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Journal articles on the topic 'Public opinion – Ireland – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Harris, Tim. "Publics and Participation in the Three Kingdoms: Was There Such a Thing as “British Public Opinion” in the Seventeenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 731–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.121.

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AbstractThis article explores where the people fit in to British history and whether there was such a thing as British public opinion in the seventeenth century. It argues that given the nature of the Stuart multiple monarchy, and the way the power structures of that monarchy impinged upon Ireland, Scotland, and England, the Stuarts' political authority was at times publicly negotiated on a Britannic level. People across Britain were engaged with British affairs: there was public opinion about British politics, in other words, albeit not British public opinion, since the people were bitterly divided at this time. However, because the crisis that brought down Charles I had been a three-kingdoms crisis, which in turn had helped spark the growth of a more sophisticated British news culture, the Restoration monarchy became increasingly sensitive to the need to try to keep public opinion across the Britannic archipelago on its side. In response to the challenge of the Whigs during the Exclusion Crisis, Charles II and his Tory allies sought to rally public support across England, Scotland, and Ireland and thus to represent “British public opinion” as being in favor of the hereditary succession. It was a representation, however, that remained contested.

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2

DHÁIBHÉID, CAOIMHE NIC. "THE IRISH NATIONAL AID ASSOCIATION AND THE RADICALIZATION OF PUBLIC OPINION IN IRELAND, 1916–1918." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (August 3, 2012): 705–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000234.

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ABSTRACTAt the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin overtook the Irish Parliamentary Party as the dominant political force within nationalist Ireland, a process that has its origins in the aftermath of the Easter Rising of 1916. This article argues that to understand better this shift in public opinion, from an initially hostile reaction to the Dublin rebellion to a more advanced nationalist position,1it is important to recognize the decisive role played by a political welfare organization, the Irish National Aid Association and Volunteer Dependents' Fund. The activities of the INAAVDF significantly shaped the popular memory of the Rising, but also provided a focus around which the republican movement could re-organize itself. In foregrounding the contribution of the INAAVDF to the radicalization of political life in Ireland between 1916 and 1918, the article argues that this understudied but important organization offers a useful way of charting popular responses to the Rising and its aftermath, as well as laying the foundations for a reinvigorated political and military campaign after 1917.

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3

Carroll, Matthew S., Catrin M. Edgeley, and Ciaran Nugent. "Traditional use of field burning in Ireland: history, culture and contemporary practice in the uplands." International Journal of Wildland Fire 30, no. 6 (2021): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wf20127.

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Fire use is increasingly recognised as a central component of integrated land management in fire-prone places. Historically, fire use has been commonplace in many places in Ireland, where field burning is an established practice with a long pedigree among upland farmers seeking to improving forage among other benefits. This practice has been subject to controversy as wildfires – a hazard often associated with upland burning practice – continue to gain public attention and concern. This research seeks to understand the practice of field burning from the viewpoint of practitioners themselves through focus groups with upland burners conducted in a variety of locations across Ireland. Discussions focused on the history of field burning, reasons for its use, and how knowledge of the techniques involved in burning has been passed down through generations. The narrative that emerges is that of a critical livelihood-supporting practice steeped in social and ecological value but threatened by stringent regulation and shifting public opinion. We suggest that one way to preserve this practice may be to establish more formal linkages between fire use practitioners and Ireland’s fire services, public land managers and regulators to promote appropriate use of traditional fire within modern legal and best practice frameworks.

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4

KELLY, MATTHEW. "THE POLITICS OF PROTESTANT STREET PREACHING IN 1890s IRELAND." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004236.

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During the 1890s evangelical Protestants took to preaching on the streets in southern Irish towns and cities. They provoked an angry response, with large Catholic crowds gathering to protest at their activities. This created a difficult situation for the authorities. Obliged, on the one hand, to protect the rights and liberties of the preachers, they also looked to nurture behaviour appropriate to the sectarian realities in Ireland. At stake was the extent to which Ireland could be treated as an undifferentiated part of the United Kingdom, with W. E. H. Lecky increasingly recognizing the need for a different legal basis in Ireland. These events formed part of the wider evolution of ‘constructive unionism’. More broadly, respectable Irish Protestant and Catholic disapproval of preachers and the ‘mob’ revealed the way in which class attitudes cut across sectarian identities, suggesting that the political dividends paid the wider unionist movement by this exposure of the apparent realities of ‘Rome rule’ were little valued in the locale. Similarly, interventions by home rule politicians reinforced the sense that conciliating British public opinion was a central concern. Here was an example of how locally orientated sectarianism helped shape national political agendas.

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5

KANTER, DOUGLAS. "THE GALWAY PACKET-BOAT CONTRACT AND THE POLITICS OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE IN MID-VICTORIAN IRELAND." Historical Journal 59, no. 3 (February 5, 2016): 747–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000369.

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AbstractThis article argues that political considerations, economic theory, attitudes toward public finance, and concerns about regional development all influenced contemporary responses to the Galway packet-boat contract of 1859–64. Though historians have conventionally depicted the dispute over the contract as an episode in Victorian high politics, it maintains that the controversy surrounding the agreement between the Galway Company and the state cannot be understood solely in terms of party manoeuvre at Westminster. In the context of the Union between Britain and Ireland, the Galway contract raised important questions about the role of the British government in fostering Irish economic development through public expenditure. Politicians and opinion-makers adopted a variety of ideologically informed positions when addressing this issue, resulting in diverse approaches to state intervention, often across party lines. While political calculation and pressure from interest groups certainly affected policy, the substantive debate on the contract helped to shape the late Victorian Irish policy of both British parties by clarifying contemporary ideas about the economic functions appropriate to the Union state.

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6

Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.

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In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.

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7

de Bromhead, Alan, Alan Fernihough, and Enda Hargaden. "Representation of the People: Franchise Extension and the “Sinn Féin Election” in Ireland, 1918." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 3 (August 21, 2020): 886–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000376.

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Do large franchise extensions bring about dramatic electoral changes? Electoral reforms in 1918 nearly tripled the number of people eligible to vote in Ireland. Following the reforms—the largest franchise extension in U.K. history—the previously obscure Sinn Féin party secured 73 of Ireland’s 105 seats, an outcome that precipitated a guerrilla war and ultimately independence from the United Kingdom. However, our analysis finds little evidence that the franchise reforms benefited Sinn Féin. New female electors appear less likely to have supported Sinn Féin while new male electors were no more likely to vote for Sinn Féin than the existing electorate. Women also appear less likely to have cast a vote at all. Economic and social factors did matter when it came to voting, however, as did public opinion in relation to armed rebellion. These results remind us that dramatic political changes, such as those that took place in Ireland 1918, do not require dramatic changes in political participation. Sinn Féin’s electoral success was more likely driven by a change of heart on behalf of the Irish electorate, rather than a change in its composition.

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8

Fontijn, David, and David Van Reybrouck. "The luxury of abundance." Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 1 (July 1999): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001380.

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AbstractThe last decade has witnessed a significant increase in the number of comprehensive syntheses on Irish prehistory, both in terms of academic textbooks and popular accounts. The present review essay finds that these syntheses are highly convergent in terms of theme, scope, and theoretical underpinnings. Although large-scale migrations are rejected as explanations for culture change, Ireland is still perceived as the receptacle for foreign ideas and overseas inventions, whereby imports are not just introduced but also perfected in Ireland. We argue that a similar attitude can be noted in the perception of the history of Irish prehistory. This convergence and absence of overt polemics are explained by referring to the small size of the Irish archaeological community. The increase in syntheses is accounted for by a number of empirical preconditions, the theoretical climate of opinion, the institutional expansion of the discipline, the public impact of a rapidly changing natural and political landscape and the notion of an Irish identity.

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9

Monahan, Kevin J., Nicola Bradshaw, Sunil Dolwani, Bianca Desouza, Malcolm G. Dunlop, James E. East, Mohammad Ilyas, et al. "Guidelines for the management of hereditary colorectal cancer from the British Society of Gastroenterology (BSG)/Association of Coloproctology of Great Britain and Ireland (ACPGBI)/United Kingdom Cancer Genetics Group (UKCGG)." Gut 69, no. 3 (November 28, 2019): 411–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/gutjnl-2019-319915.

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Heritable factors account for approximately 35% of colorectal cancer (CRC) risk, and almost 30% of the population in the UK have a family history of CRC. The quantification of an individual’s lifetime risk of gastrointestinal cancer may incorporate clinical and molecular data, and depends on accurate phenotypic assessment and genetic diagnosis. In turn this may facilitate targeted risk-reducing interventions, including endoscopic surveillance, preventative surgery and chemoprophylaxis, which provide opportunities for cancer prevention. This guideline is an update from the 2010 British Society of Gastroenterology/Association of Coloproctology of Great Britain and Ireland (BSG/ACPGBI) guidelines for colorectal screening and surveillance in moderate and high-risk groups; however, this guideline is concerned specifically with people who have increased lifetime risk of CRC due to hereditary factors, including those with Lynch syndrome, polyposis or a family history of CRC. On this occasion we invited the UK Cancer Genetics Group (UKCGG), a subgroup within the British Society of Genetic Medicine (BSGM), as a partner to BSG and ACPGBI in the multidisciplinary guideline development process. We also invited external review through the Delphi process by members of the public as well as the steering committees of the European Hereditary Tumour Group (EHTG) and the European Society of Gastrointestinal Endoscopy (ESGE). A systematic review of 10 189 publications was undertaken to develop 67 evidence and expert opinion-based recommendations for the management of hereditary CRC risk. Ten research recommendations are also prioritised to inform clinical management of people at hereditary CRC risk.

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10

Lyons, Pat. "Public opinion in the Republic of Ireland – 2002." Irish Political Studies 18, sup001 (January 2003): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1364298042000232194.

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11

Lyons, Pat. "Public Opinion in the Republic of Ireland – 2001." Irish Political Studies 17, sup1 (January 2003): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180412331333088.

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12

Lyons, Pat. "Public opinion in the Republic of Ireland – 2003." Irish Political Studies 20, no. 1 (February 2005): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0790718042000336163.

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13

O’Doherty, Kieran C. "Deliberative public opinion." History of the Human Sciences 30, no. 4 (September 26, 2017): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695117722718.

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Generally, public opinion is measured via polls or survey instruments, with a majority of responses in a particular direction taken to indicate the presence of a given ‘public opinion’. However, discursive psychological and related scholarship has shown that the ontological status of both individual opinion and public opinion is highly suspect. In the first part of this article I draw on this body of work to demonstrate that there is currently no meaningful theoretical foundation for the construct of public opinion as it is typically measured in surveys, polls, or focus groups. I then argue that there is a particular sense in which the construct of public opinion does make sense. In deliberative democratic forums participants engage in dialogue with the aim of coming to collective positions on particular issues. Here I draw on examples of deliberative democratic forums conducted on the social and ethical implications of science and technology. Conversation between participants in deliberative democratic forums is ideally characterized by individuals becoming informed about the issues being discussed, respectful interactions between participants, individuals being open to changing their positions, and a convergence towards collective positions in the interest of formulating civic solutions. The end-product of deliberation on a given issue might thus be termed a deliberative public opinion. ‘Deliberative public opinion’ is neither a cognitive nor an aggregate construct, but rather a socio-historical product. Criteria for its legitimacy rely on the inclusiveness of diversity of perspectives and the degree to which collective positions are defensible to a larger society.

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14

Seoane, Julio. "Opinion pública : Public opinion." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 17 (September 27, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.5028.

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Resumen: Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX. Palabras clave: público, prensa, mass media, sondeos. Abstract: This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. Keywords: public, press, mass media, polls.

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15

Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "British and Irish public opinion towards the Northern Ireland problem∗." Irish Political Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1996): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189608406557.

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16

Harris, Bob. "Historians, Public Opinion, and the "Public Sphere"." Journal of Early Modern History 1, no. 4 (1997): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006597x00145.

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17

Herbst, Susan. "History, Philosophy, and Public Opinion Research." Journal of Communication 43, no. 4 (December 1, 1993): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1993.tb01314.x.

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18

McElroy, Martin. "The 1830 budget and repeal: Parliament and public opinion in Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 141 (May 2008): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007471.

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During the budget speech of 1830, Henry Goulburn, the chancellor of the exchequer, announced: ‘On the people of that country [Ireland] the same stamp duties will be imposed as are imposed here.’ The government planned ‘to assimilate the laws relating to the stamp duties in different parts of the empire to place the management of the whole of that branch of the revenue under the Stamp-Office in England.’ This proposal was one of several announced by Goulburn to counter the economic slump that the United Kingdom was experiencing after a number of poor harvests. Along with specific measures designed to relieve distress, the Wellington government aimed at ensuring there was no loss of revenue in order to prevent further government borrowing.

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19

Noel, Sid. "Public opinion and the peace process in Northern Ireland: A comment*." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 2, no. 3-4 (March 2003): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800308405147.

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20

DIXON, PAUL. "Britain's ‘Vietnam syndrome’? Public opinion and British military intervention from Palestine to Yugoslavia." Review of International Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000991.

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There have been calls for policymakers to draw ‘lessons’ from Britain's experience of Empire and Northern Ireland to inform a new generation of post-Cold War interventions by the international community. This article emphasises the role that domestic public opinion, galvanized by the impact of casualties and the plight of military relatives, has played in shaping Britain's experience of ‘military intervention’ in the ‘civil wars’ of Palestine, Northern Ireland and the former Yugoslavia. Three principal arguments are put forward.

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21

MILLER, JOHN. "Public Opinion in Charles II's England." History 80, no. 260 (October 1995): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1995.tb01675.x.

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22

Jacobs, Lawrence R. "The Privatizing of Public Opinion." Reviews in American History 25, no. 1 (1997): 146–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1997.0014.

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23

GOLDZIHER, IGNÁCZ. "MUHAMMADAN PUBLIC OPINION." Journal of Semitic Studies XXXVIII, no. 1 (1993): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxviii.1.97.

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24

O’Brien, Jennifer. "Irish public opinion and the Risorgimento, 1859–60." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000448x.

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In 1859–60 the Risorgimento culminated in the unification of Italy under King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont-Sardinia. Irish public opinion watched the process of unification with intense interest, largely because of the papacy’s involvement. The movement for unification directly threatened Pope Pius IX’s hold over the Papal States, and by 1860 he had lost all his dominions but Rome. As a result, Irish public opinion on the Risorgimento divided along the religious fault-line. Protestant identification with the struggle for unification was mirrored by passionate Catholic support for Pius IX, and Ireland’s longstanding religious animosities were projected onto the struggle between the pope and the Piedmontese. Perugia became Scullabogue, Spoleto Limerick. This sense of identification explains why events in Italy resonated so powerfully in Ireland. For religious ultras on both sides, the Risorgimento was essentially a religious struggle, a strategically important battle in the ongoing war between true religion and the powers of darkness.

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25

Ewan, Christopher. "The Emancipation Proclamation and British Public Opinion." Historian 67, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2005.00101.x.

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26

Worre, Torben. "Danish public opinion and the european community." Scandinavian Journal of History 20, no. 3 (January 1995): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759508579305.

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27

Bielenberg, Andy. "Entrepreneurship, Power and Public Opinion in Ireland: The Career of William Martin Murphy." Irish Economic and Social History 27, no. 1 (June 2000): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930002700102.

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28

Edgerly, Stephanie, and Kjerstin Thorson. "Political Communication and Public Opinion." Public Opinion Quarterly 84, S1 (2020): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa019.

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29

Purdue, Olwen. "Troubling Pasts: Teaching Public History in Northern Ireland." International Public History 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2021-2017.

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Abstract This article explores the challenges and opportunities presented for the teaching and practice of public history in a post-conflict society that remains deeply divided over its past. It examines some of the negative ways in which history is used in the public arena, but also the potential of public history initiatives for building a more cohesive and forward-looking society. It examines how students can use the rich cultural landscape of Northern Ireland and engage with a wide range of experienced practitioners to learn more about the ways in which history divides; how we can negotiate these divisions over interpretations; how different communities understand, represent, and engage with their past; and why this matters.

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30

Chumbley, Robert E. "On public opinion in decision making." European Legacy 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 188–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579393.

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31

Schalk, David L., Jean-Robert Rouge, Jean-Michel Lacroix, and Jean Cazemajou. "American Public Opinion and the Vietnam War." Journal of American History 82, no. 1 (June 1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082156.

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32

Podnar, Klement, and Ursa Golob. "Reconstruction of public relations history through publications in Public Opinion Quarterly." Journal of Communication Management 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2009): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13632540910931391.

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33

Cimbala, Steven J., and Richard C. Eichenberg. "Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe." Journal of Military History 54, no. 2 (April 1990): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986059.

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34

Kley, Dale K. Van, David A. Bell, Arlette Farge, Dena Goodman, and Sarah C. Maza. "In Search of Eighteenth-Century Parisian Public Opinion." French Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (1995): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286905.

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35

Crook, D. "English Public Opinion and the American Civil War." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 495 (February 1, 2007): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel407.

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36

Haefele, Mark. "John F. Kennedy, USIA, and World Public Opinion." Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (January 2001): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00249.

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37

Mueller, J. W., and W. B. Schamel. "Immigration Patterns, Public Opinion, and Government Policy." OAH Magazine of History 4, no. 4 (March 1, 1990): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/4.4.33.

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38

McELNAY, J. C., A. J. NICHOLL, and T.-J. GRAINGER-ROUSSEAU. "The role of the community pharmacist - a survey of public opinion in Northern Ireland." International Journal of Pharmacy Practice 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2042-7174.1993.tb00733.x.

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39

Irwin, Colin. "How public opinion polls were used in support of the Northern Ireland peace process1." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 1 (September 2001): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800108405090.

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40

Fee, Elizabeth, John Capper, Garrett Power, and Frank R. Shivers. "Chesapeake Waters: Pollution, Public Health, and Public Opinion, 1607-1972." Technology and Culture 26, no. 2 (April 1985): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104373.

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41

Melve, Leidulf. "Public Debate, Propaganda, and Public Opinion in the Becket Controversy." Viator 48, no. 3 (September 2017): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.5.116349.

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42

Balinska, Maria. "French public opinion and the Front National." Patterns of Prejudice 23, no. 1 (March 1989): 53–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1989.9969996.

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43

Adler, Karen. "European public opinion on racism and xenophobia." Patterns of Prejudice 24, no. 1 (June 1990): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1990.9970042.

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44

Scarth, Stephen, and Ann McVeigh. "Public Record Office of Northern Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 29, no. 1 (June 2002): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900106.

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45

Bogoraz Daniel, Larisa, and Pavel Litvinov. "Appeal To World Public Opinion." Index on Censorship 31, no. 2 (April 2002): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220208537036.

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46

Potter, Simon J. "Jingoism, Public Opinion, And The New Imperialism." Media History 20, no. 1 (January 2014): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2013.869067.

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47

Bowie, Karin. "Public Opinion, Popular Politics and the Union of 1707." Scottish Historical Review 82, no. 2 (October 2003): 226–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.2.226.

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48

Lynch, Michael. "Wilkinson, Mary Queen of Scots and French Public Opinion." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 1 (April 2007): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.0042.

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49

Peters, Lorraine. "English Public Opinion and the American Civil War (review)." Civil War History 51, no. 2 (2005): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2005.0029.

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50

Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.

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