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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History"

1

Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "British and Irish public opinion towards the Northern Ireland problem∗." Irish Political Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1996): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189608406557.

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Noel, Sid. "Public opinion and the peace process in Northern Ireland: A comment*." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 2, no. 3-4 (March 2003): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800308405147.

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Scarth, Stephen, and Ann McVeigh. "Public Record Office of Northern Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 29, no. 1 (June 2002): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900106.

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Purdue, Olwen. "Troubling Pasts: Teaching Public History in Northern Ireland." International Public History 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2021-2017.

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Abstract This article explores the challenges and opportunities presented for the teaching and practice of public history in a post-conflict society that remains deeply divided over its past. It examines some of the negative ways in which history is used in the public arena, but also the potential of public history initiatives for building a more cohesive and forward-looking society. It examines how students can use the rich cultural landscape of Northern Ireland and engage with a wide range of experienced practitioners to learn more about the ways in which history divides; how we can negotiate these divisions over interpretations; how different communities understand, represent, and engage with their past; and why this matters.

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DIXON, PAUL. "Britain's ‘Vietnam syndrome’? Public opinion and British military intervention from Palestine to Yugoslavia." Review of International Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000991.

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There have been calls for policymakers to draw ‘lessons’ from Britain's experience of Empire and Northern Ireland to inform a new generation of post-Cold War interventions by the international community. This article emphasises the role that domestic public opinion, galvanized by the impact of casualties and the plight of military relatives, has played in shaping Britain's experience of ‘military intervention’ in the ‘civil wars’ of Palestine, Northern Ireland and the former Yugoslavia. Three principal arguments are put forward.

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Slater, G. "The public record office of Northern Ireland and records management in the northern Ireland civil service." Journal of the Society of Archivists 11, no. 1-2 (January 1990): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00379819009511626.

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McELNAY, J. C., A. J. NICHOLL, and T.-J. GRAINGER-ROUSSEAU. "The role of the community pharmacist - a survey of public opinion in Northern Ireland." International Journal of Pharmacy Practice 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2042-7174.1993.tb00733.x.

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Irwin, Colin. "How public opinion polls were used in support of the Northern Ireland peace process1." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 1 (September 2001): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800108405090.

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Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law." Legal Information Management 12, no. 4 (December 2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political history. The article thus examines some of the differences that exist at the constitutional level and which can be associated with, most famously, the Belfast Agreement 1998. It also summaries some of the differences that can be found at the level of legal citation, for instance of case law and statute law for the jurisdiction.

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Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "Protestant Disillusionment with the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement." Irish Journal of Sociology 13, no. 1 (May 2004): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350401300108.

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The period since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement has witnessed a degree of electoral polarisation that dwarfs any previous period during the current Troubles in scale and intensity. This has been attributed to Protestant disillusionment with the Agreement and the political institutions it established. The results presented here using a wide range of public opinion polls support this view. Protestants are much more pessimistic of both current and future relations between the two communities than are Catholics. The increasingly negative view of Protestants, particularly in terms of future community relations, is reflected in declining support for the Agreement. Protestants who believe that relations between the two religious communities in five years time will be worse than they are now are significantly more likely to vote against the Agreement. This is the case even among previous Protestant supporters of the Agreement.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History"

1

Scott, Alan Michael. "Winds of change, scent of betrayal : press, political development and public opinion in Northern Ireland, 1963-7." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325992.

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Purcell, Andrew. "An oral history of public relations in a conflict and divided society (Northern Ireland 1960-98)." Thesis, Ulster University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701437.

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Purpose: To produce a history of public relations (PR) in Northern Ireland from 1960-1998 with specific analysis of public relations practice in a conflict and divided society. Methodology: The study sourced opinion from 27 practitioners in public relations consultancies, charities, corporations, trusts and civil service departments with the use of the researcher's PR archive (PRA) as a supplementary dataset. Those interviewed represent a significant majority of those practising in the 4 decades at "elite" level. Findings: The research value is in its fact-orientated approach - PR names, events, campaigns and dates have provided a foundation of detail that would have been forgotten without the study. The PR practitioners of 1960 to 1998 have now been given a place in PR history, as have a small selection of the thousands of PR campaigns that were implemented during the "Troubles" - the study has produced a new historical model of development over a 40-year period of birth, destruction, adjustment and growth. Significantly, emerging from the research is the fact that Northern Ireland PR history had a unique framework of stimuli. What is different to other accounts of stimuli is the length of the list and its complexity in terms of the stimuli also being issues of challenge. The detailed history contributes to an emerging international portfolio of national PR histories (L'Etang, 2004; Toledano and McKie, 2013; Watson, 2014). This study adds to what Daymon and Holloway (2011, p195) call the "cumulative theory-building" of PR history practice with the analysis of "value" PR, as opposed to the researcher's previous publications on the "power" PR practice of the protagonists (Somerville and Purcell, 2011; Somerville, Purcell and Morrison, 2012). A 3 context model of practice emerges. The "personal" model is an analysis of the "human cost" of the "Troubles" adding to social and professional studies of the period (Cairns, 1980; Bairner, 1996; Hancock, 1998; Bloomfield, 1998; 0' Farrell, 1998; Niens et ai, 2004; Graham and Orr, 2014; McGarr, 2015). This is a study of how PR practitioners, their families and associates dealt with death, death threats, bombs, killings, experiences and management of sectarianism and bigotry. The emerging personal models of practice show the importance of interpersonal relationships and dialogue to survival and exploitation in conflict societies (Pearson, .1989; Grunig, 2001; Taylor, 2000; Taylor and Kent, 2014). Analysis of the organisational model of PR practice shows that from sustained conflict came a very media and strategically savvy generation of practitioners. The data adds value to this cultural experience of "functional" and "critical" PR literature and issues of "challenges", good practice, media relationships, dominant coalitions and truth-telling (Cutlip et ai, 2000; Wilcox et ai, 2003; Moloney, 2006; L'Etang and Pieczka, 2006; Hitchins, 2008). The third model highlights the significance of PR practitioners to civil society - this societal, rather than organisational or political, role, had an impact on the development of the voluntary sector, the promotion of Brand Northern Ireland and achievement of peace in 1998. The research shows that through sustained campaigning, relationship building and dialogue that PR has a modest but significant role to play when the correct "balance zone" is in place (Flynn, 2006). The study reveals an evolution of PR practice that fits well with functional positivism of Grunig and Hunt (1984) and others (Kitchen, 1997; Seital, 2004). However, there needs to be caution in reaching such a generalised conclusion of evolutionary evidence. It is a general conclusion, an overview, a recognition of a maturing industry. The outcome of the typology analysis during the Troubles suggests 5 parallel types, three associated with shades of propaganda, one of publicity and the evolving typology of the Integrated Communication Strategist - the role of the practitioner as an integrated communication strategist with rhetoric, relationships, internal communications and diplomacy was similar to L'Etang's (2004) British historical typologies. As well as the existence of multiple PR typologies, there is also evidence of multiple dialogical typologies that contribute to Taylor and Kent (2014) sliding scale of PR dialogue - 7 types of dialogue practised during the "Troubles" are presented. The emerging PR typologies and dialogue types from the "Troubles" highlight the difficulties in defining public relations - the conclusion from this Northern Ireland study concurs with opinion that PR needs to come to terms with its multi-definitional state (Ihlen and Verhoeven, 2012; Edwards, 2012). The definition of public relations depends on the specific time studied (Lamme and Miller, 2010), the need in society (Baskin and Aronoff, 1997) and the historical and cultural context in which it is practised (Hodges, 2006; Sriramesh and Vercic 2009; Vos, 2011). Limitations: The scope of the research is limited to a public relations history from 1960-98 thus excluding examples of PR activity before and after that period. Furthermore, it focusses on those PR practitioners who were interviewed; the history and analysis is based on their accounts, and as such, it is a study of how those Northern Ireland PR practitioners remembered their history and how they understood and articulated a theory of their own PR practice. Limitations were also the lack of primary data on the public relations industry and the constraints of oral history itself. Originality: The originality is as the first history of PR in Northern Ireland and detailed analysis of PR practice in a deeply divided and conflict democratic society.

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Leslie, Stuart T. "The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.

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Thesis advisor: James Cronin
This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program

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4

Trouton, Lycia Danielle. "An intimate monument (re)-narrating 'the troubles' in Northern Ireland the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005 /." Access electronically, 2005. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20060517.113223/index.html.

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Books on the topic "Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History"

1

Howe, Stephen. Ireland and empire: Colonial legacies in Irish history and culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

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McManus, Seán. My American struggle for justice in Northern Ireland. Washington, D.C: Irish National Caucus Publications, 2012.

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My American struggle for justice in Northern Ireland. Wilton, Cork: Collins Press, 2011.

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4

Signs of war and peace: Social conflict and the use of public symbols in Northern Ireland. New York: Palgrave, 2001.

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5

Guelke, Adrian. Northern Ireland: The international perspective. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1988.

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Guelke, Adrian. Northern Ireland: The international perspective. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1989.

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Peter, Ward. Public attitudes to parades and marches in Northern Ireland. [Belfast?]: Stationery Office, 1997.

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Kremer, John M. D. Attitudes towards women in Northern Ireland: A report prepared for the Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland. [Belfast]: Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland, 1986.

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The American connection: U.S. guns, money, and influence in Northern Ireland. New York, NY: Viking, 1987.

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The American connection: U.S. guns, money, and influence in Northern Ireland. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Penguin Books, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Public opinion – Northern Ireland – History"

1

Irwin, Colin. "Political Negotiations and Public Opinion Polls." In The People’s Peace Process in Northern Ireland, 11–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914323_2.

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Wright, Joanne, and Keith Bryett. "Setting the Parameters — Public and Political Opinion on Police Reform." In Policing and Conflict in Northern Ireland, 41–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230514805_3.

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Cauvin, Thomas. "Public Historians and Conflicting Memories in Northern Ireland." In A Companion to Public History, 417–30. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118508930.ch30.

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Santino, Jack. "History, Conflict, and Public Display in Northern Ireland." In Signs of War and Peace, 1–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-8233-9_1.

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Irwin, Colin. "Using Public Opinion Polls to Support Peace Processes: Practical Lessons from Northern Ireland, Macedonia, Cyprus, Israel and Palestine." In Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 139–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523258_8.

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Renwick, Aly. "Something in the air: the rise of the Troops Out Movement." In The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0009.

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An inspiration for the many student’ protests and workers’ industrial struggles of the 1960s came from the black civil rights struggle in America and the worldwide opposition to the US war in Vietnam. When a civil rights struggle then started in Northern Ireland, many sixties activists in the UK began to make this a focus for their political work. In the early 1970s a number of them came together to form the Troops Out Movement (TOM). This chapter contributes to a history of the TOM that is yet to be written. Set in the context of 1960s activism, it examines the start of TOM in late 1973 in relation to the situation that erupted in Northern Ireland. This included the Civil Rights Movement and the Unionist reaction to it, discrimination and the Special Powers Act, the work of the Campaign for Democracy in Ulster at Westminster, and early protests in the UK against British political and military involvement. The chapter goes on to discuss the TOM’s campaign for the withdrawal of British troops, our work with the Labour Movement, and our influence on public opinion in Britain, including the evidence of polls indicating popular support for British withdrawal.

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Johansson, Sofia. "The Tabloid Press: Tales of Controversy, Community and Public Life." In The Edinburgh History of the British and Irish Press, Volume 3, 517–37. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424929.003.0027.

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This chapter chronicles the development of tabloid newspapers in Britain and Northern Ireland across the 20^th and early 21^st centuries. It investigates the spectacular rise and subsequent demise of the popular tabloid as a distinct newspaper form, which has stirred as much controversy as it has shaped public debate. How did tabloid newspapers come to attract such vast readerships? What basis for the formation of public opinion did they provide, and how did they impact on the wider journalistic climate? The chapter explores tabloid history from three interrelated thematic points of departure. Firstly, it pays attention to a notable history of controversy, characterised by the papers’ tendency to push ethical and taste boundaries, and by the introduction of new, sensationalist, journalistic styles and content orientations. From a different perspective, however, the history of tabloid journalism can be regarded as one of building notions of community through, for instance, the provision of an inclusive address to readers, and the interlinking of news with other forms of popular culture. Finally, the chapter considers the historical, highly complex, role of tabloid journalism within public life, as a basis for the formation of public opinion, and as a political force.

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Tiernan, Sonja. "Political lobbying, the media and influencing public opinion." In The history of marriage equality in Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526146007.00014.

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Dixon, Paul. "‘A real stirring in the nation’: military families, British public opinion and withdrawal from Northern Ireland." In The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719096310.003.0004.

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There has been a recent attempt to claim that the IRA was defeated in the early 1990s and the peace process represented their gradual surrender. The IRA’s campaign is presented as a futile and naive attempt to force the ‘Great British’ to withdraw from Northern Ireland. This chapter, by contrast, argues that the IRA’s campaign to force British withdrawal from Northern Ireland was not irrational. The British had just withdrawn from Empire and republicans tended to see Ireland as Britain’s first and last colony. Leading British politicians were ambivalent about the Union. The first public opinion poll suggesting a majority of the British public favoured withdrawal from Northern Ireland was published in September 1971. Since the mid-1970s polls have suggested consistent support for withdrawal. The demand for British withdrawal from Northern Ireland is often presented by those on the Left and Right as a pro-republican position. The ‘Bring Back the Boys from Ulster Campaign’ was launched in May 1973 among military families. It reflected ‘a real stirring’ in the nation for withdrawal, impacted on army recruitment and was motivated more by British chauvinist sentiment than Irish nationalism or republicanism This chapter will argue that this British nationalist movement for withdrawal while ultimately unsuccessful represented a powerful constraint on policy and helps to explain British scepticism about military intervention in Yugoslavia in the early nineties.

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Calabresi, Steven Gow. "The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland." In The History and Growth of Judicial Review, Volume 1, 363–90. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses the origins and growth of judicial review in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Judicial review in the United Kingdom under the Human Rights Act is best explained by borrowing from the United States, Canada, Germany, and the European Court of Human Rights. The emergence of judicial review in the United Kingdom also coincided with the devolution of power to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, thus creating a need for a federalism umpire. This was vividly illustrated by a recent U.K. Supreme Court separation of powers umpiring opinion; and by a 2019 umpiring ruling, which upheld Scotland’s highest court, while overturning an English and Welsh court on the justiciability and breadth of The Queen’s power to prorogue Parliament. The adoption by the United Kingdom of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), as a judicially enforced Bill of Rights, was done, in part, out of embarrassment that the United Kingdom kept losing so many human rights cases when they were heard by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). There is, accordingly, a mild rights from wrongs story that explains the adoption of the Human Rights Act of 1998, although a desire to borrow that which was fashionable and in style provides the major explanation for the adoption of this act.

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