em SAN. A metodologia aliou mapas conceituais e grupo focal aplicados em dois momentos (2014 e 2016, respectivamente) de uma pesquisa-ação. Foi evidenciado, em ambos os momentos, o distanciamento dos atores locais em relação aos programas de SAN. No início da pesquisa-ação, as percepções sobre a SAN reforçavam a responsabilização dos indivíduos, indicando o desconhecimento da alimentação enquanto direito. No segundo momento, as narrativas do grupo focal criticaram duramente o Estado por não cumprir com a sua obrigação nesse campo. No discurso dos participantes, fome e insegurança alimentar e nutricional são expressões e instrumentos de sistemas de opressão historicamente construídos - racial, patriarcal e de classe. A discussão sobre os interesses defendidos pelo Estado traz à tona a questão da democracia e da representatividade. A desconfiança nas políticas sociais e de SAN constitui um problema crucial a ser explorado, em um cenário atual de desmantelamento das políticas e de retrocessos democráticos.

OBJECTIVE: To determine the prevalence of work ability (WA) and describe characteristics of the subgroup with poor WA among military police officers. METHODS: A descriptive and cross-sectional study with 329 male military police officers engaged in street patrolling in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, selected by proportionate stratified sampling. The Work Ability Index and a structured form were used to collect information about age, education, marital status, housing, salary, car ownership, work hours, rank (official or enlisted), drinking, smoking, frequency of vigorous physical activity, and obesity. Data were analyzed by uni and bivariate statistical techniques. RESULTS: The work ability of the 329 military police officers was classified as poor (10.3%), moderate (28.9%), good (34.7%), and excellent (26.1%), with mean score of 37.8 and standard deviation of 7.3 points. Policemen with poor work ability, compared with those with moderate, good or excellent WA, presented higher proportions of individuals who did not own their residences (p < 0.001), with work hours above eight hours/day (p < 0.026), and obesity (p < 0.001). In the subgroup of the 26 policemen who concomitantly did not own their residences, worked more than eight 8 hours/day and were obese, the prevalence of poor work ability was 31.0%. The prevalence of poor WA was 31.0% among the 29 policemen who were simultaneously obese and did not own their residences and of 27.9% among the 43 policemen who were obese and work hours above eight hours/day. CONCLUSIONS: A high percentage of military police officers from Salvador presented poor or moderate work ability, which may hamper or compromise their policing activities. The prevalence of poor work ability was higher among the policemen who did not own their residences, worked more than 8 hours/day and were obese.

Abstract Grounded on semi-structured interviews, we seek to examine the impact of neighborhood effects on the individuals’ living conditions in four shanty-towns of Salvador, Brazil, addressing the question of under what conditions the proximity to affluent gated communities fosters their socio-economic integration. The research demonstrates that the relationship between spatial proximity and socio-economic integration is conditioned by the capacity of public space to promote (non)employment cross-class interactions, the impact of crime, and the gated communities' degree of securitization. Whereas in Calabar, large opportunities of socio-economic participation in its surroundings mitigate the negative impact of neighborhood effects, (non-)employment relationships sharply decline in the less centrally located Vale das Pedrinhas and Bate Facho, where the informal proletariat has been excluded from using the public space for commercial activities. The construction of the highly isolated gated community Alphaville II has neither fostered cross-class interactions nor benefitted the economic integration of the Vila Verde inhabitants. In all neighborhoods physical boundaries have been internalized by a similar discourse that emphasizes class-hierarchized opportunities for upward socio-economic mobility, particularly regarding the access to schools and public security. The study urges to reflect on a more holistic approach to social inequalities, comprising socially more integrative labor and housing policies.

A EJJL reativa a seção de entrevistas para oferecer ao seu público leitor este diálogo, de natureza experimental, entre uma pesquisadora notável no campo dos direitos fundamentais, direitos humanos e direitos constitucionais (entrevistada) e pesquisadores da Rede Brasileira de Pesquisa em Direitos Fundamentais. Nesta nossa entrevista, seis Programas de Pós-Graduação stricto sensu (mestrados e doutorados), todos com área de concentração ou linha de pesquisa em Direitos Humanos e Direitos Fundamentais, aceitaram o convite da EJJL.Flávia Piovesan é uma das mais destacadas pesquisadoras e autoras do Brasil, no tema dos direitos humanos. É doutora em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo (1996). É professora de Graduação e Pós-Graduação em Direito dessa mesma Universidade paulista. Foi Visiting fellow do Human Rights Program da Harvard Law School (1995 e 2000); visiting fellow do Centre for Brazilian Studies da University of Oxford (2005); visiting fellow do Max-Planck-Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law (Heidelberg, 2007 e 2008) e Humboldt Foundation Georg Forster Research Fellow no Max-Planck-Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law (2009-2011). É membro do Conselho de Defesa dos Direitos da Pessoa Humana; membro da UN High Level Task Force on the implementation of the right to development; e membro do OAS Working Group para o monitoramento do Protocolo de San Salvador em matéria de direitos econômicos, sociais e culturais.

OBJETIVO: Realizar uma análise espacial da ocorrência de atos de violência (especificamente roubos) em transporte público, identificando as regiões de maior incidência, por meio da geoestatística, e possíveis causas com auxílio de análise multicritério em Sistema de Informação Geográfica. MÉTODOS: A unidade de análise é a zona de tráfego da pesquisa Origem-Destino, realizada em Salvador, BA, Brasil, em 2013. Os roubos registrados pela Secretaria de Segurança Pública da Bahia, no mesmo ano, foram localizados e compatibilizados aos limites das zonas de tráfego e, posteriormente, associados aos respectivos centroides. Após determinação das regiões de maior probabilidade de ocorrências, foi feita uma análise geográfica de possíveis causas na região de maior potencial, considerando fatores analisados por meio de uma análise multicritério em ambiente de Sistema de Informação Geográfica. RESULTADOS: A execução das duas etapas deste trabalho permitiu identificar áreas correspondentes à maior probabilidade de ocorrência de roubo em transporte público. Além disso, foram identificados três trechos viários (Estrada da Liberdade, Rua Pero Vaz e Avenida General San Martin) mais vulneráveis, localizados nessas áreas. Nesses trechos, os fatores que mais contribuem para o potencial de ocorrência de roubo em ônibus são: F1 - proximidade a locais que facilitam a fuga, F3 - grande movimentação de pessoas e F2 - ausência de policiamento, respectivamente. CONCLUSÕES: Com o uso da Krigagem indicativa (estimação eoestatística), é possível a construção de uma superfície espacial de probabilidades de ocorrências, que pode ser uma ferramenta útil para implementação de políticas públicas. A análise multicritério no ambiente do Sistema de Informação Geográfica permitiu a compreensão dos fatores espaciais relacionados ao fenômeno em análise.

Objective. To identify and prioritize municipalities in 22 countries of Latin America for trachoma surveillance activities, to measure the absence or prevalence of trachoma, and to support validation and trachoma elimination efforts in the Region of the Americas. Methods. A prioritization scale was developed in 2017 to rank each municipality by considering a combination of three characteristics: (a) its trachoma vulnerability index, derived from three socioeconomic factors known to be risks for trachoma—lack of access to improved sanitation, to clean drinking water, and to adequate education, according to housing census data from early 2017; (b) its history of trachoma in countries where the disease was not a known public health problem in 2016; and (c) whether or not it shares a border with a municipality where trachoma was a known public health problem in 2016. Municipalities in 22 countries were classified as either very high, high, medium, or low priority for trachoma surveillance. From the Caribbean, only Trinidad and Tobago met inclusion criteria. Results. The prioritization scale identified 1 053 municipalities in Brazil, Colombia, and Guatemala as very high priority for trachoma surveillance. In Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela, 183 municipalities were ranked as high priority, and in Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Chile, Dominican Republic, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, and Uruguay, 677 municipalities were designated a medium priority for trachoma surveillance. Conclusions. This prioritization scale will be useful to countries in Latin America that still need to ascertain their current trachoma situation. The absence or prevalence of trachoma in countries designated as very high and high priority for trachoma surveillance activities must be studied to determine the extent of the disease in Latin America.

This course is designed so that topics in invertebrate paleontology are discussed in the context of reefs and their change through time. The goal is to help undergraduate students connect modern conservation issues with an enlightened appreciation of the fossil record. Using reefs as the centralizing theme of the course allows key concepts (invertebrate taxonomy and systematics, form and function, evolution, etc.) to be emphasized while exploring the importance of biogenic buildups—and communities that inhabited ecosystems adjacent to those “engines of evolution”—from the past to the present. Students who satisfactorily complete the course achieve seven main learning objectives: They 1) are intimately familiar with the fossil record of marine invertebrate life; 2) understand the evolutionary history of reefs and the ecological roles played by key reef-building invertebrates through time; 3) are able to engage in discussions about paleontological data published in the primary literature; 4) are knowledgeable about the value of paleontological evidence for shedding insights into the decline of ancient and living reefs; 5) gain experience working collaboratively and thinking outside-of-the-box to explore solutions to societal problems linked with the degradation of modern coral reefs; 6) improve scientific writing; and 7) develop a personal style for communicating scientific information to the general public. During classroom discussions, laboratories, a field trip, and museum visit, students explore the anatomy, ecology, evolutionary history, and life-sustaining ecosystem services of shelly animals and associated marine organisms that coexisted in reefs and adjacent habitats past and present. Evolutionary events, including the Cambrian “explosion,” mass extinctions, and gaps in reef existence, are linked to dramatic physical (tectonic) and climatic changes that occurred in Earth's past. Emphasizing evidence for the impact of global change on ancient reef communities alerts students to the value of paleontological data for predicting how modern reefs—and invertebrates living in interconnected marine ecosystems—will respond as the Sixth Extinction gains traction. That topic is the focus of an optional extended study (nine-day field trip offered in alternate years during spring break) of modern and Pleistocene reefs on San Salvador Island, Bahamas.

This paper evaluates the state of education as a human right and demonstrates that it is possible to implement and ultimately protect the right to education within a domestic context. Despite its importance, the right to education has received limited attention from scholars, practitioners and international and regional human rights bodies as compared to other economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs). NGOs have been increasingly interested in using indicators to measure and enforce a state‘s compliance with its obligations under international human rights treaties. Education is one of the few human rights for which it is universally agreed that the individual has a corresponding duty to exercise this right. This paper first of all draws up an inventory of the many international instruments which mention the right to education and analysethem in order to obtain a more precise idea of the content of this right, which often appears blurred. The paper also discusses the right to education as it is guaranteed in articles 13 of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), article 28 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (ICRC) and article 13 of the Protocol of San Salvador. The enjoyment of many civil and political rights, such as freedom of information, expression, assembly and association, the right to vote and to be elected or the right of equal access to public service depends on at least a minimum level of education, including literacy. Similarly, many economic, social and cultural rights, such as the right to choose work, to receive equal pay for equal work, the right to form trade unions, to take part in cultural life, to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress and to receive higher education on the basis of capacity, can only be exercised in a meaningful way after a minimum level of education has been achieved. Similarly, this paper discusses education in Kenya as a basic need and a human right (enhancing access, participation, retention, achievement and quality of schooling) to girls and boys and by extension women and men especially with the promulgation of the new Constitution of Kenya 2010 that recognizes education as a Bill of Rights and everyone is bound by the Bill of Rights. This means that all people in Kenya must respect education as a human right. The Bill binds all government institutions and state officers. They are required to respect human rights and deal appropriately with the special needs of individuals and groups in our society. In this paper, the provision of education in the first 4 to 18 years of schooling is considered to be basic, thus a basic right in Kenya

La investigación –cuantitativa, descriptiva, correlacional y transversal– pretendió conocer si las dimensiones del liderazgo directivo –transformacional, transaccional y laissez-faire– predicen significativamente el desempeño docente, de acuerdo con la percepción de 105 docentes de un grupo de nueve colegios privados salvadoreños, quienes respondieron (a) el Cuestionario Multifactorial (MQL), de 45 ítems, y (b) el Cuestionario de Autoevaluación Docente, para medir la variable desempeño docente, de 20 ítems. Se utilizó el análisis de regresión múltiple. De las tres dimensiones del liderazgo del director, el liderazgo transaccional mostró una correlación positiva con el desempeño docente. La predicción es significativa para todas las dimensiones del desempeño docente, excepto emocionalidad. Los docentes que laboran en colegios cuyos directores están en función por más de siete años mostraron un desempeño significativamente mejor en las dimensiones de capacidad pedagógica y emocionalidad. A la vez, demostraron una percepción del liderazgo transformacional más baja en términos de motivación por inspiración.
 
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Human responses to catastrophic natural events form an important research theme in archaeology. Using excavation and radiocarbon data, this article investigates the socio-cultural impact of the mid-first-millennium AD Tierra Blanca Joven eruption at San Andrés, El Salvador. The data, along with an architectural energetic analysis of the Campana structure at San Andrés, indicate that survivors and/or re-settlers made considerable efforts to construct monumental public buildings immediately following the eruption, using large quantities of volcanic tephra as construction material. Such re-building played important religious, social and political roles in human responses to the eruption. The study contributes to discussions about human creativity, adaptation and resilience in the face of abrupt environmental change.

This article presents stratigraphic data and radiocarbon dates combined with Bayesian modeling from San Andrés in the Zapotitán Valley, El Salvador, focusing on the Campana Structure, the largest and longest-used monumental structure at the site. These data refine the regional chronology of the valley and provide insights into the emergence, development, and abandonment of this pivotal center in southeastern Mesoamerica and its potential links to three related volcanic eruptions: Ilopango, Loma Caldera, and El Boquerón. These distinct volcanic events had pronounced effects on local people who innovated new monumental construction projects and used new volcanic debris as construction material after major eruptions. It is suggested that these monumental public building projects played an important role in the post-disaster recovery of societies by helping foster a sense of corporate identity. The use of volcanic material in constructions at San Andrés and the building of these massive structures may also have helped keep these events alive in the communal memory.

The Center for Data and Knowledge Integration for Health (CIDACS) was created in 2016 in Salvador (Bahia, Brazil). This paper aims to present a profile of CIDACS, including its current databases. CIDACS aims to conduct interdisciplinary studies and research, develop new scientific methodology and promote professional training using linked large-scale databases and high-performance computational resources in a secure environment. Administrative data is at the core of the activities conducted by CIDACS. The advantages of administrative data include significantly larger sample sizes, an inherent longitudinal structure and high-quality information. The center’s research projects are primarily focused on enhancing the understanding surrounding the impact of social protection policies (e.g., public cash-transfer and housing programs) on health outcomes in low-income populations throughout Brazil. CIDACS’ primary data source is citizens who register with the Cadastro Único program, which encompasses individuals eligible to receive benefits from over 20 governmental social programs. CIDACS has two separate environments for data handling: 1) Data Production Center, a secure room housing the computational infrastructure for ingesting, storing, cleaning, processing and linking original databases, as well as extracting research-ready datasets and 2) Data Analysis Environment, a computational infrastructure based on data safe haven principles, which allows researchers to access and process requested datasets. Brazil has a large public health community that uses national health and social databases for research programs, and the linkage of different databases has been a widely employed practice in the country. CIDACS is the result of efforts by researchers, policymakers and public health officials to use and improve the quality of Brazilian health databases. CIDACS is expected to be an important resource for researchers and policymakers interested in improving the evidence base in different aspects of health, as well as with regard to the social determinants of health and the effects of social and environmental policies on health in general.

IntroductionThe debate about the responsibility of museums to respect Indigenous peoples’ rights (Kelly and Gordon; Butts) has caught our attention on the basis of our previous research experience with regard to the protection of the tangible and intangible heritage of the San (former hunter gatherers) in Southern Africa (Martin and Vermeylen; Vermeylen, Contextualising; Vermeylen, Life Force; Vermeylen et al.; Vermeylen, Land Rights). This paper contributes to the critical debate about curatorial practices and the recovery of Indigenous peoples’ cultural practices and explores how museums can be transformed into cultural centres that “decolonise” their objects while simultaneously providing social agency to marginalised groups such as the San. Indigenous MuseumTraditional methods of displaying Indigenous heritage are now regarded with deep suspicion and resentment by Indigenous peoples (Simpson). A number of related issues such as the appropriation, ownership and repatriation of culture together with the treatment of sensitive and sacred materials and the stereotyping of Indigenous peoples’ identity (Carter; Simpson) have been identified as the main problems in the debate about museum curatorship and Indigenous heritage. The poignant question remains whether the concept of a classical museum—in the sense of how it continues to classify, value and display non-Western artworks—will ever be able to provide agency to Indigenous peoples as long as “their lives are reduced to an abstract set of largely arbitrary material items displayed without much sense of meaning” (Stanley 3). Indeed, as Salvador has argued, no matter how much Indigenous peoples have been involved in the planning and implementation of an exhibition, some issues remain problematic. First, there is the problem of representation: who speaks for the group; who should make decisions and under what circumstances; when is it acceptable for “outsiders” to be involved? Furthermore, Salvador raises another area of contestation and that is the issue of intention. As we agree with Salvador, no matter how good the intention to include Indigenous peoples in the curatorial practices, the fact that Indigenous peoples may have a (political) perspective about the exhibition that differs from the ideological foundation of the museum enterprise, is, indeed, a challenge that must not be overlooked in the discussion of the inclusive museum. This relates to, arguably, one of the most important challenges in respect to the concept of an Indigenous museum: how to present the past and present without creating an essentialising “Other”? As Stanley summarises, the modernising agenda of the museum, including those museums that claim to be Indigenous museums, continues to be heavily embedded in the belief that traditional cultural beliefs, practices and material manifestations must be saved. In other words, exhibitions focusing on Indigenous peoples fail to show them as dynamic, living cultures (Simpson). This raises the issue that museums recreate the past (Sepúlveda dos Santos) while Indigenous peoples’ interests can be best described “in terms of contemporaneity” (Bolton qtd. in Stanley 7). According to Bolton, Indigenous peoples’ interest in museums can be best understood in terms of using these (historical) collections and institutions to address contemporary issues. Or, as Sepúlveda dos Santos argues, in order for museums to be a true place of memory—or indeed a true place of recovery—it is important that the museum makes the link between the past and contemporary issues or to use its objects in such a way that these objects emphasize “the persistence of lived experiences transmitted through generations” (29). Under pressure from Indigenous rights movements, the major aim of some museums is now reconciliation with Indigenous peoples which, ultimately, should result in the return of the cultural objects to the originators of these objects (Kelly and Gordon). Using the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA) as an illustration, we argue that the whole debate of returning or recovering Indigenous peoples’ cultural objects to the original source is still embedded in a discourse that emphasises the mummified aspect of these materials. As Harding argues, NAGPRA is provoking an image of “native Americans as mere passive recipients of their cultural identity, beholden to their ancestors and the museum community for the re-creation of their cultures” (137) when it defines cultural patrimony as objects having ongoing historical, traditional or cultural importance, central to the Native American group or culture itself. According to Harding (2005) NAGPRA’s dominating narrative focuses on the loss, alienation and cultural genocide of the objects as long as these are not returned to their originators. The recovery or the return of the objects to their “original” culture has been applauded as one of the most liberating and emancipatory events in recent years for Indigenous peoples. However, as we have argued elsewhere, the process of recovery needs to do more than just smother the object in its past; recovery can only happen when heritage or tradition is connected to the experience of everyday life. One way of achieving this is to move away from the objectification of Indigenous peoples’ cultures. ObjectificationIn our exploratory enquiry about new museum practices our attention was drawn to a recent debate about ownership and personhood within the context of museology (Busse; Baker; Herle; Bell; Geismar). Busse, in particular, makes the point that in order to reformulate curatorial practices it is important to redefine the concept and meaning of objects. While the above authors do not question the importance of the objects, they all argue that the real importance does not lie in the objects themselves but in the way these objects embody the physical manifestation of social relations. The whole idea that objects matter because they have agency and efficacy, and as such become a kind of person, draws upon recent anthropological theorising by Gell and Strathern. Furthermore, we have not only been inspired by Gell’s and Strathern’s approaches that suggests that objects are social persons, we have also been influenced by Appadurai’s and Kopytoff’s defining of objects as biographical agents and therefore valued because of the associations they have acquired throughout time. We argue that by framing objects in a social network throughout its lifecycle we can avoid the recurrent pitfalls of essentialising objects in terms of their “primitive” or “traditional” (aesthetic) qualities and mystifying the identity of Indigenous peoples as “noble savages.” Focusing more on the social network that surrounds a particular object opens up new avenues of enquiry as to how, and to what extent, museums can become more inclusive vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples. It allows moving beyond the current discourse that approaches the history of the (ethnographic) museum from only one dominant perspective. By tracing an artwork throughout its lifecycle a new metaphor can be discovered; one that shows that Indigenous peoples have not always been victims, but maybe more importantly it allows us to show a more complex narrative of the object itself. It gives us the space to counterweight some of the discourses that have steeped Indigenous artworks in a “postcolonial” framework of sacredness and mythical meaning. This is not to argue that it is not important to be reminded of the dangers of appropriating other cultures’ heritage, but we would argue that it is equally important to show that approaching a story from a one-sided perspective will create a dualism (Bush) and reducing the differences between different cultures to a dualistic opposition fails to recognise the fundamental areas of agency (Morphy). In order for museums to enliven and engage with objects, they must become institutions that emphasise a relational approach towards displaying and curating objects. In the next part of this paper we will explore to what extent an online museum could progressively facilitate the process of providing agency to the social relations that link objects, persons, environments and memories. As Solanilla argues, what has been described as cybermuseology may further transform the museum landscape and provide an opportunity to challenge some of the problems identified above (e.g. essentialising practices). Or to quote the museologist Langlais: “The communication and interaction possibilities offered by the Web to layer information and to allow exploration of multiple meanings are only starting to be exploited. In this context, cybermuseology is known as a practice that is knowledge-driven rather than object-driven, and its main goal is to disseminate knowledge using the interaction possibilities of Information Communication Technologies” (Langlais qtd. in Solanilla 108). One thing which shows promise and merits further exploration is the idea of transforming the act of exhibiting ethnographic objects accompanied by texts and graphics into an act of cyber discourse that allows Indigenous peoples through their own voices and gestures to involve us in their own history. This is particularly the case since Indigenous peoples are using technologies, such as the Internet, as a new medium through which they can recuperate their histories, land rights, knowledge and cultural heritage (Zimmerman et al.). As such, new technology has played a significant role in the contestation and formation of Indigenous peoples’ current identity by creating new social and political spaces through visual and narrative cultural praxis (Ginsburg).Online MuseumsIt has been acknowledged for some time that a presence on the Web might mitigate the effects of what has been described as the “unassailable voice” in the recovery process undertaken by museums (Walsh 77). However, a museum’s online engagement with an Indigenous culture may have significance beyond undercutting the univocal authority of a museum. In the case of the South African National Gallery it was charged with challenging the extent to which it represents entrenched but unacceptable political ideologies. Online museums may provide opportunities in the conservation and dissemination of “life stories” that give an account of an Indigenous culture as it is experienced (Solanilla 105). We argue that in engaging with Indigenous cultural heritage a distinction needs to be drawn between data and the cognitive capacity to learn, “which enables us to extrapolate and learn new knowledge” (Langlois 74). The problem is that access to data about an Indigenous culture does not necessarily lead to an understanding of its knowledge. It has been argued that cybermuseology loses the essential interpersonal element that needs to be present if intangible heritage is understood as “the process of making sense that is generally transmitted orally and through face-to-face experience” (Langlois 78). We agree that the online museum does not enable a reality to be reproduced (Langlois 78).This does not mean that cybermuseology should be dismissed. Instead it provides the opportunity to construct a valuable, but completely new, experience of cultural knowledge (Langlois 78). The technology employed in cybermuseology provides the means by which control over meaning may, at least to some extent, be dispersed (Langlois 78). In this way online museums provide the opportunity for Indigenous peoples to challenge being subjected to manipulation by one authoritative museological voice. One of the ways this may be achieved is through interactivity by enabling the use of social tagging and folksonomy (Solanilla 110; Trant 2). In these processes keywords (tags) are supplied and shared by visitors as a means of accessing museum content. These tags in turn give rise to a classification system (folksonomy). In the context of an online museum engaging with an Indigenous culture we have reservations about the undifferentiated interactivity on the part of all visitors. This issue may be investigated further by examining how interactivity relates to communication. Arguably, an online museum is engaged in communicating Indigenous cultural heritage because it helps to keep it alive and pass it on to others (Langlois 77). However, enabling all visitors to structure online access to that culture may be detrimental to the communication of knowledge that might otherwise occur. The narratives by which Indigenous cultures, rather than visitors, order access to information about their cultures may lead to the communication of important knowledge. An illustration of the potential of this approach is the work Sharon Daniel has been involved with, which enables communities to “produce knowledge and interpret their own experience using media and information technologies” (Daniel, Palabras) partly by means of generating folksonomies. One way in which such issues may be engaged with in the context of online museums is through the argument that database and narrative in such new media objects are opposed to each other (Manovich, New Media 225). A new media work such as an online museum may be understood to be comprised of a database and an interface to that database. A visitor to an online museum may only move through the content of the database by following those paths that have been enabled by those who created the museum (Manovich, New Media 227). In short it is by means of the interface provided to the viewer that the content of the database is structured into a narrative (Manovich, New Media: 226). It is possible to understand online museums as constructions in which narrative and database aspects are emphasized to varying degrees for users. There are a variety of museum projects in which the importance of the interface in creating a narrative interface has been acknowledged. Goldblum et al. describe three examples of websites in which interfaces may be understood as, and explicitly designed for, carrying meaning as well as enabling interactivity: Life after the Holocaust; Ripples of Genocide; and Yearbook 2006.As with these examples, we suggest that it is important there be an explicit engagement with the significance of interface(s) for online museums about Indigenous peoples. The means by which visitors access content is important not only for the way in which visitors interact with material, but also as to what is communicated about, culture. It has been suggested that the curator’s role should be moved away from expertly representing knowledge toward that of assisting people outside the museum to make “authored statements” within it (Bennett 11). In this regard it seems to us that involvement of Indigenous peoples with the construction of the interface(s) to online museums is of considerable significance. Pieterse suggests that ethnographic museums should be guided by a process of self-representation by the “others” portrayed (Pieterse 133). Moreover it should not be forgotten that, because of the separation of content and interface, it is possible to have access to a database of material through more than one interface (Manovich, New Media 226-7). Online museums provide a means by which the artificial homogenization of Indigenous peoples may be challenged.We regard an important potential benefit of an online museum as the replacement of accessing material through the “unassailable voice” with the multiplicity of Indigenous voices. A number of ways to do this are suggested by a variety of new media artworks, including those that employ a database to rearrange information to reveal underlying cultural positions (Paul 100). Paul discusses the work of, amongst others, George Legrady. She describes how it engages with the archive and database as sites that record culture (104-6). Paul specifically discusses Legrady’s work Slippery Traces. This involved viewers navigating through more than 240 postcards. Viewers of work were invited to “first chose one of three quotes appearing on the screen, each of which embodies a different perspective—anthropological, colonialist, or media theory—and thus provides an interpretive angle for the experience of the projects” (104-5). In the same way visitors to an online museum could be provided with a choice of possible Indigenous voices by which its collection might be experienced. We are specifically interested in the implications that such approaches have for the way in which online museums could engage with film. Inspired by Basu’s work on reframing ethnographic film, we see the online museum as providing the possibility of a platform to experiment with new media art in order to expose the meta-narrative(s) about the politics of film making. As Basu argues, in order to provoke a feeling of involvement with the viewer, it is important that the viewer becomes aware “of the plurality of alternative readings/navigations that they might have made” (105). As Weinbren has observed, where a fixed narrative pathway has been constructed by a film, digital technology provides a particularly effective means to challenge it. It would be possible to reveal the way in which dominant political interests regarding Indigenous cultures have been asserted, such as for example in the popular film The Gods Must Be Crazy. New media art once again provides some interesting examples of the way ideology, that might otherwise remain unclear, may be exposed. Paul describes the example of Jennifer and Kevin McCoy’s project How I learned. The work restructures a television series Kung Fu by employing “categories such as ‘how I learned about blocking punches,’ ‘how I learned about exploiting workers,’ or ‘how I learned to love the land’” (Paul 103) to reveal in greater clarity, than otherwise might be possible, the cultural stereotypes used in the visual narratives of the program (Paul 102-4). We suggest that such examples suggest the ways in which online museums could work to reveal and explore the existence not only of meta-narratives expressed by museums as a whole, but also the means by which they are realised within existing items held in museum collections.ConclusionWe argue that the agency for such reflective moments between the San, who have been repeatedly misrepresented or underrepresented in exhibitions and films, and multiple audiences, may be enabled through the generation of multiple narratives within online museums. 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IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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