Dissertations / Theses: 'Public opinion – Ireland – History'

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Leslie, Stuart T. "The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.

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Thesis advisor: James Cronin
This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program

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Sakkas, John. "British public opinion and Greece, 1944-1949." Thesis, University of Hull, 1992. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11246.

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Casey, Ciarán Michael. "The failure of dissent : public opposition to Irish economic policy, 2000-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1c69c29-cc6a-4550-941d-465a4ee1d2b3.

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The Irish crash that began in 2008 has been described as one of the most dramatic economic reversals ever experienced by an industrialised country. There is a strong consensus about the economic roots of the crisis: the country experienced a classic asset bubble. Much more difficult to explain however, is how a mature democracy sleep-walked into a crisis that had so much precedent and in retrospect seems to have been so apparent. The policy decisions made in the boom period must shoulder much of the blame, but they were not created in a vacuum. This thesis systematically examines the discourse on the Irish economy from a broad range of commentators in the years prior to the crash, including international and domestic organisations, academics, the newspapers, and politicians. It demonstrates that key mainstream analysts anticipated how the property boom would end on the basis of estimated fundamental house prices and demand levels. This implicitly assumed that these fundamentals would remain strong as the boom abated, and ignored the potential for a market panic. By contrast, the most prescient analysts relied heavily on international precedent, and recognised that property price falls would be closely correlated with the increase observed during the boom. A key dimension of the discourse was therefore how the lessons of financial history were applied or disregarded. The Irish crash that began in 2008 has been described as one of the most dramatic economic reversals ever experienced by an industrialised country. There is a strong consensus about the economic roots of the crisis: the country experienced a classic asset bubble. Much more difficult to explain however, is how a mature democracy sleep-walked into a crisis that had so much precedent and in retrospect seems to have been so apparent. The policy decisions made in the boom period must shoulder much of the blame, but they were not created in a vacuum. This thesis systematically examines the discourse on the Irish economy from a broad range of commentators in the years prior to the crash, including international and domestic organisations, academics, the newspapers, and politicians. It demonstrates that key mainstream analysts anticipated how the property boom would end on the basis of estimated fundamental house prices and demand levels. This implicitly assumed that these fundamentals would remain strong as the boom abated, and ignored the potential for a market panic. By contrast, the most prescient analysts relied heavily on international precedent, and recognised that property price falls would be closely correlated with the increase observed during the boom. A key dimension of the discourse was therefore how the lessons of financial history were applied or disregarded.

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Scott, Alan Michael. "Winds of change, scent of betrayal : press, political development and public opinion in Northern Ireland, 1963-7." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325992.

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Fuse, Koji. "Ideological constraints of public opinion polls : history, legitimation, and effects on democracy /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Şiviloğlu, Murat Remzi. "The emergence of public opinion in the Ottoman Empire (1826-1876)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708664.

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James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.

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Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. "British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.

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The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.

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Rhodes, David T. "The Postwar Conversion to German Rearmament: A Look at the Truman Administration, Congress, and American Public Opinion." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625404.

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McNairn, Jeffrey L. "The capacity to judge public opinion and deliberative democracy in Upper Canada, 1791-1854 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27696.pdf.

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Huso, Deborah Rae. ""I Claim Not to have Controlled Events": Abraham Lincoln and the Manipulation of Public Opinion in the Secession Crisis." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626087.

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Greear, Wesley P. "American immigration policies and public opinion on European Jews from 1933 to 1945." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2002. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0322102-113418/unrestricted/Greear040102.pdf.

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Wei, Yang. "Popular Opinion and Public Reasoning: Intellectual Changes and Institutional Innovations in Late Ming China (1580s-1640s)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11321.

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This study examines the rise of popularist discourse in the realms of intellectual transformation, political reforms, institutional innovations, social activism, and cultural construction from the 1580s to the 1680s. Centered on notions such as "popular opinion (gonglun)" and "public reasoning (gongyi)", the popularist discourse presupposed individual perspectives as inherently isolated, incomplete, parochial, and flawed. Broader inclusion of diverse opinions was thus justified as an indispensible check of individual view for optimal outcome. Chapter 1 explores the intellectual transformation from the Neo-Confucian premises to elitist-popularism, in which the daoxue assumptions of individual access to absolute truth, and of the linear transmission of orthodox learning through an enlightened minority (daotong) were questioned. In contrast, the popularist notions emphasized the fallibility of any individuals, justified spontaneous consensus, and advocated horizontal inclusion of ideas in collective reasoning. Chapter 2 examines the political disputes concerning the "collective recommendation (huitui)" in the late Ming administration, arguing that proponents of huitui, through re-inventing this tradition, sought to moderate the imperial power in important bureaucratic appointments and to promote broader political participation and greater transparency in policy-making. Chapter 3 explores the institutional innovations relating to the fangdan questionnaires, which served as a quantitative means for substantiating the conceived popular opinion in late-Ming officialdom. Beneath these institutional reforms was the popularist orientation that saw commonly shared opinion as innately outweighing individual views. Chapter 4 stresses the centrality of the popularist discourse in the late-Ming Jiangnan literati's activism, arguing that the collective strategies facilitated the local literati's agendas of defending common status and shared interests out of the fear of downward social mobility in a society of increasing identity fluidity. Chapter 5 discusses the cultural impact of the popularist discourse by demonstrating how the collective approach posed challenges to the prevailing Neo-Confucian moral absolutism, brought about a new definition of learning as cumulative, inclusive, open-ended process of public reasoning, and spurred the florescence of encyclopedias, compendia, and anthologies as "the market of knowledge/ideas" for the audience to choose. Taken together, these case studies show a profound change in late-Ming China's political, intellectual and cultural landscape reshaped by a collective orientation.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.

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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.

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Purcell, Andrew. "An oral history of public relations in a conflict and divided society (Northern Ireland 1960-98)." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701437.

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Purpose: To produce a history of public relations (PR) in Northern Ireland from 1960-1998 with specific analysis of public relations practice in a conflict and divided society. Methodology: The study sourced opinion from 27 practitioners in public relations consultancies, charities, corporations, trusts and civil service departments with the use of the researcher's PR archive (PRA) as a supplementary dataset. Those interviewed represent a significant majority of those practising in the 4 decades at "elite" level. Findings: The research value is in its fact-orientated approach - PR names, events, campaigns and dates have provided a foundation of detail that would have been forgotten without the study. The PR practitioners of 1960 to 1998 have now been given a place in PR history, as have a small selection of the thousands of PR campaigns that were implemented during the "Troubles" - the study has produced a new historical model of development over a 40-year period of birth, destruction, adjustment and growth. Significantly, emerging from the research is the fact that Northern Ireland PR history had a unique framework of stimuli. What is different to other accounts of stimuli is the length of the list and its complexity in terms of the stimuli also being issues of challenge. The detailed history contributes to an emerging international portfolio of national PR histories (L'Etang, 2004; Toledano and McKie, 2013; Watson, 2014). This study adds to what Daymon and Holloway (2011, p195) call the "cumulative theory-building" of PR history practice with the analysis of "value" PR, as opposed to the researcher's previous publications on the "power" PR practice of the protagonists (Somerville and Purcell, 2011; Somerville, Purcell and Morrison, 2012). A 3 context model of practice emerges. The "personal" model is an analysis of the "human cost" of the "Troubles" adding to social and professional studies of the period (Cairns, 1980; Bairner, 1996; Hancock, 1998; Bloomfield, 1998; 0' Farrell, 1998; Niens et ai, 2004; Graham and Orr, 2014; McGarr, 2015). This is a study of how PR practitioners, their families and associates dealt with death, death threats, bombs, killings, experiences and management of sectarianism and bigotry. The emerging personal models of practice show the importance of interpersonal relationships and dialogue to survival and exploitation in conflict societies (Pearson, .1989; Grunig, 2001; Taylor, 2000; Taylor and Kent, 2014). Analysis of the organisational model of PR practice shows that from sustained conflict came a very media and strategically savvy generation of practitioners. The data adds value to this cultural experience of "functional" and "critical" PR literature and issues of "challenges", good practice, media relationships, dominant coalitions and truth-telling (Cutlip et ai, 2000; Wilcox et ai, 2003; Moloney, 2006; L'Etang and Pieczka, 2006; Hitchins, 2008). The third model highlights the significance of PR practitioners to civil society - this societal, rather than organisational or political, role, had an impact on the development of the voluntary sector, the promotion of Brand Northern Ireland and achievement of peace in 1998. The research shows that through sustained campaigning, relationship building and dialogue that PR has a modest but significant role to play when the correct "balance zone" is in place (Flynn, 2006). The study reveals an evolution of PR practice that fits well with functional positivism of Grunig and Hunt (1984) and others (Kitchen, 1997; Seital, 2004). However, there needs to be caution in reaching such a generalised conclusion of evolutionary evidence. It is a general conclusion, an overview, a recognition of a maturing industry. The outcome of the typology analysis during the Troubles suggests 5 parallel types, three associated with shades of propaganda, one of publicity and the evolving typology of the Integrated Communication Strategist - the role of the practitioner as an integrated communication strategist with rhetoric, relationships, internal communications and diplomacy was similar to L'Etang's (2004) British historical typologies. As well as the existence of multiple PR typologies, there is also evidence of multiple dialogical typologies that contribute to Taylor and Kent (2014) sliding scale of PR dialogue - 7 types of dialogue practised during the "Troubles" are presented. The emerging PR typologies and dialogue types from the "Troubles" highlight the difficulties in defining public relations - the conclusion from this Northern Ireland study concurs with opinion that PR needs to come to terms with its multi-definitional state (Ihlen and Verhoeven, 2012; Edwards, 2012). The definition of public relations depends on the specific time studied (Lamme and Miller, 2010), the need in society (Baskin and Aronoff, 1997) and the historical and cultural context in which it is practised (Hodges, 2006; Sriramesh and Vercic 2009; Vos, 2011). Limitations: The scope of the research is limited to a public relations history from 1960-98 thus excluding examples of PR activity before and after that period. Furthermore, it focusses on those PR practitioners who were interviewed; the history and analysis is based on their accounts, and as such, it is a study of how those Northern Ireland PR practitioners remembered their history and how they understood and articulated a theory of their own PR practice. Limitations were also the lack of primary data on the public relations industry and the constraints of oral history itself. Originality: The originality is as the first history of PR in Northern Ireland and detailed analysis of PR practice in a deeply divided and conflict democratic society.

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Frost, Meera Alice Christine. "Changing representations of pagan Indians in Italian culture c.1300 to c.1600." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610820.

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Golden, James Joseph. "Protestantism and public life : the Church of Ireland, disestablishment, and Home Rule, 1864-1874." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41d2b2dd-4dc0-48db-8b10-4d7828b4f515.

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This thesis explores the hitherto undocumented disestablishment and reconstruction of the Anglican Church of Ireland, c.1868-1870, and argues that this experience was formative in the emergence of Home Rule. Structurally, the Church’s General Synod served as a model for an autonomous Irish parliament. Moreover, disestablishment and reconstruction conditioned the political trajectories of the Protestants initially involved in the first group to campaign for a federal Irish parliament, the Home Government Association (HGA). More broadly, both the HGA and the governance of the independent Church—the General Synod—grew from the bedrock of the same associational culture. The HGA was more aligned with the public associations of Protestant-dominated Dublin intellectual life and the lay associational culture of the Church. Although the political vision advocated was different from the normal conservatism of many of its Protestant members, culturally it was entirely grounded in the recent Anglican experience.

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LeMaitre, Alfred. "British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.

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Booth, Geoffrey J. "From wretched employment to honourable profession, the changing image of teachers in nineteenth-century Ontario." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/MQ46183.pdf.

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Jones, Mark. "The mobilisation of public opinion against the slave trade and slavery : popular abolitionism in national and regional politics, 1787-1838." Thesis, University of York, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14169/.

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Harvard, Jonas. "En helig allmännelig opinion : Föreställningar om offentlighet och legitimitet i svensk riksdagsdebatt 1848-1919." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-686.

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This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press?

Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion.

The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion.

The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.

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Burton, David Warren. "Politics, propaganda and public opinion in the reigns of Henry III and Edward I." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa0fbc9f-8a03-42f9-8b4d-8137090755be.

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This thesis traces the way in which the growing political consciousness of the English nation in the thirteenth century led the king to pay more attention to public opinion, and considers the arguments he used to justify his policies, and in particular his military undertakings, before a wider public audience. The development of such political propaganda began during Henry Ill's reign. Yet he felt little need to explain his policies until this increasingly unrealistic position was exposed during 1258-65, when the barons made strenuous and successful attempts to exploit public opinion. Edward I probably learnt much from his father's experience, and during his reign took considerable care to explain how his wars were in the interests of the realm. The traditional means of communication and the arguments put across both underwent considerable development as a result. Much of the material for this study is in print. The king's arguments can be established from the writs entered on the chancery rolls, supplemented by the accounts of the chroniclers, while the outline of the barons' arguments in 1258-65 can be established from the same sources. Bishops' registers and the memoranda rolls provide further information towards the end of the century. Throughout an attempt has been made to show how the king's claims and arguments were viewed, which is not particularly easy. The main sources for public opinion, the chronicles, supplemented by political songs, reflect mainly the views of literate churchmen, and the opinions of the laity can be ascertained only indirectly. Yet the picture which emerges is of an increasingly politically conscious nation following the main political events with interest, and able to judge the merits of the king's arguments for itself.

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Rutledge, Vera L. "The Commission of Sir George Carew in 1611 : a review of the exchequer and the judiciary of Ireland." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70349.

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In the summer of 1611, Sir George Carew, the Irish Elizabethan military commander and former president of Munster, was commissioned by the king and his royal council in London to conduct an enquiry into all aspects of the Castle administration. Included in that wide mandate was an investigation into the existing practices and procedures of the Irish exchequer and judiciary, the two most important divisions of the Dublin government. This thesis is concerned with these two aspects of the commission of Sir George Carew. Since it is requisite for an understanding of the terms of reference handed to Sir George Carew in 1611, the study includes an analysis of the exchequer and judiciary between 1603 and 1611. In addition, there is an examination of the fiscal and judicial reforms that the king and his councillors commanded Irish officials to implement between 1613 and 1616. As is shown, these reformist measures were a direct outgrowth of recommendations submitted by Sir George Carew to the English privy council following the conclusion of his commission in 1611.

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Sèbe, Berny. "Celebrating British and French imperialism : the making of colonial heroes acting in Africa, 1870-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670137.

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This thesis investigates the ways in which British and French imperial heroes involved in the exploration, conquest or administration of Mrica between 1870 and 1939 were selected, packaged and promoted to the various sections of the public of their respective countries. It seeks to unveil the commercial, political and personal interests that lay behind the imperial hero-making business. This research analyses the hidden mechanisms, as well as the reasons that led to the appearance of a new type of hero in the context of the 'new' T Imperialism and the 'Scramble for Mrica': private connections, political lobbies (especially colonial advocates and nationalists), commercial interests (journalists, writers, biographers, hagiographers, publishers, film-makers) and personal ambition, the combination of which underpinned the creation and success ofheroic reputations. The first part of the thesis investigates the process through which imperial heroes progressively became widely known in their homelands, and how it was facilitated by the technical and social improvements of the Second Industrial Revolution. Drawing upon a wide variety of printed and manuscript sources, it shows the ever-increasing commercial success of imperial heroes throughout the period, analyses how they could serve political ends, and explains the values for which 'they were held up as examples. The second part examines the case studies of two military commanders in times of Anglo-French rivalry in Africa (the Sirdar Kitchener and Major Marchand before, during and after the Fashoda confrontation of 1898), in order to compare the modalities of the development of these legends, and the different backdrops against which they took shape. This thesis is the first to combine quantitative evidence (such as print run figures) and qualitative sources (such as police records) to demonstrate conclusively the prevalence and complexity of the hero-making process brought about by the conquest of Mrica, and to evaluate the reception of these heroic myths among the public.

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Atkins, Michael. "Reflections of Revolution: Le Figaro, Le Monde, and Public Opinion in France during the Algerian Conflict (1954-1962)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3360/.

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This thesis is an examination of the printed media in France (1955-1963), as represented by two mainstream newspapers: Le Monde (left-centrist) and Le Figaro (right-centrist). Using these newspapers, as well as Gallup polls recorded at the time, this study explores correlations of what was reported in newspapers and how French public opinion evolved during the course of the war. These two major sources of information are shown to have given contradictory information, thus accounting for some of the paradoxes found in public opinion polls. Specifically, the paradoxes analyzed in the study concern the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) and the Pieds-Noirs (the European population of North Africa).

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Bullis, Judith Elaine. "A social-psychological case history : the Manson incident." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3564.

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This study examines the social-psychological impact of of the Manson incident; which begins with the Tate-Labianca murders, continues with the arrest of Charles Manson and some of his followers, continues with the trial of Charles Manson and the co-defendants, and results in a popular image.

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Charpentier, Marc 1965. "Columns on the march : Montreal newspapers interpret the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61149.

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This thesis examines Quebec public opinion towards the Spanish Civil War. It is based on a systematic analysis of editorials and articles from ten Montreal-based newspapers, representing divergent points of view. It suggests that, contrary to the popular interpretation, Quebec francophones did not unanimously support General Franco during the war; nor did all of the province's anglophones endorse the cause of the Spanish Popular Front. Support for General Franco and the Spanish Republic in Montreal transcended linguistic lines, and cleavages other than language, such as religion, ideology and social class, influenced public opinion towards the war.

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Richardson, Erin L. "SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.

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30

Spratt, Margaret Ann. "When police dogs attacked : iconic news photographs and the construction of history, mythology, and political discourse /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6189.

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Fossett, Victoria Lea. "May 1856: Southern Reaction to Conflict in Kansas and Congress." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3673/.

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This thesis examines southern reactions to events that occurred in May 1856: the outbreak of civil war in Kansas and the caning of Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. I researched two newspapers from the upper South state of Virginia, the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Daily Whig, and two newspapers from the lower South state of Louisiana, the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Bee to determine the extent to which political party sentiment and/or geographic location affected southern opinion towards the two events. Political party ties influenced the material each newspaper printed. Each newspaper worried that these events endangered the Union. Some, however, believed the Union could be saved while others argued that it was only a matter of time before the South seceded.

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Trouton, Lycia Danielle. "An intimate monument (re)-narrating 'the troubles' in Northern Ireland the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005 /." Access electronically, 2005. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20060517.113223/index.html.

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Stevenson, Rosemary B. "Fourth century Greek historical writing about Persia in the period between the accession of Artaxerxes II Mnemon and that of Darius III (404-336 B.C.)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670401.

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Magalhães, Porto Saraiva Daniel. "L'arche de l'opinion : politique et jugement public au Portugal aux Temps Modernes (1580-1668)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040210.

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Le but de cette recherche est d’analyser le rôle politique des opinions collectives au Portugal aux Temps Modernes. Bien avant l’avènement du concept d’« opinion publique », plusieurs sources renvoient à un jugement « public », « commun » ou « général », associé fréquemment à l’idée de Fama. La présente thèse étudie l’élargissement du débat public portugais dans un contexte marqué par une intense agitation populaire et par le développement de conceptions radicales du patriotisme et de la liberté
The purpose of this research is to analyze the political role of collective opinions in Early Modern Portugal. Long before the advent of the concept of « public opinion », many sources refer to a « public », « common » or « general » judgment, frequently associated with the idea of Fama. This thesis studies the expansion of Portuguese public debate in a context marked by an intense popular agitation and by the development of radical conceptions of patriotism and liberty

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Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.

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Gagle, Michael Todd. "A Bridge Across the Pacific: A Study of the Shifting Relationship Between Portland and the Far East." PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2655.

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After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, both Japan and China sought the support of America. There has been a historical assumption that, starting with the hostilities in 1931, the Japanese were maligned in American public opinion. Consequently, the assumption has been made that Americans supported the Chinese without reserve during their conflict with Japan in the 1930s. The aim of this study is to question the accuracy of that assumption in the case of Portland, Oregon. An analysis of newspapers and print material specifically focusing on Japan and China from before the conflict reveal that the general American opinion of Japan by 1931 had shifted from admiration to suspicion and fear. The American view of China, meanwhile, had shifted from contempt to pity. When Japan invaded China, both countries lobbied for support via books, articles, and public speakers. By analyzing the speeches and publications available, this study finds that the Japanese argued for security and economic benefit, while the Chinese argued for liberty and justice. In Portland, the public opinion was strongly supportive of Japan before the 1930s, and Japan's hostilities toward China did not immediately change the opinion. Instead, an analysis of The Oregonian, the Portland City Club, and a student summit at Reed college reveal that the opinion in Portland was far more forgiving of Japan than the general American outlook. Portlanders focused on how to ease the tensions between Japan and America, even supporting Japanese calls for an Asian League of Nations headed by Japan. Further complicating the discourse in Portland was the issue of communism. Portland -- and the Pacific Northwest in general -- had been very involved with socialism in the period before the First World War. After the war, support for socialism had diverged into support for communism, for those who remained radicals, and vehement distrust of communism, for those who did not. The tension between these two groups led to outbursts of violence that left a mark on the memories of the people of the Northwest. Those who supported communism remembered the slights, which would lead them to support the Bolsheviks in the 1930s. Those who distrusted communism remembered the real threat that communism represented. When the Japanese began their propaganda against China, one of their strongest claims was that the Chinese could not hold back the tide of communism, and that only Japan was properly prepared to do so in East Asia. This claim brought up old fears in the Portland populace, most of whom did not support communism. Thus, Japanese claims of working to prevent the communist threat, coupled with the assertion of an economic boon, helped maintain a more favorable view of Japan in Portland. Following the 1937 attack on Nanking, however, Japanese action was deemed reprehensible and Portland began to turn against Japan. By profiling the public opinion of Portland toward Japan in the 1930s, this study adds to the growing body of research on the complexities of the relationship between America and Japan during the twentieth century.

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楊卓林. "中國知識分子的美國觀, 1949-1999 = Chinese intelligentsia's perception of the US, 1949-1999." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/468.

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Habel, Chad Sean, and chad habel@gmail com. "Ancestral Narratives in History and Fiction: Transforming Identities." Flinders University. Humanities, 2006. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20071108.133216.

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This thesis is an exploration of ancestral narratives in the fiction of Thomas Keneally and Christopher Koch. Initially, ancestry in literature creates an historical relationship which articulates the link between the past and the present. In this sense ancestry functions as a type of cultural memory where various issues of inheritance can be negotiated. However, the real value of ancestral narratives lies in their power to aid in the construction of both personal and communal identities. They have the potential to transform these identities, to transgress natural boundaries and to reshape conventional identities in the light of historical experience. For Keneally, ancestral narratives depict national forbears who narrate the nation into being. His earlier fictions present ancestors of the nation within a mythic and symbolic framework to outline Australian national identity. This identity is static, oppositional, and characterized by the delineation of boundaries which set nations apart from one another. However, Keneallys more recent work transforms this conventional construction of national identity. It depicts an Irish-Australian diasporic identity which is hyphenated and transgressive: it transcends the conventional notion of nations as separate entities pitted against one another. In this way Keneallys ancestral narratives enact the potential for transforming identity through ancestral narrative. On the other hand, Kochs work is primarily concerned with the intergenerational trauma causes by losing or forgetting ones ancestral narrative. His novels are concerned with male gender identity and the fragmentation which characterizes a self-destructive idea of maleness. While Keneallys characters recover their lost ancestries in an effort to reshape their idea of what it is to be Australian, Kochs main protagonist lives in ignorance of his ancestors life. He is thus unable to take the opportunity to transform his masculinity due to the pervasive cultural amnesia surrounding his family history and its role in Tasmanias past. While Keneally and Koch depict different outcomes in their fictional ancestral narratives they are both deeply concerned with the potential to transform national and gender identities through ancestry.

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Freese, John Richard. "A symbolic analysis of state educational policy and reaction in a selected state, 1915-1925." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186216.

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The role of nonpublic schools within American society has often been debated and challenged, yet for over three hundred and fifty years such schools have existed within what is now the United States. A significant portion of these nonpublic schools have been parochial schools operated by Lutheran denominations. Lutheran parochial schools were established by most European Lutheran immigrant groups to the United States, but the majority were established by German immigrants. German Lutheran immigrants to the United States initially established and maintained parochial schools to perpetuate their language, their culture, and their doctrinal standards. During World War I, extraordinary pressures from society and from the state came to bear on German Lutheran parochial schools. This study examined the public opinions and state policies within Nebraska from 1915-1925, as applied to German Lutheran parochial schools. The symbolic approach toward organizations was the analytical frame used for this study.

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Eddy, Matthew. "Recalibrating Conceptualizations of "Cultures of Peace": A Cross-National Study of Nonviolent Attitudes." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13416.

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This dissertation pursues three broad questions. First, what are the correlates of nonviolent attitudes around the world? Second, which nations exhibit characteristics of robust "Cultures of Peace"? Third, are there signs that history and collective memory shapes attitudes, i.e., do cultures "learn" from experiences of war, peace, or nonviolence? A multi-method approach sought to further our understandings of propensities for peace at both the national and individual levels. First, an analysis of nation-level Gallup World Poll data (N=136 nations) identifies correlates of nonviolent attitudes and advances a critique of the Global Peace Index (GPI), grounded in the observed disconnect between structural and attitudinal indicators of peace in many nations. The Gallup World Poll analysis suggests that many forces of modernization instill forms of "callous cruelty" while failing to cultivate pragmatic nonviolent attitudes. For example, poor nations and nations with recent successful nonviolent revolution are more likely to affirm that nonviolence "works" than wealthier nations ranking high in the GPI. Moreover, it is argued from Gallup data that the accumulation of "peace capital" is quite specific, with a frequent disconnect between forms of principled and pragmatic nonviolence. Second, survey data were collected from two "maximally different" cases, university students in the U.S. (N=403) and Costa Rica (N=312), which have starkly divergent structural and historical relationships to peace and militarism. Utilizing a new survey instrument, factor analyses helped to identify cross-national variations in respondent adherence to ideologies of violence and nonviolence: militarism, realism, just war, or nonviolence. The results show Costa Ricans were significantly more peaceful than U.S. respondents on 48 out of 52 items. Susceptibility to "elite cues" was tested in an experimental section. Tests revealed gaps in historical knowledge of nonviolence offering support for the theory that "ideology has no history." Finally, a cross-national sample of state-approved history textbooks from 8 nations (Germany, Norway, Ghana, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Costa Rica, and the U.S.) were analyzed as outcomes of collective memory processes. The relative neglect of significant nonviolent revolutions and campaigns in the majority of these textbooks suggests formidable obstacles to the proliferation of nonviolent ideology around the world.
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McDonough, Matthew Davitian. "Manifestly uncertain destiny: the debate over American expansionism, 1803-1848." Diss., Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13108.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Charles W. Sanders
Americans during the first half of the nineteenth-century were obsessed with expansion. God had bestowed upon them an innate superiority in nearly all things. American settlers were culturally, economically, racially and politically superior to all others. But how accurate are such statements? Did a majority of Americans support such declarations? The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how Americans wrote and read about expansion. Doing so reveals that for every citizen extolling the unique greatness of Americans, one questioned such an assumption. For every American insisting that the nation must expand to the Pacific coast to be successful there was one who disdained expansion and sought to industrialize what territory the nation already possessed. Americans during the first half of the nineteenth century were of many minds about expansion. The destiny of the United States was anything but manifest. Using a wealth of nineteenth century newspapers this dissertation demonstrates that the concept of Manifest Destiny was far less popular than previously imagined. Newspapers were the primary source of information and their contents endlessly debated. Editors from around the country expressed their own views and eagerly published pertinent letters to the editor that further detailed how Americans perceived expansion. While many people have often read John O’Sullivan’s rousing words he was not necessarily indicative of American sentiment. For every article espousing the importance of acquiring Florida to deny it to the British there was one deriding the notion because they felt Florida to be nothing but a worthless swamp filled with hostile Indians. American justification and opposition to territorial expansion followed no grand strategy. Instead, its most fascinating characteristic was its dynamic nature. In the Southwest expansionist proponents argued that annexation would liberate the land from Papist masters, while opponents questioned the morality of such a conquest. Encouraging or discouraging territorial expansion could take on innumerable variations and it is this flexible rhetoric that the dissertation focuses upon. The debate that raged in the public forum over expansion was both heated and fascinating. The voices of both pro and anti-expansionists were crucial to the development of antebellum America.

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Lyne, Kay. "Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.

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Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.

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Van, Eyck Masarah. ""We shall be one people" : early modern French perceptions of the Amerindian body." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38428.

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This dissertation analyzes seventeenth- and eighteenth-century French perceptions of the bodies of Indians in New France and Louisiana. It reveals that all French authors who visited New France in the early seventeenth century believed that human differences were mutable and, with instruction and land cultivation, Indians would physically and culturally assimilate into French colonial society---if Europeans did not degenerate from life in the wilderness first. Beginning in the late seventeenth century, missionary disillusionment, colonial projections of order and later Enlightenment concepts of natural rights and systems of nature prompted authors to reformulate these early perceptions. As Indians appeared unwilling or unable to adopt civilized manners, some authors concluded that natives did not possess the reason needed to do so. By the late eighteenth century, some colonial officials and European naturalists suggested that the physique and morals of North American Indians were not mutable but, instead, that Indians in French North America were permanently and essentially incapable of "improving" either their bodies or their minds.
Historians studying seventeenth- and eighteenth-century colonial perceptions of North American Indians have generally analyzed European depictions of Indians with twentieth-century understandings of human difference. By examining French perceptions of Indians with early modern understandings of the body, this thesis seeks to see natives through the eyes of the authors who described them.
The sources for this study include French travelogues and missionary accounts from New France and Louisiana which were published contemporaneously, correspondence and memoirs which have since been published and archived letters from colonial administrators writing from Canada and Louisiana.

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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.

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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.

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Callister, Graeme. "Compliance, compulsion and contest : aspects of military conscription in South Africa, 1952-1992." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/596.

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Ospina, Posse May Xue 1982. "La república impresa : cultura de la imprenta, opinión pública y lenguajes políticos en la invención de la República de Colombia (1821-1827) = A república impressa: cultura da imprensa, opinião pública e linguagens políticas na invenção da República da Colômbia (1821-1827)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280614.

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Orientador: Iara Lis Franco Schiavinatto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T19:32:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 OspinaPosse_MayXue_M.pdf: 6237645 bytes, checksum: 0edfda7f1d332afac61c06c0ddc7d4aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Nas trilhas da história intelectual e a história cultural do livro e o jornal, este trabalho se propõe entender o lugar histórico da cultura independente da imprensa e a opinião pública na configuração da ordem simbólica da República da Colômbia durante a década de 1820. Nesse horizonte, leva-se a cabo uma análise de três tipos diferenciados de materialidade impressa reveladores da linguagem política da época: o mapa, o livro e o impresso público, tentando compreender as articulações que guarda cada um desses objetos com relação tanto à busca de legitimidade do novo regímen político, quanto aos cenários das lutas políticas pela fixação do sentido, no contexto de quebra dos alicerces de verdade do Antigo Regime. Os mapas oficiais de 1822 e 1827, elaborados por Francisco Antonio Zea (1766-1822) y José Manuel Restrepo (1781-1863), e o compendio de historia publicado em onze tomos por este último em 1827, permitem uma aproximação aos sistemas históricos e geográficos de representação do projeto republicano centro-andino dos anos vente, a partir dos quais o Estado colombiano pretenderia fixar a imaginação política dos novos cidadãos. Por sua parte, no marco da emergência de uma cultura política que reconhece nas prensas o principal ressorte dos regímenes populares representativos, o impresso público providencia uma leitura enriquecida da natureza conflitiva do período
Abstract: The proposal of this paper is to understand the historical place of the independent culture of printing and public opinion, within the routes of intelectual history and the cultural history of book and newspaper, as part of the configuration of the symbolic order of the Republic of Colombia during the decade of 1820. Along that horizon, an analysis of three kinds of printed material is achieved, which reveal the political languages of the epoch: maps, books and the public printed papers, trying to understand the articulations that each one of these objects keeps, in relation, not only with the search of the legitimacy of the new political regime, but also with the political struggles scenes for the establishment of sense, within the context of the rupture of the foundations of the truth of the Ancient Regime. The official maps of 1822 and 1827, made by Francisco Antonio Zea (1766-1822) and José Manuel Restrepo (1781-1863), as well as the eleven volumes' history compendium published by himself in 1827, enable an approximation to the historical and geographical systems of representation of the central - andinian republican project of nation of the twenties, from which the Colombian State tried to fix the political imagination of the new citizens. For its part, within the frame of the emergence of a political culture that recognizes in printings the principal means of the representative popular regimes, the public printings provide an enriched reading of the unsettled nature of this period
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestra em História

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Sutton, Jared Paul. "Ethnic Minorities and Prohibition in Texas, 1887 to 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5341/.

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Historians of the prohibition movement in Texas have assumed that the state's main ethnic minorities-Germans, Mexican Americans and African Americans-strongly opposed restrictions on the production, sale, and transportation of alcoholic beverages. This study focuses on the voting patterns in fifteen counties chosen to represent varying percentages of these ethnic minorities in their populations during three statewide anti-alcohol elections (1997, 1911, and 1919) in an effort to determine exactly the extent of opposition to prohibition on the part of ethnic minorities in Texas. It also examines the actions of the prohibitionists and anti-prohibitionists in courting the vote of ethnic minority groups. This analysis and comparison of election results in fifteen counties confirms overwhelming opposition to prohibition on the part of all three of Texas's ethnic minorities.

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Aczel, Audrey M. "A communications analysis of the Chiapas uprising : Marcos' publicity campaign on the internet." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37181.pdf.

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Benbough-Jackson, Mike. "Locating a place and its people : Ceredigion and the Cardi, c.1760-2004." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683368.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Public opinion – Ireland – History'

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