Journal articles on the topic 'Public service television programs – Malawi'

<span>&lt;div style=’text-align:</span><span>center</span><span>;’&gt;</span>The writing of this paper analyzes the legal position contained in the Law relating to public health broadcast programs. Further review of the legal aspects of public health broadcast programs that researchers do are not limited to understanding the legal construction that applies in the positivism perspective, but researchers conduct legal reconstruction of public health broadcast programs on television broadcasting institutions with a post-positivism perspective approach namely conceptualizing the law as a set of rules of enactment are influenced by economic, political and social cultural factors. Then there is a need for regulative efforts in the context of the spectrum of balancing laws relating to market regulation and state regulation. The results of the discussion found the following conclusions: First, there was no harmonization in the legal spectrum relating to public health service broadcast programs on television which were dominated in the form of promotions, commercial advertisements, and publications relating to drugs. Second, the laws and regulations governing public health service broadcast programs in broadcasting institutions have not encouraged strong public awareness about the highest degree of health. Third, the public health service broadcast program has a social impact on the interests of the community that is in the form of community self-awareness but also has an economic impact especially for the drug industry and hospitals. However in regulative, it has not provided a framework for social and economic impacts. <span>&lt;/div&gt;</span>

Although public service announcements (PSAs) are used extensively in social marketing campaigns, few studies have examined the overall landscape of PSAs. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of all PSAs aired on national television from 2001–2006. Data are from an all-inclusive industry database. Units of analysis were the number of ads, estimated amount of airtime, and estimated dollar value of airtime. Over 183,000 PSAs aired on average each year from 2001–2006, estimated to be worth about $1.6 billion per year. PSAs represented 2% of advertisements on national television, with more (30.5%) PSAs airing overnight between 1:00 am and 5:00 am than at other times of the day, and more appearing in the fall than other times of the year. The most common topic of PSAs was health. Sports programs contained a smaller percentage of PSAs than other types of programs. The results can help policymakers ensure that PSAs air in sufficient quantity and at effective times, inform campaign decisions about allocation of funds and placements of PSAs, and point to the need to monitor PSAs for each campaign.

Television is one of the most important sources of information and entertainment for the majority of Moroccans. Since 2002, the Moroccan government has put forth policies to regulate the use of television as an important outside source for promoting its development programs. This audience reception study aims to assess the opinions of Moroccan television viewers on the quality of programming provided by the two public service TV stations, Al Oula and 2M. The study applies Stuart Hall’s encoding/decoding theory to examine the interactions of the Moroccan audience with the content of the two public service television stations. This study focuses mainly on television viewers of lower educational backgrounds and those with lower incomes because they could benefit most from the developmental role of public service television. The study examines the extent to which TV programming addresses the viewers’ lifestyles and concerns and the expectations viewers may have of their public service stations. The study uses focus groups as a stand-alone data-gathering strategy because of the multicultural nature of Moroccan society, which is characterized by different ethnic, linguistic and geographic attributes. Focus groups enable researchers to collect rich data in participants’ own words; they are particularly useful when the survey group is illiterate or semiliterate. The application of Stuart Hall’s theory in the Moroccan context reveals some of the model’s strengths as well some of its limitations. While the model provides rich analytical tools that help us understand the relationship between how television producers encode messages and how audiences decode them, this study illustrates the limits of Hall’s theory application to non-western audiences. Hall’s model is founded on the assumption that audiences are capable of decoding the television content and that the variations in the decoding process are the outcome of the audiences’ reactions to the hegemonic message. The study found that this was not applicable to Moroccan audiences and that additional theoretical tools needed to be in place for an audience reception analysis to be complete and substantial.

This study explores the presence of science programs on the Flemish public broadcaster between 1997 and 2002 in terms of length, science domains, target groups, production mode, and type of broadcast. Our data show that for nearly all variables 2000 can be marked as a year in which the downward spiral for science on television was reversed. These results serve as a case study to discuss the influence of public policy and other possible motives for changes in science programming, as to gain a clearer insight into the factors that influence whether and how science programs are broadcast on television. Three factors were found to be crucial in this respect: 1) public service philosophy, 2) a strong governmental science policy providing structural government support, and 3) the reflection of a social discourse that articulates a need for more hard sciences.

This study seeks to implement appropriate production management in the production of "Kita Indonesia" public service advertising produced by the broadcasting study program of the University of Bina Sarana Informatika communicating with the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. In this production special production theories are applied that are in accordance with the concept of production of public service advertising. This production is different from the production of television programs related to no drama but does not cover estimation Production material can be used in the production of community service advertisements "Kita Indonesia", although not in the television program category. Keywords: Production Management, Productions Materials, Public Service Ads

In March 2020, a state of emergency was declared worldwide as a result of the rapid spread of COVID-19. In Serbia, this led to strict preventive measures (curfew). In Sweden, such measures were not taken, but the system relied on personal responsibility of each individual, instead. In emergency situations, the media gain great importance as a source of information, and as such have the ability to alleviate or worsen the insecurity that the public feels, which can further contribute to the moral panic. In order to determine the potential of electronic media for informing citizens and encouraging critical thinking (during an emergency situation), we have explored rhetorical strategies and their potential for affirming the pluralism of views. The subject of research were broadcasting practices of three TV stations: two public media services (Radio Television of Serbia and Swedish Television) and one cable TV from Serbia (N1). By method of content analysis, we have come to a conclusion that all three media provided viewers with comprehensive, coherent and verified information. During the analysed period, the media in Serbia almost doubled the duration of their news programs, which gives an impression of non-selectivity and a desire to prove maximum coverage on all topics. On the other hand, SVT was consistent in the duration and scope of news programs. The way in which events were presented was mainly characterized by objectivity, although the Serbian public service also displayed a tendency towards intimidation. The biggest differences were noticed in terms of pluralism of views, since it was much more present in the programs of the Swedish public service and cable television (N1) than in the Serbian public service television programs. One of the rhetoric specifics in the way how N1 was presenting the news is discrediting the current political leadership and the decisions they have made.

Television is an important means of obtaining information and sharing in the culture of this society. Because it is primarily a visual medium, blind and visually impaired people have not had full access to it. In 1990, after five years of research and development, a national service became available over the Public Broadcasting Service that makes television accessible to blind and visually impaired viewers. Developed by WGBH-TV in Boston, Descriptive Video Servicesm provides narrated descriptions of the key visual elements of television programs without interfering with their audio or dialogue.

This article examines children's television production discourses. It first contextualises how regulations in New Zealand shape the children's broadcasting environment, then it asks producers of children's programs to describe how they go about creating public service programs for children within a complex media political economy. Several questions are addressed, with a key one examining how producers imagine their audiences and construct appropriate public spaces for them within the current constraints of funding and advertising regulation. The field research is based on extended face-to-face interviews conducted in 2009 with producers, a free-to-air television programmer and the television managers for the two funding agencies, New Zealand On Air (NZOA) and Te Māngai Pāho (Māori language media funding).

This article investigates the role of history and heritage in institutional maintenance work. Based on a study of collaborative production of public service TV programs in Sweden, I analyze the program makers’ rhetorical work to construct and justify meanings and interpretations. By drawing on the old but often overlooked understanding that institutions are “permanent” solutions to “permanent” problems, I discuss what problems the program makers argue that public service TV solves in contemporary Sweden, and the work of rhetorically constructing and justifying these problems in relation to everyday practices of making programs. This study adds to our understanding of how actors that inhabit and enact an institution can use its history and legacy as an interpretative resource in their work to maintain the institution, and how this process may affect the meanings ascribed to the institution.

Before the pandemic crisis, the irruption of the convergent scenario and the television digitalization forced the Latin American public television to develop strategies that consider new forms of audiovisual consumption and to make the resources profitable, such as the development of digital platforms and co-production with independent creators. Pakapaka, TVN and Señal Colombia coproduced children television programs with Chilean filmmakers that achieved a high audience and received acknowledgements at audiovisual festivals for their quality, their contribution to the local identity and Latin American own nature. Based on a content analysis carried out on tv shows aimed to children, present in both Chilean public digital platforms: CNTV Infantil (former Novasur) and TVN Kids, this study describes the collaborative model from the media literacy perspective, with emphasis on the diversity of children’s programs, considering their origins, acquisition, financing, and characteristics of the protagonist’s characters. The results indicate that the contents are varied and that the presence of female protagonists, native peoples and migrants, although incipient, constitutes a contribution to the identity of the continent’s childhoods. In conclusion, it is essential that public service television can count on permanent funding that promotes the realization of relevant content for children, in accordance with their public service mission, especially in today pandemic crisis and confinement.

Abstract Introduction The American Burn Association estimates 486,000 burn injuries occur each year. Inability to receive specialized treatment from a verified burn center can negatively impact long term outcomes and survival rates for burn survivors. The burn team has a multidisciplinary approach to meeting the physical and emotional needs of burn patients and their families. Ongoing education and outreach programs are key elements in preventing fire tragedies. We identified an opportunity to incorporate burn and fire prevention education as well as burn survivor testimonies into a pre-existing media platform. Methods We identified burn injury trends, at an American Burn Associated Verified Burn Center, via the burn registry and determined the most common etiologies of injuries treated at our center. We utilized an established relationship with burn prevention community partners, our hospitals communication department, and local news station. Our aftercare and burn prevention coordinator partnered with these established relationships to produce 10-minute television segments on burn and fire safety topics. The interactive television sessions were aired during the local news. Within each segment, viewers were provided with safety tips, preventative strategies, and/or burn survivor testimony. Results 30 news segments over the past 3 years have been produced reaching an average of 58,000 people per year spanning 7 local counties. This health and wellness tool has provided education regarding pet fire safety, scald/contact burn prevention, outdoor/BBQ burn/fire prevention, car fire safety, honey oil explosion education, and holiday burn prevention. We have also had segments focusing on smoke alarm awareness/education and home/fire escape planning to make our communities safer. We have been able to promote our successful aftercare programs by highlighting our support groups, burn survivor activities, and grateful patient stories sharing burn survivor testimony. Conclusions We identified burn prevention topics as well as grateful patients to spread awareness of burns within our community. We partnered with the hospital communications department and local news stations to produce directed educational television segments. These segments were designed to educate the community as well as highlight our successful multidisciplinary approach to managing burn patients. This media platform is one component of our burn centers ongoing burn prevention and outreach program.

<p>This article concerns health programs that the Danish public service broadcaster DR produced from the 1990s to 2012. The study is based on a qualitative content analysis of selected health programs and considers the purpose of the programs, their generic composition, and their positioning of the viewer as well as their intention to communicate knowledge about health. The article is theoretically informed by mediatization theory and demonstrates how the medium of television influences the discursive construction of health in factual programming. In the early 1990s, television relied primarily on health expertise from institutions outside of the media, and the programs made use of external experts. Today, the media to a greater extent creates its own know-how experts, who are produced and tailored to the needs of television and the demand for dramatically successful entertainment. This article demonstrates how the early factual programs were dominated by information on illness, medical treatment, and nursing care, communicated by medical experts and laymen. Today’s programs present health as an individual and entrepreneurial project that rapidly changes and improves the individual’s lifestyle and behavior.</p>

Background and Purpose. Television is an important source of health information in the United States, yet little research has focused on the presentation of general health issues on television. This preliminary study reports on the health-related content of television commercials found on a typical television day. Methods. We conducted a content analysis of a composite day of television comprising 20 hours randomly selected over a three week period (April-May 1989). Findings are presented regarding health messages found in commercial time — advertisements, public service announcements (PSAs), editorials, and promotions for upcoming programs. Results. Overall, 31 % of the 654 commercial spots contained health messages. Most health messages were claims of good nutrition in food and beverage advertisements. PSAs comprise 1.4% of the 20-hour sample and 5.8% of the commercial time. Health messages appeared in 38% of PSAs, accounting for less than seven minutes. Not one PSA addressed tobacco, alcohol, or diet — the three leading behavioral risk factors for poor health. Discussion. PSAs are usually seen as a mechanism by which the public health community can alert the public to important health issues. Given the declining pool of PSA time, public health educators will need to seek alternative strategies for influencing television content, such as media advocacy. In addition, further research on audience interpretation and response to commercial messages is suggested.

Recent research has criticized a tradition of seeing socialist media cultures as strictly separated from the West. While scholars have analyzed how socialist television institutions reacted to influences from Western media, there is little research on how socialist television culture traveled outside the socialist bloc. This article analyses the ways in which state socialist television culture appeared in Finland on the basis of the main Finnish TV guide magazine Katso in 1963, 1968, 1973, 1978, 1983, and 1988. The article argues that socialist television was a significant influence in the Finnish television environment. Finnish audiences were introduced to socialist television cultures through means such as cross-border access to Soviet broadcasts and journalistic depictions. Both public service and commercial television companies imported Eastern European programs of various genres. Thus, the Finnish case shows that a strict East/West binary is not helpful for understanding European television history.

The IberSpeech-RTVE Challenge presented at IberSpeech 2018 is a new Albayzin evaluation series supported by the Spanish Thematic Network on Speech Technologies (Red Temática en Tecnologías del Habla (RTTH)). That series was focused on speech-to-text transcription, speaker diarization, and multimodal diarization of television programs. For this purpose, the Corporacion Radio Television Española (RTVE), the main public service broadcaster in Spain, and the RTVE Chair at the University of Zaragoza made more than 500 h of broadcast content and subtitles available for scientists. The dataset included about 20 programs of different kinds and topics produced and broadcast by RTVE between 2015 and 2018. The programs presented different challenges from the point of view of speech technologies such as: the diversity of Spanish accents, overlapping speech, spontaneous speech, acoustic variability, background noise, or specific vocabulary. This paper describes the database and the evaluation process and summarizes the results obtained.

ABSTRACT:Objectives:The objective of this study was to investigate whether medical television dramas portray proper seizure first aid.Methods:Episodes of the four highest-rated US medical dramas (“Grey's Anatomy,” “House M.D.”, “Private Practice,” and “ER”) were screened for the presence of seizures. “Patient” age, sex, semiology, and etiology were recorded. The appropriateness of seizure first aid management was determined by comparison to the Epilepsy Foundation of America (EFA) guidelines.Results:Among 364 television programs, 65 seizures (in 59 individuals) were identified (30 males; 29 females). Seizures were primary or secondarily generalized tonic-clonic in 53 (81.5%) cases. Other seizure types included complex partial (5, 7.7%), simple partial (1, 1.5%), myoclonic (1, 1.5%), absence (1,1.5%), and psychogenic (1, 1.5%). On 63 occasions (96.9%), first aid was performed by a health care professional. First aid management was judged appropriate in 21 (32.3%) seizures, inappropriate in 28 (43.1%), and indeterminate in 16 (24.6%). Inappropriate practices included holding the person down (17, 26.2%), trying to stop the involuntary movements (10, 15.4%) and putting something in the person's mouth (11, 16.9%).Conclusions:The first aid management of seizures performed by actors portraying health care professionals was inappropriate in nearly half of all cases. Inaccurate depiction of seizure first aid management may contribute to misinformation of the general public. The television industry could easily incorporate the simple first aid EFA seizure guidelines as a public service without sacrificing dramatic impact.

Public Service Announcements (PSAs) are free announcements made to promote programs, activities, community interest and services from government and the non - government sector. As technology develops, many PSAs use animated characters in order to persuade and create high awareness among people. Animation is a simulation of movement created by displaying a series of pictures or frames such as cartoons on television. Research has shown that PSAs is effective in conveying the message. However, the influences of animated PSAs among students about health and safety messages are still unclear. Previous researchers were more interested to investigate the effects of PSAs to children and less research on animated PSAs towards adults. Therefore, the researcher is interested to study whether or not the animation should be utilized as an effective tool to educate the public. A sample of 285 students watched four animated PSAs and four live action PSAs. Two of each represented animated spoke characters and non spoke characters with a goal to evaluate students responses on positive attitudes. A correlation analysis was used to study the relationship between the positive response of animated PSAs and engagement with results that indicated moderate and high correlation. T tests were used to investigate the comparison between the students responses to animated PSAs versus non animated PSAs and animated spoke characters versus animated non spoke characters. The results emphasize that animated PSAs received better responses among students. Students acceptance towards animated PSAs and animated spoke characters received small but significantly better response.

In order to support the government in overcoming the Covid-19 outbreak, Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI) has issued several policies related to broadcasting, especially on television. This policy was taken considering that television is still the media with the most audience reach and has a high duplication power in society. Therefore, in every program broadcast to the public, adherence to health protocols is a must. Based on this, it is necessary to examine in depth the role of KPI in overseeing broadcasting and the synergy between Central and Regional KPIs in overseeing broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic. The results showed that the KPI in supervising broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic played an optimal role in regulating and supervising broadcast content by issuing policies to broadcast the socialization of prevention of the spread of Covid-19 either through Public Service Ads (ILM) or other programs by television and radio. In addition, KPI also issued KPI Decree (KKPI) Number 12 of 2020 concerning Support of Broadcasting Institutions in Efforts to Prevent and Overcome the Spread of Covid-19. Then to follow up on the Circular on news related to the Covid-19 Virus, the Central KPI along with Regional KPI throughout Indonesia conveyed and reminded all Broadcasting Institutions to remain guided by broadcasting rules in broadcasting institutions to convey useful and accountable information.

Public health practitioners have increasingly leveraged technology-based communication to get health information into the hands of hard-to-reach populations; however, best practices for outreach and enrollment into mobile health (mHealth) programs are lacking. This article describes enrollment results from campaigns focused on enrolling underserved pregnant women and mothers in Text4baby—a free, mHealth service—to inform outreach strategies for mHealth programs. Text4baby participants receive health and safety information, interactive surveys, alerts, and appointment reminders through at least three weekly texts and a free app—timed to users’ due date or babies’ birth date. Text4baby worked with partners to implement national, state, and community-based enrollment campaigns. Descriptive statistics were used to compare baseline enrollment prior to a campaign with enrollment during a campaign to generate enrollment estimates. Enrollment rates were calculated for campaigns for which the number targeted/reached was available. National television campaigns resulted in more than 10,000 estimated enrollments. Campaigns that were integrated with an existing program and text-based recruitment had the highest enrollment rates, ranging from 7% to 24%. Facebook advertisements and traditional media targeting providers and consumers were least effective. mHealth programs should consider text-based recruitment and outreach via existing programs; additional research is needed on return on investment for different outreach strategies and on the effectiveness of different outreach strategies at reaching and enrolling specific target populations.

The term Media Populism is used to indicate a ‘involuntary complicity’ between news media and populist movements based on the convergence of commercial media logic and populist communication style. It grants populists and their messages a high degree of media visibility. According to the literature, this applies more to tabloid media and infotainment content in commercial television than to upmarket media outlets and news programs. In this paper, we refer to another form of involuntary collaboration between news media and populists that is not based on similar communication styles, but simply on the fact that news media have to report on topics which populists claim issue ownership for. This applies foremost to upmarket media and public service broadcasting, which are obliged by their own quality standards or legal mandate to report completely and comprehensively on all topics of public concern. We are especially interested in the emotional response of German audiences to news coverage on two topics: mass migration and the role of Islam in Germany. With the help of two experiments, we demonstrate that public service news reporting on these issues provokes strong negative emotional reactions. What is more, our results indicate that media induced fear and anger lead to increased support for anti-migration and Islam-critical demands. Hence, German public service broadcasters may not only be ‘secret accomplices’ in creating negative emotions towards Muslim migration, but also facilitate populist movements.

Purpose – Looking at the present Nigeria’s quest to become one of the top 20 economies of the world by the year 2020, the purpose of this paper is to propose that Nigerian public libraries, as key players in community development, should provide resources and services for the promotion of social welfare sector of the country by introducing relevant key information management and service policies. These strategic policies should include identification of various user groups, deployment of specialized information professionals, provision of adequate financial resources, social welfare information resource development planning, effective information service delivery system, partnership arrangements and adaptation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Design/methodology/approach – Essential to this paper is to take into account the importance and relevancy of policies, strategies and procedures of information management and services to Nigerian public libraries. Findings – There is continuous rising concerns about the current situation of the country’s socio-economic problems and challenges. However, despite the problem of poor and inadequate ICT facilities in Nigerian public libraries, the ICT infrastructure including the internet will significantly enhance the social welfare information service process in these libraries, if fully adopted. Also very important here is that, the libraries should support community awareness programs on local radio stations or local television channels to compliment the collection of materials in the library. Originality/value – Nigerian public libraries should be seen as places for all; and participants in community activities must therefore provide relevant data and information to social welfare workers for effective policy/decision making. It is also important that the libraries should help in the identification of areas of welfare that require urgent attention or thorough investigation, examination and analysis.

Introduction. The article examines the development of Soviet mass media between the 1950s and 1980s through the example of the Bashkir Republic. Goals. The paper seeks to show the mentioned period was characterized by the most consistent and qualitative development of mass media. To facilitate this, the following objectives be tackled: analysis of the gradual development of television, radio and newspapers; identification of differences in the development of mass media; clarification of common features inherent thereto. Materials and Methods. The work analyzes archival materials, and employs methods of historicism, synthesis, alternative, and multidimensional approach to study the problem; the problem-chronological principle proved as instrumental. Results. The paper shows the then difficulties in radio, television and print media, and the measures taken by local party and Soviet authorities to improve the material, technical and personnel aspects, eliminate the problems of ‘feedback from the population’; the latter’s participation in the preparation of programs and publications. The article pays attention to the policy of the Soviet state aimed at supporting the republic’s print media, expanding the network of television and radio broadcasting, in particular, allocation of budget funds for the construction of new relay lines, repair of existing ones, and improvement of the network of service organizations, etc. This resulted in that the whole territory of the republic got covered with mass media networks. It also facilitated broader propaganda and agitation, faster distribution of information about changes at national and regional levels, creation of the illusion those media sources were essentially democratic. The work describes the reform of the media, introduction of new programs, and related changes in political censorship. Scientists, public and party figures, writers, poets — the population — took an active part in the preparation of programs and publications. This increased completeness and distribution levels of the media. However, during this period people still tended to keep an eye on the policy of the Party / state, and censorship of topics was as actual, which made the participation of Bashkir ASSR’s residents in that work somewhat illusory, although it did successfully expand (and strengthen) all ties between an individual — and the republic, city, or factory he / she worked at. The mentioned years witnessed a high demand for discussions over technical innovations, new methods of work, development of social infrastructure and housing, exchange of experiences between the Bashkir ASSR and other Soviet republics. Therefore, in those years, the number of documentaries, radio programs ‘from fields’ and ‘from workshops’ — and readership circulation — significantly increased, new printing agencies were established both in urban and rural areas. Conclusions. The paper concludes that despite all travails and vicissitudes it is in the 1950s – 1980s that mass media achieved their maximum social comprehensiveness and breadth.

AbstractThis article explains how the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) partnered with African American minister Elder Lightfoot Solomon Michaux to discredit and neutralize Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. The Elder, the nation's first minister (black or white) to have his own weekly television show, colluded with the Bureau to shape public opinion against King and cast doubt upon King's religious commitments and activities. Michaux was, what I call, a Bureau Clergyman: a minister who was an FBI “Special Service Contact” or on the Bureau's “Special Correspondents Lists.” Far from secret informants, black and white male clergy in these official Bureau programs enjoyed very public and cooperative relationships with the FBI and were occasionally “called into service” to work in concert with the FBI. The FBI called upon Michaux and he willingly used his status, popular media ministry, and cold war spirituality to publically scandalize King as a communist and defend the Bureau against King's criticisms. In the end, the Elder demonized King, contested calls for black equality under the law, and lionized the FBI as the keeper of Christian America. The story moves the field beyond the very well known narratives of the FBI's hostility towards religion and reveals how the Bureau publicly embraced religion and commissioned their clergymen to help maintain prevailing social arrangements. Michaux's relationship with the FBI also offers a window into the overlooked religious dimensions of the FBI's opposition to King, even as it highlights how black clergy articulated and followed competing ideologies of black liberation during the civil rights movement.

Background: Though substantial progress has been made to curb the HIV epidemic, high rates of new HIV infections persist among adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) in sub-Saharan Africa, reflecting critical gaps in reaching them with integrated HIV prevention and sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services. With the scale-up of oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) and multiple novel HIV prevention products on the horizon, countries have a unique opportunity to expand innovative approaches to deliver comprehensive, integrated HIV/SRH services. Methods: This article is a comparative analysis of findings from rapid landscaping analyses in Kenya, Malawi and Zimbabwe to highlight cross-country trends and context-specific realities around HIV/SRH integration. The analyses in Kenya and Zimbabwe were completed by Ministries of Health (MOH) and the HIV Prevention Market Manager project and include 20 health facility assessments, 73 key informant interviews and six community dialogues. In Malawi, the analysis was completed by the MOH and Georgetown University Center for Innovation in Global Health and includes 70 key informant interviews and a review of national policies and program implementation in Blantyre. Findings were validated through a review of literature and policies in each country. Results: The policy environment in all three countries is conducive to HIV/SRH integration, though operationalization continues to present challenges, with most policies preceding and not accounting for oral PrEP rollout. National coordination mechanisms, youth-friendly health services and prevention of mother-to-child transmission programs are promising practices, while siloed and resource-constrained health systems, limited provider capacity, lack of support for demand generation and structural factors exacerbate barriers to achieving integration. Conclusions: As new HIV prevention products are introduced, demand for integrated HIV/SRH services is likely to grow. Investing in HIV/SRH integration can help to ensure sustainable, government-led responses to the HIV epidemic, streamline service delivery and improve the health outcomes and lives of AGYW.

Fundamental aspects of work carried out in the communication, media and creative industries are growingly being impacted upon by intense data-centric occurrences or Big data – which is constituted by vast amounts of information generated about and by social media users, instagrammers, tweeters, online retailers and service providers, shoppers, subscribers and netizens in general. Such information is categorized, scrutinized and processed so that substantial indications, extrapolations and inferences can be derived: and those subsequently influence investment decisions, production processes and output generation in the media, communication and creative industries (such as television, journalism, advertising and public relations). The quantifying and computing data-driven procedures associated with the collection, examination and depiction of Big Data bear explicit resonance in comprehending the intersection of communication, media and creative industries with technology and society. This resonance inevitably needs to be assimilated into the contemporary teaching of communication and media programs in higher education contexts. It has become vital for educators to ensure that contemporary communication and media students fully understand why and how large-scale datasets are collected, analyzed and interpreted so as to make sense of and to create value out of digital information. Big Data has now to be not simply addressed but fully incorporated into communication and media education, essentially to enable future generations of communication and media professionals to understand and apply Big Data in decision-making and when generating creative output. It is necessary to include Big Data in the teaching curriculum of communication and media programs because Big Data developments are already impacting strongly on the ways of knowing and of doing, as well as on the negotiation of value and on ethical considerations within the communication, media and creative industries.

The concept of Public Service has recently suffered a big transformation. After loosing its educational and positive connotations what remains now is its negative dimension: child protection. The present article shows the first results of an exhaustive and longitudinal research over the television content broadcast during the special protection hours. Focus has been paid to violence infractions. With the classic methodology for this type of content research analysing over 8,100 hours of visual work and codification. The results offer the data from comparative description of infractions on every network: programs, people involved on violence acts, period of time and so on. It also shed some light on the evolution over the last four years of television content from a comparative perspective. The article concludes with the resulting data showing how during the last two years, with a stricter self selection of content by networks, has not alleviated the level of infractions, and violence is still used by networks to increase their share. The final remark is that it seems as if TV channels are victims of their own behaviour when making a choice of content selection. The highest number of infractions are found, in all networks, public or private, on the programming with which they identify. Aceptando que el concepto de servicio público ha sufrido una gran transformación en estos últimos años, que ha perdido su contenido positivo-educativo y que sólo resiste su dimensión «negativa» de protección a la infancia, el presente trabajo presenta los primeros resultados de un estudio exhaustivo y longitudinal de los contenidos televisivos en horarios de protección infantil. La metodología utilizada ha sido la propia de los estudios sobre el contenido: visionado (más de 8.100 horas) codificación y encuadre en las categorías formalizadas para su posterior tratamiento. Los resultados obtenidos, al margen de una descripción comparativa de infracciones por cadenas, franjas horarias, programas, sujetos participantes y sujetos involucrados desde el plano de la violencia, muestran una radiografía del marco televisivo dentro del horario especialmente protegido, a partir de un seguimiento de los incumplimientos de Código de Autorregulación pactado entre las cadenas. Se presta una especial atención a los volúmenes y modalidades de violencia a la que son expuestos los niños. Esta investigación pone de relieve que, desgraciadamente, a pesar de que se detecta una cierta mejora en los dos últimos años, la protección a la infancia es aún muy deficiente. Nuestra conclusión es que las cadenas son víctimas de la estructura programática por la que optan, toda vez que el mayor nivel de incumplimientos se concentra en las apuestas específicas de su programación diferencial.

Seeing the development of the COVID-19 and the increasing number of new cases, WHO has published several updates, guidelines, and health protocols regarding this pandemic. The government of Indonesia has issued an appeal to the public to follow this health protocol. Various educational posters and videos have been widely published on social media, television stations and other communication media. One of the programs that the government always socializes during this pandemic is the implementation of Perilaku Hidup Bersih dan Sehat (PHBS) or Clean and Healthy Behavior. The purpose of this Virtual Integrative Community Service program is to find out the level of public knowledge about the importance of PHBS and traveling during a pandemic, especially in the AKB era. The methods used in this activity are surveys on community PHBS, surveys regarding travel activities during the pandemic, making PHBS videos and posters, and webinars on the use of herbs as an antistress and immunity enhancer. The partner community in this online KKN PPM activity is the Langensari village community, Solokanjeruk sub-district in particular and the general public who can access social media. The results of the traveling survey showed that out of 441 respondents, around 332 people did not have plans to travel. Of the 332 respondents who chose not to travel, around 229 respondents argued that they did not have a crucial interest, 142 respondents were worried about contracting COVID-19, 50 respondents said they did not have accommodation, and 102 respondents chose to continue traveling / traveling. The results of the PHBS survey are that most respondents have implemented PHBS with the most results being 99.3%, namely the choice of washing hands and using masks. Respondents who answered no to the third question gave answers to the causes of this in the form of lack of access to information (3.4%), laziness (6.9%), and lack of care (4.1%). The group activities of the 25 KKN-PPM Virtual Integrative have been carried out well and can increase community knowledge of PHBS and health protocols when traveling during a pandemic and increase knowledge about the use and manufacture of herbs to increase immunity.

Oh Gitu is one of the Edutainment genre programs that aired on Trans Tv television station. Oh Gitu has a goal to educate while entertaining his audience by choosing hosts from comedians. Information about public service, the production of a product, to the unique information about a culture that is still rarely known by people, is packed lightly by Oh Gitu. But unfortunately after 3 months from its premiere in November 2019, Oh Gitu had to stop airing at the end of February 2020. The purpose of this research is to determine the cause of the program Oh Gitu to stop airing and to know what kind of strategy the team is doing in an effort to attract the audience. In this research authors use qualitative methods of case studies to help achieve research results. Authors use data collection methods from interviews, Internet data observation, and data documentation. The results of this research author found that the edutainment program Oh Gitu stopped airing because more people are interested in pure entertainment program, decreased program rating, and strategy mistakes in promoting the program. And the authors hope, this research can be beneficial for Trans Tv in the future to be able to maximize the impressions and programs that educate for many people.Program Oh Gitu merupakan salah satu program bergenre Edutainment yang tayang di stasiun televisi Trans Tv. Oh Gitu memiliki tujuan untuk mengedukasi sekaligus menghibur penontonnya dengan memilih host dari kalangan komedian. Informasi mulai dari pelayanan umum, produksi suatu produk sampai informasi unik mengenai suatu budaya yang masih jarang diketahui oleh orang, dikemas secara ringan oleh Oh Gitu. Namun sayang setelah 3 bulan dari tayang perdananya bulan November 2019, Oh Gitu harus berhenti tayang pada akhir bulan Februari 2020. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui penyebab program Oh Gitu berhenti tayang dan untuk mengetahui strategi seperti apa yang dilakukan oleh tim dalam upaya menarik minat menonton masyarakat. Dalam penelitian ini penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif studi kasus untuk dapat mencapai hasil penelitian. Penulis menggunakan metode pengumpulan data dari hasil wawancara, observasi data internet, dan dokumentasi data. Hasil penelitian ini penulis menemukan bahwa program edutainment Oh Gitu berhenti tayang karena lebih banyak masyarakat yang tertarik dengan program pure entertainment, menurunnya rating tayangan, dan kesalahan strategi dalam mempromosikan program. Dan penulis berharap penelitian ini dapat bermanfaat bagi Trans Tv kedepannya untuk dapat memaksimalkan tayangan dan program yang mengedukasi bagi masyarakat.

Background: Cancer had caused 14,067,900 people suffered in 2012. In Indonesia, with 357,000 cases, added by mortality and morbidity, cancer has added the country double burden of disease. Thus, preventive measure should be done to tackle the problem. One of the best ways is health promotion through the massive campaign and multisectoral collaboration using the momentum of annual World Cancer Day (WCD). Annual WCD has been held by National Cancer Control Committee (NCCC)-Ministry of Health (MoH), however, 2017 is the kick-off event which engages multisector to promote cancer awareness and knowledge. Aim: This campaign aims to increase awareness and knowledge about cancer (including the healthy lifestyle, detection program and treatment) among Indonesian. Strategy: The national action was planned based on the strategic objective of NCCC. The campaign was coordinated by NCCC-MoH of Indonesia and implemented throughout the country. The local situation, condition and creativity were encouraged to ensure the successful campaign. Program process: Initial coordination was made by NCCC. The proposal was disseminated to the centers across Indonesia. Then, centers would carry out the event and report to the NCCC. Meanwhile, a massive campaign in Jakarta was held by NCCC. Outcomes: There were 25 out of 34 provinces, consisted of 18 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), 20 professional societies, 37 hospitals and 25 provincial public health service involved in the WCD campaign. This WCD was held under decree of Minister of Health. Several programs in the WCD were press briefing, seminars, talk show, fun campaign in public areas (i.e., celebrity performance, yoga), promotion via local television/newspaper and social media; early detection such as Papanicolaou test, mobile mammography, breast ultrasound, clinical breast examination and visual inspection of acetic acid. The impact of WCD 2017 was tremendous compared with previous year, with multisectoral involvement, overloaded participants and broke the World of Record Museum-Indonesia (MURI) with the most dancer involved dance for the cancer survivor. In addition, the impact can be seen in 2018, when no decree of the minister and national movement provided. In 2018, NCCC only organized a training of trainer with the hope of having an extension of the hand to deliver knowledge and awareness. Nevertheless, each part of Indonesia was commemorating their own WCD without any coordination. These evidence showed that NCCC had been successful to increase awareness and knowledge about cancer. What was learned: Many people were involved in the preparation, starting from doctors, local government, NGOs, hospitals, MoH, companies, survivors and celebrities. Moreover, social media campaign and celebrities played a great role in making this event succeed. Therefore, multisector collaboration is an essential part of raising awareness and knowledge about cancer.

Society (society) is a group of people who form a semi-closed (or semi-open) system, where most interactions are between individuals in the group. The variety of education received by students in this community is very much. These include the formation of habits, formation of knowledge, attitudes and interests, as well as moral and religious formation. Education in community education can be said to be indirect education, education carried out unconsciously by the community. And the students themselves consciously or not, they have educated themselves, strengthening their faith and self-confidence in the values ​​of morality and religion in society. That is, the community environment influences the development of students. The influence given by the environment is intentional and accidental. That is, the environment has no specific intentions in influencing the development of students. And the community environment is very influential for children's character development. If the child is in a good community environment, it will also have a good influence on the development of the child's character. Likewise, on the other hand a bad environment can also have a bad influence on children's character development. As parents, they must be smart and smart to choose a good environment for their children, because it will determine the child's character development. Character education as an effort to develop character is an effort made by the world of education to help students understand, care and act in accordance with ethical values. The purpose of character education is to form characters that are implemented in the subject's essential values ​​with the behaviors and attitudes they have. In this case the formation of character, there must be educational networks. Especially in information technology and telecommunications today, one of the factors that have a huge influence on development or vice versa is the destruction of the character of society or the nation is mass media, especially electronic media, with the main actors being television. Actually the magnitude of the role of the media, especially print and radio media, is in the development of national character. The mass media plays a dual role. On the one hand, playing public service advertisements or touching advertisements, on the other hand broadcasts programs/soap operas which actually show negative things, which ultimately are not shunned, instead imitated by the audience. The media must be controlled by the state. The state has an obligation to control all media activities, so that they are in accordance with the goals of the country itself. The legal instruments must be clear and fair. Indonesia itself has a Depkominfo, but only regulates frequency policies, broadcasting rights, and so on. More specifically, there is the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI), which was formed more independently, but recognized by the government. KPI is expected to be able to filter media activities (especially television) to suit the country's goals, norms, culture, customs, and of course religion. However, until now, the KPI is considered to be still quite weak in acting (filtering), and so than that, it is very necessary (strength) of the participation of the community in controlling these media.

During nearly half a century-long history, Radio and Television of Serbia, nowadays known as Serbia Public Broadcasting Service, met not only with diversity, but also with quality standards in terms of program requirements. Music programs of the Public Broadcasting Service is one of the possible indicators that show that high standards can be reached even in the time of “abundance” of the trash music that overwhelms the comercial television programs. The aim of this paper is to examine the quality and variety of the music programs of Belgrade Television (all three programs –1, 2 and RTS Digital), as well as the presence of various musical genres in these programs. The analysis was conducted on the basis of the RTS Centre for Research of Public Opinion, Programs and Auditorium, based on the 24-hour regular monitoring. The database was provided to us for the purpose of analysis in this paper. The aim of our research analys is the program type and the musical genre.[1]Belgrade Television is a constituent part of RTS, that is, Serbia Public Broadcasting Service. Belgrade television comprises of RTS 1, RTS 2 , RTS Digital, as well as of RTS SAT and specialized channel “RTS channel package” which are out of scope for this paper.

Nowadays we are witnessing a share's supremacy on the Occidental television scenery. It is becoming most urgent to redefine «public service» concepts in television, which is supposed to have «quality», and understand in which way public networks, currently confronted with lack of economical resources problems, can stay true to their mission of «public service». It is pertinent to verify if it is possible to attract private networks to programming concepts closer to what is considered «public service», which can simultaneously be «interesting» from an economic/share holds point of view, without entering in the «teletrash» domain and guarantying quality contents to the viewers. For achieving this it is necessary to define what «quality» is, which is a vague concept and is raising many discussions in the field of audiovisual and also academic, and to which there are no solid or definitive answers. Knowing that quality programs are more expensive in production than the ones of «teletrash», and knowing that are these last ones that get more financing for their shares translated into advertisement and by its turn, into money, you conclude easily that there is a unbalanced competition between public and private networks. In what concerns the quality contents production, since the public networks are facing the questions of public and State financing, which is not comparable to the advertising and economic laws by which the private networks are guided. Taking a global view on what is considered «Public Service on Audio Broadcasting» in Europe, using some examples of the Amsterdam Treaty, we intend to discuss audiovisual and suggest some paths to follow towards a quality television, pedagogically healthy and enriching, and point out some well achieved examples of quality programs, either in public television, or in private networks, in Portugal. A pertinent content for civil society is what best defines the mission of public service; the examples to present in the communication will illustrate the required characteristics of this public service, which can be applied through quality communicative and informative contents. These programs show how you can talk about quality in the private networks of television and how public networks need many times to adapt their programming to time schedules more adequate to the rhythm of live of the viewers. Only aiming for good examples of quality in television contents can we really talk about a true «pedagogic» television, from which you can actually learn and help to create solid and healthy bases for a population more distracted from rights and duties of citizenship and social responsibility, in the core of post-modernity. En la actualidad se asiste a una supremacía del valor de las audiencias en el panorama televisivo occidental. Se hace cada vez más urgente redefinir los conceptos de «servicio público» en televisión, que se supone ser de «calidad», y comprender de qué manera las estaciones públicas, actualmente confrontadas con problemas de falta de recursos económicos, pueden seguir fieles a su misión de servicio público. Por otro lado, es pertinente verificar si es posible atraer a las televisiones privadas para conceptos de parrilla más conformes a lo que es considerado «servicio público», que en simultáneo puedan ser «interesantes» desde el punto de vista económico/audiencias, sin acercarse a la telebasura y garantizando contenidos de calidad a los telespectadores. Para esto hay que definir lo que es «calidad», lo que es un concepto vago y que suscita actualmente muchas discusiones en el ámbito del audiovisual y académico también, y para lo cual no hay respuestas concretas ni definitivas. Sabiendo que los programas de calidad son más onerosos en producción que los de telebasura, y sabiendo que son estos últimos los que consiguen más financiación por sus audiencias, traducidas en publicidad y por su vez, dinero, se concluye fácilmente que hay una competencia desleal entre públicos y privados. Esto lo que toca a la producción de contenidos de calidad, una vez que las estaciones públicas se debaten con la cuestión de la financiación pública y del Estado, que no es comparable a las recetas de la publicidad y las leyes de mercado por las cuales se dirigen las estaciones privadas de televisión. Haciendo un recorrido de lo que es considerado como «Servicio Público de Televisión» en Europa, nombradamente según el tratado de Ámsterdam, se pretende discutir el audiovisual y proponer algunos caminos a seguir hacia una televisión de calidad, pedagógicamente sana y enriquecedora, y demostrar algunos ejemplos bien conseguidos de programas de calidad, en la televisión pública, bien en la privada, en Portugal. El contenido pertinente para la sociedad civil es lo que mejor puede definir la misión de servicio público; los ejemplos a presentar en la comunicación ilustrarán las características requeridas de ese servicio público, que puede ser ejercido a través de contenidos informativos y comunicativos de calidad. Estos programas ejemplifican cómo se puede hablar de calidad en el sector privado de televisión y cómo las televisiones públicas necesitan muchas veces adaptar su parrilla a horarios más conformes al ritmo de vida de los espectadores. Solamente buscando buenos ejemplos de calidad en los contenidos televisivos se podrá hablar de una verdadera televisión «pedagógica», con la cual se puede aprender y ayudar a crear bases sólidas y sanas en una población cada vez más alejada de los derechos y deberes de ciudadanía y responsabilidad social, en el seno de la post-modernidad.

Abstract: This study of public-affairs programs suggests that Canadian television hardly functioned as a modern disciplinary apparatus in its initial years. In the early 1950s, Canadian broadcasters sought to stake out and strategize a "middle ground" between U.K. (information) and U.S. (entertainment) TV, featuring public-affairs programs that Canadians would actually choose to watch in a more or less competitive North American broadcast market. However, newsmagazines and traditional long-form documentaries consistently violated the early pedagogical protocols of Canadian television and thus call into question conventional notions of public-service broadcasting.These shows and the controversies they generated should make us rethink Eurocentric theories about public-service broadcasting as a quintessential disciplinary machine. Résumé: Cette étude sur les émissions d'affaires publiques suggère que la télévision canadienne ne fonctionnait guère comme appareil disciplinaire moderne pendant ses premières années. Au début des années cinquante, la radiodiffusion canadienne chercha une position intermédiaire stratégique entre celle des Britanniques (axée sur l'information) et celle des Américains (axée sur le divertissement), mettant l'accent sur une programmation d'affaires publiques qui intéresserait véritablement les téléspectateurs canadiens dans un marché de la radiodiffusion nord-américain passablement concurrentiel. Cependant, à l'époque, les téléreportages et les documentaires traditionnels à long métrage négligèrent les protocoles pédagogiques de la télévision canadienne et mirent ainsi en question les notions conventionnelles de la radiodiffusion du service public. Ces émissions et la controverse qu'elles suscitèrent devraient nous faire repenser les théories eurocentriques qui envisagent la radiodiffusion publique comme modèle de machine disciplinaire.

This paper explores the factors constraining public service and commercial television channels in constituting the public sphere in Ethiopia. It focuses on three television stations and their respective programs, such as the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation's Ethiopian television (ETV)'s Medrek, Fana Broadcasting Corporation's Zuria Meles, and LTV's Sefiw Mehidar. The data was collected starting from 2019 to 2020 in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia, where the three TV stations are located. These programs were designed to entertain different views, including ideologies, policies, and strategies to be deliberated and critiqued. They have created opportunities for debate and discussion as the Ethiopian media did not have new program formats for public deliberation-related shows previously. However, results showed that these platforms remained ineffective to entertain a diversity of views. One of the major challenges for this is that the production process encounters multiple obstructions from the media, the guests, and the government authorities. Guests fear to deliberate their views openly and prefer to remain abstinent. Also, the hosts lacked the courage, professionalism, and basic knowledge about the topics for discussion. Government authorities do not want the programs to be critical and deliberative. Equally, failures to achieve an inclusive public sphere are the outcomes of the unstable political landscape in the country. Therefore, due to different factors, including a highly controlled media landscape in Ethiopia, creating platforms for public debate seems unattainable.

Abstract This paper describes the extraordinary tool available for the French, in the field of the preservation and provision of audiovisual archives (news, television, radio and Internet). Created in 1974, the National Audiovisual Institute (INA), a public service, was commissioned to collect from radio and television stations archives and programs broadcast by state radio and television for professionals. In a second phase, INA opened its collections to researchers and academics, and more recently, to the general public. INA has also built documentary and research tools. Therefore it can be said that the availability of this audiovisual heritage not only promotes the quality of research on the content of radio and television, but also that the possibility for citizens to consult – through the Internet – a part of these archives might modify the memorial heritage of our contemporaries.

In the search of television models wich emit contents of quality, the public local television is a platform inimitable and indispensable since it is the local communication of public character the one that facilitates the access from the civil society to the medias like contribution to the democratization of the society. It is since of develop it exists the possibility that these medias become tools that reduce the social differences among collective minority, between the rural means and the metropolitan areas, etc. Also, is necessary that the citizenship enjoys a bigger level of information on the politics that carry out their administrators and these of knowing the restlessness of their administered. In the Spanish case, the sector of local television has been forced to be autoregulated and it has ended up subjected to the interests of the big communication groups but in the case of municipal televisions the obligation exists of lending a service to the citizen, sacrificing, if was necessary, the commercial profitability. The concept of nearness applied to television has to do with the idea that between the TV station and its receivers a scenario of shared experiences exists, sew that, in definitive, it will be reflected in the contents of the programming. The main concretion of this pact of nearness, or complicity between the audience and the TV station, is the preferable attention that these televisions pay to the relative informative contents to the own reference territory, an attention that goes beyond the classic telediarios (the news) and that it extends toward other goods, as the reports, the interviews, the gatherings, the debates, the talk-shows, the documentary, the magazines of present time, etc. On the other hand, the receivers reward this nearness with a high audience level. For it the communication will consist of several interrelated parts and it will approach the following points: - The description of the local talkative phenomenon in the case of public television. - To distinguish between the different production types and the varied type of programs. - To analyze the structure, the operation and the programming of the TV stations, as well as the execution of the function of public service, to diagnose the state of health of this phenomenon. - To study of what way the democracy conceptions are interrelated, nearness, public service and communication to base the field from the communication to the service of the citizen'. - Also, they will intend a group of alternative and prospective valuations that allow to carry out a talkative practice of nearness to the service of the citizenship. En la búsqueda de modelos televisivos que emitan contenidos de calidad, la televisión local pública es una plataforma inigualable e indispensable ya que es la comunicación local de carácter público la que facilita el acceso de la sociedad civil a los medios como contribución a la democratización de la sociedad. Se debe de potenciar ya que existe la posibilidad de que estos medios se conviertan en herramientas que reduzcan las diferencias sociales entre colectivos minoritarios, entre el medio rural y las áreas metropolitanas, etc. Además, es necesario que la ciudadanía goce de un mayor nivel de información sobre la política que llevan a cabo sus administradores y éstos de conocer las inquietudes de sus administrados. En el caso español, el sector de la televisión local se ha visto obligado a autorregularse y ha acabado sometido a los intereses de los grandes grupos de comunicación pero en el caso de las televisiones municipales existe la obligación de prestar un servicio al ciudadano, sacrificando, si fuese necesario, la rentabilidad comercial. El concepto de proximidad aplicado a la televisión tiene que ver con la idea de que entre la emisora y sus receptores existe un escenario de experiencias compartidas, cosa que, en definitiva, se verá reflejada en los contenidos de la programación. La principal concreción de este pacto de proximidad, o complicidad entre la audiencia y la emisora, es la atención preferente que estas televisiones prestan a los contenidos informativos relativos al propio territorio de referencia, una atención que va más allá de los telediarios clásicos (las noticias) y que se extiende hacia otros géneros, como los reportajes, las entrevistas, las tertulias, los debates, los talk-shows , los documentales, los magazines de actualidad, etc. Por su parte, los receptores premian esta proximidad con un elevado nivel de audiencia. Por ello la comunicación constará de varias partes interrelacionadas y abordará los siguientes puntos: - La descripción del fenómeno comunicativo local en el caso de la televisión pública. - Distinguir entre los distintos tipos de producción y la variada tipología de programas. - Analizar la estructura, el funcionamiento y la programación de las emisoras, así como el cumplimiento de la función de servicio público, para diagnosticar el estado de salud de este fenómeno. - Estudiar de qué modo se interrelacionan las concepciones de democracia, proximidad, servicio público y comunicación para fundamentar el campo de la «comunicación al servicio del ciudadano». - Además, se propondrán un conjunto de alternativas y valoraciones prospectivas que permitan llevar a cabo una práctica comunicativa de proximidad al servicio de la ciudadanía.

Public Television and Identification: Flemish citizens with Moroccan and Turkish backgrounds. Evidence from family research Public Television and Identification: Flemish citizens with Moroccan and Turkish backgrounds. Evidence from family research This article outlines how the Flemish public broadcaster VRT is perceived by 25 in-depth interviewed families with Moroccan and Turkish backgrounds. Our analysis shows that, compared to other channels, VRT is perceived of great value when it comes to current affairs, children’s programs and news, but not fiction. Indispensable elements of identification within the de facto diversified Flemish social context are lacking, according to our informants. Criticisms voiced by our informants do not always result from ‘ethnic’ or ‘religious’ identifications. Especially subaltern groups (non-believers, young people, women) do not feel represented. Criticisms bear on the definition of functional quality as provided in the public-service contract: language use, perceived quality, the extent to which the program supply is (not or hardly) meeting their needs. Consequently, a wider approach, applying both the diversity charter and the public-service contract to minority audiences, is being advocated.

The history of Italian public television presents many educational programs created with the aim of offering a cultural and educational service supporting the school. The closure of the school, due to the health emergency from Covid 19, has given a strong incentive to the use of technologies in education, while highlighting the presence of an important digital divide. The Italian public television broadcaster (RAI) launched the programme “La Banda dei FuoriClasse” to support children and adolescents after the closure of schools, and integrate the public educational offer. The paper presents the results of a research promoted by RAI Gulp, University of Florence and University of Palermo, for the monitoring and evaluation of the didactic and communicative quality of the program. A specific grid was developed and 105 observation grids were collected for each episode. The results indicate that “La banda dei fuoriclasse” was highly appreciated by the listening group for the technical and didactic aspects that characterize the program, with a strong emotional implication.

Abstract: Under the Ceausescu regime, Romanian Television was part of a powerful propaganda machine. The December 1989 uprising became known as a "Tele-Revolution" as some of its key moments were broadcast live. It also had negative effects on the image of the country. If reforms have been slow, enormous changes have taken place in the Romanian audiovisual landscape in the last 10 years: a regulatory Authority was set up in 1992 and audiences can now choose between the programs of public and/or private broadcasters; 40% of Romanian households are cabled, and satellite television and thematic channels are also gaining ground. In 1999, a Council of Europe report made several recommendations for Romania's public service broadcasting to be an asset capable of promoting a high-quality audiovisual cultural policy, strengthening social cohesion and contributing to rehabilitate the image of Romania. The paper suggests that while Westerners may take some credit for helping Romanians on the road to achieve the former, they should also take some of the blame for the deadlock reached on the latter. Résumé: Sous le régime de Ceaucescu, la télévision roumaine était au service d'un puissant appareil de propagande. On donna le nom de ` Télé-révolution ' aux événements de décembre 1989 car ses moments les plus marquants furent retransmis en direct. Positive d'un côté, une telle retransmission eut des conséquences catastrophiques en ce qui concerne l'image de la Roumanie à l'étranger. Bien que les réformes aient été lentes, il y a eu des changements importants dans le paysage audiovisuel roumain depuis les dix dernières années : une autorité législative est en place depuis 1992 ; les téléspectateurs peuvent choisir entre radiodiffuseurs publics et privés ; 40% des domiciles roumains reçoivent le câble ; et la télévision par satellite et les chaînes spécialisées sont en train de gagner en importance. En 1999, un rapport du Conseil de l'Europe a fait plusieurs recommandations sur la radiodiffusion du service public en Roumanie, afin qu'elle puisse réaliser les objectifs d'une politique culturelle prônant la qualité, renforcer la solidarité sociale et réhabiliter l'image de la Roumanie. Cet article suggère que les Occidentaux, bien qu'ils puissent se féliciter d'avoir aidé à améliorer les médias roumains, ont une part de responsabilité dans le manque de progrès en ce qui a trait à l'image de la Roumanie à l'étranger.

In a complex information environment, the Ukraine crisis became a litmus test for the German government’s capacity to legitimate its international crisis management in Ukraine and in confrontations with Russia. This study investigates crisis coverage in the pluralized German television system and how it is shaped by trends of infotainment and globalization. It asks how different TV formats framed the Ukraine crisis and challenged or approved governmental crisis policy. Comparing the framing of the Ukraine crisis between March 2014 and December 2015 in German government communication, public service newscast Tagesschau, Russian foreign broadcaster’s newscast Der Fehlende Part (RT Deutsch) and seven infotainment programs (talk shows and satirical shows), the findings reveal essential limitations for the indexing thesis. All TV formats substantially differed in their depiction of the crisis according to their respective format conventions. Whereas public service news mainly reflected governmental frames, the foreign and infotainment formats challenged the legitimacy of German crisis policy.

Background: The population growth rate of Central Java Province is considerably above the ideal. Therefore, the Provincial and Regional Governments need to carefully plan the development programs by analyzing the family knowledge of population issues. This study aims to determine the family knowledge of population issues.Design and Methods: This research used the secondary data analysis (SDA) method. The data were taken from the 2019 Performance and Program Accountability Survey (SKAP) of the Population of KKBPK (Population of Family Planning and Family Development), Central Java Province. The data included in the 2019 SKAP Keluarga on population issues will be analyzed using descriptive quantitative analysis.Results: According to the research data, 51.5% of respondents understood population issues. The commonly recognized issues are unemployment (95.5%), employment (97.1%), and poverty (97.1%). The source of information widely used by respondents is the television (91.9%). Additionally, officers or communities that provide abundant information about population issues are friends, neighbors, and relatives (72.8%). Furthermore, formal educational institutions, including schools (47.8%), and community organizations (youth organizations, PKK/Family Welfare Program, Integrated Health Service Post, and religious organizations) (49.6%) provided information.Conclusions: In conclusion, efforts to increase the knowledge about population issues can be done by optimizing the function of television, close circles, the role of formal educational institutions and social organizations.

Abstract Objectives Maternal anemia is a major public health problem in many low and middle income countries. In Malawi, consumption of iron folic acid supplements (IFA) has remained low and unchanged since 2004, even with the support of national policy and programs. To understand program implementation challenges, our study examined the relationship between the IFA-related health service environment (HSE) during antenatal care (ANC) and women's adherence to IFA supplementation guidelines. Methods Data from the 2015–16 Malawi Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) and the 2013–14 Malawi Service Provision Assessment (SPA), both of which collect GPS data of clusters or health facilities, were used. Each DHS cluster was linked to SPA facilities within a specified buffer distance (5 km for urban and 10 km for rural) using GPS data. IFA-related HSE was defined as availability of IFA, observed prescription of IFA, and observed counseling on IFA in health facilities within the buffer. The HSE variables were aggregated to the cluster-level and classified as low, medium, or high. Multilevel logistic regressions, stratified by urban and rural locale, were used to model associations between consumption of IFA and HSE variables controlling for individual-level factors. Results In Malawi 44% of women in urban and 32% in rural areas reported IFA consumption for at least 90 days during their most recent pregnancy. IFA supplements were available in the majority of health facilities (94%) providing ANC. Among clients, 85% received IFA or were given a prescription, 59% were counseled on how to use IFA, and 3% were counseled on side effects. In rural areas, regression models showed that high levels of IFA availability in facilities (OR = 2.07; 95% CI: 1.13–3.80) and IFA counseling (OR = 1.42; 95% CI: 1.12–1.78) were associated with IFA consumption. No associations with any HSE variables were observed in urban areas. Conclusions Despite widespread availability and prescription of IFA supplements from health facilities, receipt of counseling was low, particularly for side effects. Findings in rural areas reinforce the importance of health system strengthening to ensure IFA availability and counseling to support IFA consumption during pregnancy. Further research is warranted to investigate factors that affect IFA consumption in urban areas. Funding Sources United States Agency for International Development (USAID) through the DHS Program (7200AA18C00083).

Abstract: Three months before the People's Republic of China regained control over Hong Kong, the government-sponsored media service Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK) began offering Putonghua-language (Mandarin) programming. Since then, the channel has been broadcasting programs for three groups of people. These programs help Mainlanders assimilate to Hong Kong, help Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong people learn the language of the Mainland, and provide a means for overseas Chinese in Hong Kong to be exposed to the mother tongue and learn about what is happening in Mainland China. This paper examines the evolution of programming on RTHK through the first three years of operation. Putonghua Channel has experimented with various types of programs, using block programming/niche programming to meet the needs of RTHK's varied audiences. RTHK's Putonghua Channel is an example of government-sponsored public broadcasting that focused on language to deliver programming for the specific needs of specialized audiences. Résumé: Trois mois avant que la République populaire de Chine a repris le contrôle de Hong Kong, Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK), radiodiffuseur commandité par le gouvernement, a commencé à offrir des programmes en langue mandarine. Depuis, le poste a diffusé ses programmes en vue de rejoindre trois groupes de personnes principaux. Ces programmes aident les Chinois continentaux à s'assimiler au Hong Kong, les habitants de Hong Kong qui parlent cantonais à apprendre le mandarin, et les Chinois d'outre-mer vivant à Hong Kong à apprendre leur langue maternelle et à se mettre au courant des actualités chinoises. Cet article examine l'évolution de la programmation de RTHK au cours de ses trois premières années en ondes. Le poste mandarin a fait l'essai de différentes sortes d'émissions, utilisant la programmation en bloc et celle de créneau pour rencontrer les besoins de ses divers auditoires. Le canal mandarin de RTHK est un exemple d'un radiodiffuseur public commandité par le gouvernement qui met l'accent sur la langue pour présenter des émissions capables de rencontrer les besoins particuliers d'auditoires spécialisés.

Several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (3, 16, 17) point to the need to systematically address massive shortages of human resources for health (HRH), build capacity and leverage partnerships to reduce the burden of global illness. Addressing these complex needs remain challenging, as simple increases in absolute numbers of healthcare providers trained is insufficient; substantial investment into long-term high-quality training programs is needed, as are incentives to retain qualified professionals within local systems of care delivery. We describe a novel HRH initiative, the Global Health Service Partnership (GHSP), involving collaboration between the US government (President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief [PEPFAR], Peace Corps), 5 African countries, and a US-based non-profit, Seed Global Health. GHSP was formed to enlist US health professionals to assist in strengthening teaching and training capacity and focused on pre-and in-service medical and nursing education in Malawi, Tanzania, Uganda, Eswatini and Liberia. From 2013-2018, GHSP sent 186 US health professionals to 27 institutions in 5 countries, helping to train 16 280 unique trainees of all levels. Qualitative impacts included cultivating a supportive classroom learning environment, providing a pedagogical bridge to clinical service, and fostering a supportive clinical learning and practice environment through role modeling, mentorship and personalized learning at the bedside. GHSP represented a novel, multilateral, public-private collaboration to help address HRH needs in Africa. It offers a plausible, structured template for engagement and partnership in the field.

“We have made Italy, now we must make Italians,” in the (probably apocryphal) words of the Prime Minister, sometime after the unification of the nation in 1860. Perhaps in French, if it was said at all. (The quotation is typically attributed to Massimo D’Azeglio, the prime minister of Piedmont and predecessor of the first Italian prime minister Camillo Cavour. Many have suggested that the phrase was misquoted and misunderstood (see Doyle.) D’Azeglio spoke in Italian when he addressed the newly-formed Italian parliament, but my reference to French is meant to indicate the fragility of the national language in early Italy where much of the ruling class spoke French while the majority of the people in the peninsula still spoke regional dialects.) It was television – more than print media or even radio – that would have the biggest impact in terms of ‘making Italians.’ Writing about Italy in the 1950s, a well-known media critic suggested that television, a game show actually, “was able to succeed where The Divine Comedy failed … it gave Italy a national language” (qtd. in Foot). But these are yesterday’s problems. We have Italy and Italians. Moreover, the emergence of global ways of being and belonging are evidence of the ways in which the present transcends forms of belonging rooted in the old practices and older institutions of the nation-state. But, then again, maybe not. “A country that allows you to vote in its elections must be able to provide you with information about those elections” (Magliaro). This was 2002. The country is still Italy, but this time the Italians are anywhere but Italy. The speaker is referring to the extension of the vote to Italian citizens abroad, represented directly by 18 members of parliament, and the right to information guaranteed the newly enfranchised electorate. What, then, is the relationship between citizenship, the state and global television today? What are the modalities of involvement and participation involved in these transformations of the nation-state into a globally-articulated network of institutions? I want to think through these questions in relation to two ways that RAI International, the ‘global’ network of the Italian public broadcaster, has viewed Italians around the world at different moments in its history: mega-events and return information. Mega-Events Eighteen months after its creation in 1995, RAI International was re-launched. This decision was partially due to a change in government (which also meant a change in the executive and staff), but it was also a response to the perceived failure of RAI International to garner an adequate international audience (Morrione, Testimony [1997]). This re-launch involved a re-conceptualisation of the network’s mandate to include both information services for Italians abroad (the traditional ‘public service’ mandate for Italy’s international broadcasting) as well as programming that would increase the profile of Italian media in the global market. The mandate outlined for Roberto Morrione – appointed president as part of the re-launch – read: The necessity of strategic and operative certainties in the international positioning of the company, both with regard to programming for our co-nationals abroad and for other markets…are at the centre of the new role of RAI International. This involves bringing together in the best way the informative function of the public service, which is oriented to our community in the world in order to enrich its cultural patrimony and national identity, with an active presence in evolving markets. (Morrione, Testimony [1998]) The most significant change in the executive of the network was the appointment of Renzo Arbore, a well-known singer and bandleader, to the position of artistic director. At the time of Arbore’s appointment, the responsibilities of the artistic director at the network were ill defined, but he very quickly transformed the position into the ‘face’ of RAI International. In an interview from 1998, Arbore explained his role at the network as follows: “I’m the artistic director, which means I’m in charge of the programs that have any kind of artistic content. Also, I’m the so called “testimonial”, which is to say I do propaganda for the network, I’m the soul of RAI International” (Affatato). The most often discussed aspect of the programming on RAI International during Arbore’s tenure as artistic director was the energy and resources dedicated to events that put the spotlight on the global reach of the service itself and the possibilities that satellite distribution gave for simultaneous exchange between locations around the world. It was these ‘mega-events’ (Garofalo), in spite of constituting only a small portion of the programming schedule, that were often seen as defining RAI’s “new way” of creating international programming (Milana). La Giostra [The Merry Go Round], broadcast live on New Year’s Eve 1996, is often cited as the launch of the network’s new approach to its mission. Lasting 20 hours in total, the program was hosted by Arbore. As Morrione described it recently, The ‘mother of live shows’ was the Giostra of New Year’s ’97 where Arbore was live in the studio for 20 consecutive hours, with many guests and segments from the Pole, Peking, Moscow, Berlin, Jerusalem, San Paolo, Buenos Aires, New York and Los Angeles. It was a memorable enterprise without precedent and never to be duplicated. (Morrione, RAI International) The presentation of television as a global medium in La Giostra draws upon the relationship between live broadcasting, satellite television and conceptions of globality that has developed since the 1960s as part of what Lisa Parks describes as ‘global presence’ (Parks). However, in keeping with the dual mandate of RAI International, the audience that La Giostra is intended to constitute was not entirely homogenous in nature. The lines between the ‘national’ audience, which is to say Italians abroad, and the international audience involving a broader spectrum of viewers are often blurred, but still apparent. This can be seen in the locations to which La Giostra travelled, locations that might be seen as a mirror of the places to which the broadcast might be received. On the one hand, there are segments from a series of location that speak to a global audience, many of which are framed by the symbols of the cold war and the ensuing triumph of global capitalism. The South Pole, Moscow, Beijing and a reunified Berlin can be seen as representing this understanding of the globe. These cities highlighted the scope of the network, reaching cities previously cut off from Italy behind the iron curtain (or, in the case of the Pole, the extreme of geographic isolation.) The presence of Jerusalem contributed to this mapping of the planet with an ecclesiastical, but ecumenical accent to this theme. On the other hand, Sao Paolo, Buenos Aires, and Melbourne (not mentioned by Morrione, but the first international segment in the program) also mapped the world of Italian communities around the world. The map of the globe offered by La Giostra is similar to the description of the prospective audience for RAI International that Morrione gave in November 1996 upon his appointment as director. After having outlined the network’s reception in the Americas and Australia, where there are large communities of Italians who need to be served, he goes on to note the importance of Asia: “China, India, Japan, and Korea, where there aren’t large communities of Italians, but where “made in Italy,” the image of Italy, the culture and art that separate us from others, are highly respected resources” (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). La Giostra served as a container that held together a vision of the globe that is centered around Italy (particularly Rome, caput mundi) through the presentation on screen of the various geopolitical alliances as well as the economic and migratory connections which link Italy to the world. These two mappings of the globe brought together within the frame of the 20-hour broadcast and statements about the network’s prospective audiences suggest that two different ways of watching RAI International were often overlaid over each other. On the one hand, the segments spanning the planet stood as a sign of RAI International’s ability to produce programs at a global scale. On the other hand, there was an attempt to speak directly to communities of Italians abroad. The first vision of the planet offered by the program suggests a mode of watching more common among disinterested, cosmopolitan viewers belonging to a relatively homogenous global media market. While the second vision of the planet was explicitly rooted in the international family of Italians constituted through the broadcast. La Giostra, like the ‘dual mandate’ of the network, can be seen as an attempt to bring together the national mission of network with its attempts to improve its position in global media markets. It was an attempt to unify what seemed two very different kinds of audiences: Italians abroad and non-Italians, those who spoke some Italian and those who speak no Italian at all. It was also an attempt to unify two very different ways of understanding global broadcasting: public service on the one hand and the profit-oriented goals of building a global brand. Given this orientation in the network’s programming philosophy, it is not surprising that Arbore, speaking of his activities as Artistic director, stated that his goals were to produce shows that would be accessible both to those that spoke very little Italian as well as those that were highly cultured (Arbore). In its attempt to bring these divergent practices and imagined audiences together, La Giostra can be seen as part of vision of globalisation rooted in the euphoria of the early nineties in which distance and cultural differences were reconciled through communications technology and “virtuous” transformation of ethnicity into niche markets. However, this approach to programming started to fracture and fail after a short period. The particular balance between the ethnic and the economically ecumenical mappings of the globe present in La Giostra proved to be as short lived as the ‘dual mandate’ at RAI International that underwrote its conception. Return Information The mega-events that Arbore organised came under increasing criticism from the parliamentary committees overseeing RAI’s activities as well as the RAI executive who saw them both extremely expensive to produce and of questionable value in the fulfillment of RAI’s mission as a public broadcaster (GRTV). They were sometimes described as misfatti televisivi [broadcasting misdeeds] (Arbore). The model of the televisual mega-event was increasingly targeted towards speaking to Italians abroad, dropping broader notions of the audience. This was not an overnight change, but part of a process through which the goals of the network were refocused towards ‘public service.’ Morrione, speaking before the parliamentary committee overseeing RAI’s activities, describes an evening dedicated to a celebration of the Italian flag which exemplifies this trend: The minister of Foreign Affairs asked us to prepare a Tricolore (the Italian flag) evening – that would go on air in the month of January – that we would call White, Red and Green (not the most imaginative name, but effective enough.) It would include international connections with Argentina, where there exists one of the oldest case d’italiani [Italian community centers], built shortly after the events of our Risorgimento and where they have an ancient Tricolore. We would also connect with Reggio Emilia, where the Tricolore was born and where they are celebrating the anniversary this year. Segments would also take us to the Vittoriano Museum in Rome for a series of testimonies. (Morrione, Testimony [1997]) Similar to La Giostra, the global reach of RAI International was used to create a sense of simultaneity among the dispersed communities of Italians around the world (including the population of Italy itself). The festival of the Italian flag was similarly deeply implicated in the rituals and patterns that bring together an audience and, at another level, a people. However, in the celebration of the Italian flag, the notion that such a spectacle might be of interest to those outside of a global “Italian” community has disappeared. Like La Giostra, programs of this kind are intended to be constitutive of an audience, a collectivity that would not exist were it not for the common space provided through television spectatorship. The celebration of the Italian flag is part of an attempt to produce a sense of global community organised by a shared sense of ethnic identity as expressed through the common temporality of a live broadcast. Italians around the world were part of the same Italian community not because of their shared history (even when this was the stated subject of the program as was the case with Red, White and Green), but because they co-existed by means of their experience of the mediated event. Through these events, the shared national history is produced out of the simultaneity of the common present and not, as the discourse around Italian identity presented in these programs would have it (for example, the narratives around the origin around the flag), the other way around. However, this connection between the global television event that was broadcast live and national belonging raised questions about the kind of participation they facilitated. This became a particularly salient issue with the election of the second Berlusconi government and the successful campaign to grant Italians citizens living abroad the vote, a campaign that was lead by formerly fascist (but centre-moving) Alleanza Nazionale. With the appoint of Massimo Magliaro, a longtime member of Alleanza Nazionale, to the head of the network in 2000, the concept of informazione di ritorno [return information] became increasingly prominent in descriptions of the service. The phrase was frequently used, along with tv di ritorno (Tremaglia), by the Minister for Italiani nel Mondo during the second Berlusconi administration, Mirko Tremaglia, and became a central theme in the projects envisioned for the service. (The concept had circulated previously, but it was not given the same emphasis that it would gain after Magliaro’s appointment. In an interview from 1996, Morrione is asked about his commitment to the policy of “so-called” return information. He answers the question by commenting in support of producing a ‘return image’ (immagine di ritorno), but never uses the phrase (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). Similarly, Arbore, in an interview from 1998, is also asked about ‘so-called’ return information, but also never uses the term himself (Affatato). This suggests that its circulation was limited up until the late 1990s.) The concept of ‘return information’ – not quite a neologism in Italian, but certainly an uncommon expression – was a two-pronged, and never fully implemented, initiative. Primarily it was a policy that sought to further integrate RAI International into the system of RAI’s national television networks. This involved both improving the ability of RAI International to distribute information about Italy to communities of Italians abroad as well as developing strategies for the eventual use of programming produced by RAI International on the main national networks as a way of raising the awareness of Italians in Italy about the lives and beliefs of Italians abroad. (The programming produced by RAI International was never successfully integrated into the schedules of the other national networks. This issue remained an issue that had yet to be resolved as recently as the negotiations between the Prime Minister’s office and RAI to establish a new agreement governing RAI’s international service in 2007.) This is not to say that there was a dramatic shift in the kind of programming on the network. There had always been elements of these new goals in the programming produced exclusively for RAI International. The longest running program on the network, Sportello Italia [Information Desk Italy], provided information to Italians abroad about changes in Italian law that effected Italians abroad as well as changes in bureaucratic practice generally. It often focused on issues such as the voting rights of Italians abroad, questions about receiving pensions and similar issues. It was joined by a series of in-house productions that primarily consisted of news and information programming whose roots were in the new division in charge of radio and television broadcasts since the sixties. The primary change was the elimination of large-scale programs, aside from those relating to the Italian national soccer team and the Pope, due to budget restrictions. This was part of a larger shift in the way that the service was envisioned and its repositioning as the primary conduit between Italy and Italians abroad. Speaking in 2000, Magliaro explained this as a change in the network’s priorities from ‘entertainment’ to ‘information’: There will be a larger dose of information and less space for entertainment. Informational programming will be the privileged product in which we will invest the majority of our financial and human resources, both on radio and on television. Providing information means both telling Italians abroad about Italy and allowing public opinion in our country to find out about Italians around the world. (Morgia) Magliaro’s statement suggests that there is a direct connection between the changing way of conceiving of ‘global’ Italian television and the mandate of RAI International. The spectacles of the mid-nineties, implicitly characterised by Magliaro as ‘entertainment,’ were as much about gaining the attention of those who did not speak Italian or watch Italian television as speaking to Italians abroad. The kind of participation in the nation that these events solicited were limited in that they did not move beyond a relatively passive experience of that nation as community brought together through the diffuse and distracted experience of ‘entertainment’. The rise of informazione di ritorno was a discourse that offered a particular conception of Italians abroad who were more directly involved in the affairs of the nation. However, this was more than an increased interest in the participation of audiences. Return information as developed under Magliaro’s watch posited a different kind of viewer, a viewer whose actions were explicitly and intimately linked to their rights as citizens. It is not surprising that Magliaro prefaced his comments about the transformation of RAI’s mandate and programming priorities by acknowledging that the extension of the vote to Italians abroad demands a different kind of broadcaster. The new editorial policy of RAI International is motivated from the incontrovertible fact that Italians abroad will have the right to vote in a few months … . In terms of the product that we are developing, aimed at adequately responding to the new demands created by the vote… (Morgia) The granting of the vote to Italians abroad meant that the forms of symbolic communion that produced through the mega-events needed to be supplanted by a policy that allowed for a more direct link between the ritual aspects of global media to the institutions of the Italian state. The evolution of RAI International cannot be separated from the articulation of an increasingly ethno-centric conception of citizenship and the transformation of the Italian state over the course of the 1990s and early 2000s towards. The transition between these two approaches to global television in Italy is important for understanding the events that unfolded around RAI International’s role in the development of a global Italian citizenry. A development that should not be separated from the development of increasingly stern immigration policies whose effect is to identify and export undesirable outsiders. The electoral defeat of Berlusconi in 2006 and the ongoing political instability surrounding the centre-left government in power since then has meant that the future development of RAI International and the long-term effects of the right-wing government on the cultural and political fabric of Italy remain unclear at present. The current need for a reformed electoral system and talk about the need for greater efficiency from the new executive at RAI make the evolution of the global Italian citizenry an important context for understanding the role of media in the globalised nation-state in the years to come. References Affatato, M. “I ‘Segreti’ di RAI International.” GRTV.it, 17 Feb. 1998. Arbore, R. “‘Il mio sogno? Un Programma con gli italiani all’estero.’” GRTV.it, 18 June 1999. Foot, J. Milan since the Miracle: City, Culture, and Identity. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Garofalo, R. “Understanding Mega-Events: If We Are the World, Then How Do We Change It? In C. Penley and A. Ross, eds., Technoculture. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1991. 247-270. Magliaro, M. “Speech to Second Annual Conference.” Comites Canada, 2002. Milana, A. RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. Morgia, G. La Rai del Duemila per gli italiani nel mondo: Intervista con Massimo Magliaro. 2001. Morrione, R. “Gli Italiani all’estero ‘azionisti di riferimento.’” Interview with Roberto Morrione. GRTV.it, 15 Nov. 1996. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 12 December 1997. Rome, 1997. 824-841. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 17 November 1998. Rome, 1998. 1307-1316. Morrione, R. “Tre anni memorabili.” RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. 129-137. Parks, L. Cultures in Orbit: Satellites and the Televisual. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2005. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hayward, Mark. "Two Ways of Being Italian on Global Television." M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/05-hayward.php>. APA Style Hayward, M. (Apr. 2008) "Two Ways of Being Italian on Global Television," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/05-hayward.php>.

“We have made Italy, now we must make Italians,” in the (probably apocryphal) words of the Prime Minister, sometime after the unification of the nation in 1860. Perhaps in French, if it was said at all. (The quotation is typically attributed to Massimo D’Azeglio, the prime minister of Piedmont and predecessor of the first Italian prime minister Camillo Cavour. Many have suggested that the phrase was misquoted and misunderstood (see Doyle.) D’Azeglio spoke in Italian when he addressed the newly-formed Italian parliament, but my reference to French is meant to indicate the fragility of the national language in early Italy where much of the ruling class spoke French while the majority of the people in the peninsula still spoke regional dialects.) It was television – more than print media or even radio – that would have the biggest impact in terms of ‘making Italians.’ Writing about Italy in the 1950s, a well-known media critic suggested that television, a game show actually, “was able to succeed where The Divine Comedy failed … it gave Italy a national language” (qtd. in Foot). But these are yesterday’s problems. We have Italy and Italians. Moreover, the emergence of global ways of being and belonging are evidence of the ways in which the present transcends forms of belonging rooted in the old practices and older institutions of the nation-state. But, then again, maybe not. “A country that allows you to vote in its elections must be able to provide you with information about those elections” (Magliaro). This was 2002. The country is still Italy, but this time the Italians are anywhere but Italy. The speaker is referring to the extension of the vote to Italian citizens abroad, represented directly by 18 members of parliament, and the right to information guaranteed the newly enfranchised electorate. What, then, is the relationship between citizenship, the state and global television today? What are the modalities of involvement and participation involved in these transformations of the nation-state into a globally-articulated network of institutions? I want to think through these questions in relation to two ways that RAI International, the ‘global’ network of the Italian public broadcaster, has viewed Italians around the world at different moments in its history: mega-events and return information. Mega-Events Eighteen months after its creation in 1995, RAI International was re-launched. This decision was partially due to a change in government (which also meant a change in the executive and staff), but it was also a response to the perceived failure of RAI International to garner an adequate international audience (Morrione, Testimony [1997]). This re-launch involved a re-conceptualisation of the network’s mandate to include both information services for Italians abroad (the traditional ‘public service’ mandate for Italy’s international broadcasting) as well as programming that would increase the profile of Italian media in the global market. The mandate outlined for Roberto Morrione – appointed president as part of the re-launch – read: The necessity of strategic and operative certainties in the international positioning of the company, both with regard to programming for our co-nationals abroad and for other markets…are at the centre of the new role of RAI International. This involves bringing together in the best way the informative function of the public service, which is oriented to our community in the world in order to enrich its cultural patrimony and national identity, with an active presence in evolving markets. (Morrione, Testimony [1998]) The most significant change in the executive of the network was the appointment of Renzo Arbore, a well-known singer and bandleader, to the position of artistic director. At the time of Arbore’s appointment, the responsibilities of the artistic director at the network were ill defined, but he very quickly transformed the position into the ‘face’ of RAI International. In an interview from 1998, Arbore explained his role at the network as follows: “I’m the artistic director, which means I’m in charge of the programs that have any kind of artistic content. Also, I’m the so called “testimonial”, which is to say I do propaganda for the network, I’m the soul of RAI International” (Affatato). The most often discussed aspect of the programming on RAI International during Arbore’s tenure as artistic director was the energy and resources dedicated to events that put the spotlight on the global reach of the service itself and the possibilities that satellite distribution gave for simultaneous exchange between locations around the world. It was these ‘mega-events’ (Garofalo), in spite of constituting only a small portion of the programming schedule, that were often seen as defining RAI’s “new way” of creating international programming (Milana). La Giostra [The Merry Go Round], broadcast live on New Year’s Eve 1996, is often cited as the launch of the network’s new approach to its mission. Lasting 20 hours in total, the program was hosted by Arbore. As Morrione described it recently, The ‘mother of live shows’ was the Giostra of New Year’s ’97 where Arbore was live in the studio for 20 consecutive hours, with many guests and segments from the Pole, Peking, Moscow, Berlin, Jerusalem, San Paolo, Buenos Aires, New York and Los Angeles. It was a memorable enterprise without precedent and never to be duplicated. (Morrione, RAI International) The presentation of television as a global medium in La Giostra draws upon the relationship between live broadcasting, satellite television and conceptions of globality that has developed since the 1960s as part of what Lisa Parks describes as ‘global presence’ (Parks). However, in keeping with the dual mandate of RAI International, the audience that La Giostra is intended to constitute was not entirely homogenous in nature. The lines between the ‘national’ audience, which is to say Italians abroad, and the international audience involving a broader spectrum of viewers are often blurred, but still apparent. This can be seen in the locations to which La Giostra travelled, locations that might be seen as a mirror of the places to which the broadcast might be received. On the one hand, there are segments from a series of location that speak to a global audience, many of which are framed by the symbols of the cold war and the ensuing triumph of global capitalism. The South Pole, Moscow, Beijing and a reunified Berlin can be seen as representing this understanding of the globe. These cities highlighted the scope of the network, reaching cities previously cut off from Italy behind the iron curtain (or, in the case of the Pole, the extreme of geographic isolation.) The presence of Jerusalem contributed to this mapping of the planet with an ecclesiastical, but ecumenical accent to this theme. On the other hand, Sao Paolo, Buenos Aires, and Melbourne (not mentioned by Morrione, but the first international segment in the program) also mapped the world of Italian communities around the world. The map of the globe offered by La Giostra is similar to the description of the prospective audience for RAI International that Morrione gave in November 1996 upon his appointment as director. After having outlined the network’s reception in the Americas and Australia, where there are large communities of Italians who need to be served, he goes on to note the importance of Asia: “China, India, Japan, and Korea, where there aren’t large communities of Italians, but where “made in Italy,” the image of Italy, the culture and art that separate us from others, are highly respected resources” (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). La Giostra served as a container that held together a vision of the globe that is centered around Italy (particularly Rome, caput mundi) through the presentation on screen of the various geopolitical alliances as well as the economic and migratory connections which link Italy to the world. These two mappings of the globe brought together within the frame of the 20-hour broadcast and statements about the network’s prospective audiences suggest that two different ways of watching RAI International were often overlaid over each other. On the one hand, the segments spanning the planet stood as a sign of RAI International’s ability to produce programs at a global scale. On the other hand, there was an attempt to speak directly to communities of Italians abroad. The first vision of the planet offered by the program suggests a mode of watching more common among disinterested, cosmopolitan viewers belonging to a relatively homogenous global media market. While the second vision of the planet was explicitly rooted in the international family of Italians constituted through the broadcast. La Giostra, like the ‘dual mandate’ of the network, can be seen as an attempt to bring together the national mission of network with its attempts to improve its position in global media markets. It was an attempt to unify what seemed two very different kinds of audiences: Italians abroad and non-Italians, those who spoke some Italian and those who speak no Italian at all. It was also an attempt to unify two very different ways of understanding global broadcasting: public service on the one hand and the profit-oriented goals of building a global brand. Given this orientation in the network’s programming philosophy, it is not surprising that Arbore, speaking of his activities as Artistic director, stated that his goals were to produce shows that would be accessible both to those that spoke very little Italian as well as those that were highly cultured (Arbore). In its attempt to bring these divergent practices and imagined audiences together, La Giostra can be seen as part of vision of globalisation rooted in the euphoria of the early nineties in which distance and cultural differences were reconciled through communications technology and “virtuous” transformation of ethnicity into niche markets. However, this approach to programming started to fracture and fail after a short period. The particular balance between the ethnic and the economically ecumenical mappings of the globe present in La Giostra proved to be as short lived as the ‘dual mandate’ at RAI International that underwrote its conception. Return Information The mega-events that Arbore organised came under increasing criticism from the parliamentary committees overseeing RAI’s activities as well as the RAI executive who saw them both extremely expensive to produce and of questionable value in the fulfillment of RAI’s mission as a public broadcaster (GRTV). They were sometimes described as misfatti televisivi [broadcasting misdeeds] (Arbore). The model of the televisual mega-event was increasingly targeted towards speaking to Italians abroad, dropping broader notions of the audience. This was not an overnight change, but part of a process through which the goals of the network were refocused towards ‘public service.’ Morrione, speaking before the parliamentary committee overseeing RAI’s activities, describes an evening dedicated to a celebration of the Italian flag which exemplifies this trend: The minister of Foreign Affairs asked us to prepare a Tricolore (the Italian flag) evening – that would go on air in the month of January – that we would call White, Red and Green (not the most imaginative name, but effective enough.) It would include international connections with Argentina, where there exists one of the oldest case d’italiani [Italian community centers], built shortly after the events of our Risorgimento and where they have an ancient Tricolore. We would also connect with Reggio Emilia, where the Tricolore was born and where they are celebrating the anniversary this year. Segments would also take us to the Vittoriano Museum in Rome for a series of testimonies. (Morrione, Testimony [1997]) Similar to La Giostra, the global reach of RAI International was used to create a sense of simultaneity among the dispersed communities of Italians around the world (including the population of Italy itself). The festival of the Italian flag was similarly deeply implicated in the rituals and patterns that bring together an audience and, at another level, a people. However, in the celebration of the Italian flag, the notion that such a spectacle might be of interest to those outside of a global “Italian” community has disappeared. Like La Giostra, programs of this kind are intended to be constitutive of an audience, a collectivity that would not exist were it not for the common space provided through television spectatorship. The celebration of the Italian flag is part of an attempt to produce a sense of global community organised by a shared sense of ethnic identity as expressed through the common temporality of a live broadcast. Italians around the world were part of the same Italian community not because of their shared history (even when this was the stated subject of the program as was the case with Red, White and Green), but because they co-existed by means of their experience of the mediated event. Through these events, the shared national history is produced out of the simultaneity of the common present and not, as the discourse around Italian identity presented in these programs would have it (for example, the narratives around the origin around the flag), the other way around. However, this connection between the global television event that was broadcast live and national belonging raised questions about the kind of participation they facilitated. This became a particularly salient issue with the election of the second Berlusconi government and the successful campaign to grant Italians citizens living abroad the vote, a campaign that was lead by formerly fascist (but centre-moving) Alleanza Nazionale. With the appoint of Massimo Magliaro, a longtime member of Alleanza Nazionale, to the head of the network in 2000, the concept of informazione di ritorno [return information] became increasingly prominent in descriptions of the service. The phrase was frequently used, along with tv di ritorno (Tremaglia), by the Minister for Italiani nel Mondo during the second Berlusconi administration, Mirko Tremaglia, and became a central theme in the projects envisioned for the service. (The concept had circulated previously, but it was not given the same emphasis that it would gain after Magliaro’s appointment. In an interview from 1996, Morrione is asked about his commitment to the policy of “so-called” return information. He answers the question by commenting in support of producing a ‘return image’ (immagine di ritorno), but never uses the phrase (Morrione, “Gli Italiani”). Similarly, Arbore, in an interview from 1998, is also asked about ‘so-called’ return information, but also never uses the term himself (Affatato). This suggests that its circulation was limited up until the late 1990s.) The concept of ‘return information’ – not quite a neologism in Italian, but certainly an uncommon expression – was a two-pronged, and never fully implemented, initiative. Primarily it was a policy that sought to further integrate RAI International into the system of RAI’s national television networks. This involved both improving the ability of RAI International to distribute information about Italy to communities of Italians abroad as well as developing strategies for the eventual use of programming produced by RAI International on the main national networks as a way of raising the awareness of Italians in Italy about the lives and beliefs of Italians abroad. (The programming produced by RAI International was never successfully integrated into the schedules of the other national networks. This issue remained an issue that had yet to be resolved as recently as the negotiations between the Prime Minister’s office and RAI to establish a new agreement governing RAI’s international service in 2007.) This is not to say that there was a dramatic shift in the kind of programming on the network. There had always been elements of these new goals in the programming produced exclusively for RAI International. The longest running program on the network, Sportello Italia [Information Desk Italy], provided information to Italians abroad about changes in Italian law that effected Italians abroad as well as changes in bureaucratic practice generally. It often focused on issues such as the voting rights of Italians abroad, questions about receiving pensions and similar issues. It was joined by a series of in-house productions that primarily consisted of news and information programming whose roots were in the new division in charge of radio and television broadcasts since the sixties. The primary change was the elimination of large-scale programs, aside from those relating to the Italian national soccer team and the Pope, due to budget restrictions. This was part of a larger shift in the way that the service was envisioned and its repositioning as the primary conduit between Italy and Italians abroad. Speaking in 2000, Magliaro explained this as a change in the network’s priorities from ‘entertainment’ to ‘information’: There will be a larger dose of information and less space for entertainment. Informational programming will be the privileged product in which we will invest the majority of our financial and human resources, both on radio and on television. Providing information means both telling Italians abroad about Italy and allowing public opinion in our country to find out about Italians around the world. (Morgia) Magliaro’s statement suggests that there is a direct connection between the changing way of conceiving of ‘global’ Italian television and the mandate of RAI International. The spectacles of the mid-nineties, implicitly characterised by Magliaro as ‘entertainment,’ were as much about gaining the attention of those who did not speak Italian or watch Italian television as speaking to Italians abroad. The kind of participation in the nation that these events solicited were limited in that they did not move beyond a relatively passive experience of that nation as community brought together through the diffuse and distracted experience of ‘entertainment’. The rise of informazione di ritorno was a discourse that offered a particular conception of Italians abroad who were more directly involved in the affairs of the nation. However, this was more than an increased interest in the participation of audiences. Return information as developed under Magliaro’s watch posited a different kind of viewer, a viewer whose actions were explicitly and intimately linked to their rights as citizens. It is not surprising that Magliaro prefaced his comments about the transformation of RAI’s mandate and programming priorities by acknowledging that the extension of the vote to Italians abroad demands a different kind of broadcaster. The new editorial policy of RAI International is motivated from the incontrovertible fact that Italians abroad will have the right to vote in a few months … . In terms of the product that we are developing, aimed at adequately responding to the new demands created by the vote… (Morgia) The granting of the vote to Italians abroad meant that the forms of symbolic communion that produced through the mega-events needed to be supplanted by a policy that allowed for a more direct link between the ritual aspects of global media to the institutions of the Italian state. The evolution of RAI International cannot be separated from the articulation of an increasingly ethno-centric conception of citizenship and the transformation of the Italian state over the course of the 1990s and early 2000s towards. The transition between these two approaches to global television in Italy is important for understanding the events that unfolded around RAI International’s role in the development of a global Italian citizenry. A development that should not be separated from the development of increasingly stern immigration policies whose effect is to identify and export undesirable outsiders. The electoral defeat of Berlusconi in 2006 and the ongoing political instability surrounding the centre-left government in power since then has meant that the future development of RAI International and the long-term effects of the right-wing government on the cultural and political fabric of Italy remain unclear at present. The current need for a reformed electoral system and talk about the need for greater efficiency from the new executive at RAI make the evolution of the global Italian citizenry an important context for understanding the role of media in the globalised nation-state in the years to come. References Affatato, M. “I ‘Segreti’ di RAI International.” GRTV.it, 17 Feb. 1998. Arbore, R. “‘Il mio sogno? Un Programma con gli italiani all’estero.’” GRTV.it, 18 June 1999. Foot, J. Milan since the Miracle: City, Culture, and Identity. Oxford: Berg, 2001. Garofalo, R. “Understanding Mega-Events: If We Are the World, Then How Do We Change It? In C. Penley and A. Ross, eds., Technoculture. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1991. 247-270. Magliaro, M. “Speech to Second Annual Conference.” Comites Canada, 2002. Milana, A. RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. Morgia, G. La Rai del Duemila per gli italiani nel mondo: Intervista con Massimo Magliaro. 2001. Morrione, R. “Gli Italiani all’estero ‘azionisti di riferimento.’” Interview with Roberto Morrione. GRTV.it, 15 Nov. 1996. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 12 December 1997. Rome, 1997. 824-841. Morrione, R. Testimony of Roberto Morrione to Commitato Bicamerale per la Vigilanza RAI, 17 November 1998. Rome, 1998. 1307-1316. Morrione, R. “Tre anni memorabili.” RAI International: 40 anni, una storia. Rome: RAI, 2003. 129-137. Parks, L. Cultures in Orbit: Satellites and the Televisual. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2005.

While the television cooking genre has evolved in numerous ways to withstand competition and become a constant feature in television programming (Collins and College), it has been argued that audience demand for televisual cooking has always been high because of the daily importance of cooking (Hamada, “Multimedia Integration”). Early cooking shows were characterised by an instructional discourse, before quickly embracing an entertainment focus; modern cooking shows take on a more competitive, out of the kitchen focus (Collins and College). The genre has continued to evolve, with celebrity chefs and ordinary people embracing transmedia affordances to return to the instructional focus of the early cooking shows. While the television cooking show is recognised for its broad cultural impacts related to gender (Ouellette and Hay), cultural capital (Ibrahim; Oren), television formatting (Oren), and even communication itself (Matwick and Matwick), its role in the widespread adoption of television captions is significantly underexplored. Even the fact that a cooking show was the first ever program captioned on American television is almost completely unremarked within cooking show histories and literature.A Brief History of Captioning WorldwideWhen captions were first introduced on US television in the early 1970s, programmers were guided by the general principle to make the captioned program “accessible to every deaf viewer regardless of reading ability” (Jensema, McCann and Ramsey 284). However, there were no exact rules regarding captioning quality and captions did not reflect verbatim what was said onscreen. According to Jensema, McCann and Ramsey (285), less than verbatim captioning continued for many years because “deaf people were so delighted to have captions that they accepted almost anything thrown on the screen” (see also Newell 266 for a discussion of the UK context).While the benefits of captions for people who are D/deaf or hard of hearing were immediate, its commercial applications also became apparent. When the moral argument that people who were D/deaf or hard of hearing had a right to access television via captions proved unsuccessful in the fight for legislation, advocates lobbied the US Congress about the mainstream commercial benefits such as in education and the benefits for people learning English as a second language (Downey). Activist efforts and hard-won legal battles meant D/deaf and hard of hearing viewers can now expect closed captions on almost all television content. With legislation in place to determine the provision of captions, attention began to focus on their quality. D/deaf viewers are no longer just delighted to accept anything thrown on the screen and have begun to demand verbatim captioning. At the same time, market-based incentives are capturing the attention of television executives seeking to make money, and the widespread availability of verbatim captions has been recognised for its multimedia—and therefore commercial—applications. These include its capacity for information retrieval (Miura et al.; Agnihotri et al.) and for creative repurposing of television content (Blankinship et al.). Captions and transcripts have been identified as being of particular importance to augmenting the information provided in cooking shows (Miura et al.; Oh et al.).Early Captions in the US: Julia Child’s The French ChefJulia Child is indicative of the early period of the cooking genre (Collins and College)—she has been described as “the epitome of the TV chef” (ray 53) and is often credited for making cooking accessible to American audiences through her onscreen focus on normalising techniques that she promised could be mastered at home (ray). She is still recognised for her mastery of the genre, and for her capacity to entertain in a way that stood out from her contemporaries (Collins and College; ray).Julia Child’s The French Chef originally aired on the US publicly-funded Public Broadcasting System (PBS) affiliate WBGH from 1963–1973. The captioning of television also began in the 1960s, with educators creating the captions themselves, mainly for educational use in deaf schools (Downey 70). However, there soon came calls for public television to also be made accessible for the deaf and hard of hearing—the debate focused on equality and pushed for recognition that deaf people were culturally diverse (Downey 70).The PBS therefore began a trial of captioning programs (Downey 71). These would be “open captions”—characters which were positioned on the screen as part of the normal image for all viewers to see (Downey 71). The trial was designed to determine both the number of D/deaf and hard of hearing people viewing the program, as well as to test if non-D/deaf and hard of hearing viewers would watch a program which had captions (Downey 71). The French Chef was selected for captioning by WBGH because it was their most popular television show in the early 1970s and in 1972 eight episodes of The French Chef were aired using open—albeit inconsistent—captions (Downey 71; Jensema et al. 284).There were concerns from some broadcasters that openly captioned programs would drive away the “hearing majority” (Downey 71). However, there was no explicit study carried out in 1972 on the viewers of The French Chef to determine if this was the case because WBGH ran out of funds to research this further (Downey 71). Nevertheless, Jensema, McCann and Ramsey (284) note that WBGH did begin to re-broadcast ABC World News Tonight in the 1970s with open captions and that this was the only regularly captioned show at the time.Due to changes in technology and fears that not everyone wanted to see captions onscreen, television’s focus shifted from open captions to closed captioning in the 1980s. Captions became encoded, with viewers needing a decoder to be able to access them. However, the high cost of the decoders meant that many could not afford to buy them and adoption of the technology was slow (Youngblood and Lysaght 243; Downey 71). In 1979, the US government had set up the National Captioning Institute (NCI) with a mandate to develop and sell these decoders, and provide captioning services to the networks. This was initially government-funded but was designed to eventually be self-sufficient (Downey 73).PBS, ABC and NBC (but not CBS) had agreed to a trial (Downey 73). However, there was a reluctance on the part of broadcasters to pay to caption content when there was not enough evidence that the demand was high (Downey 73—74). The argument for the provision of captioned content therefore began to focus on the rights of all citizens to be able to access a public service. A complaint was lodged claiming that the Los Angeles station KCET, which was a PBS affiliate, did not provide captioned content that was available elsewhere (Downey 74). When Los Angeles PBS station KCET refused to air captioned episodes of The French Chef, the Greater Los Angeles Council on Deafness (GLAD) picketed the station until the decision was reversed. GLAD then focused on legislation and used the Rehabilitation Act to argue that television was federally assisted and, by not providing captioned content, broadcasters were in violation of the Act (Downey 74).GLAD also used the 1934 Communications Act in their argument. This Act had firstly established the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and then assigned them the right to grant and renew broadcast licenses as long as those broadcasters served the ‘‘public interest, convenience, and necessity’’ (Michalik, cited in Downey 74). The FCC could, argued GLAD, therefore refuse to renew the licenses of broadcasters who did not air captioned content. However, rather than this argument working in their favour, the FCC instead changed its own procedures to avoid such legal actions in the future (Downey 75). As a result, although some stations began to voluntarily caption more content, it was not until 1996 that it became a legally mandated requirement with the introduction of the Telecommunications Act (Youngblood and Lysaght 244)—too late for The French Chef.My Kitchen Rules: Captioning BreachWhereas The French Chef presented instructional cooking programming from a kitchen set, more recently the food genre has moved away from the staged domestic kitchen set as an instructional space to use real-life domestic kitchens and more competitive multi-bench spaces. The Australian program MKR straddles this shift in the cooking genre with the first half of each season occurring in domestic settings and the second half in Iron Chef style studio competition (see Oren for a discussion of the influence of Iron Chef on contemporary cooking shows).All broadcast channels in Australia are mandated to caption 100 per cent of programs aired between 6am and midnight. However, the 2013 MKR Grand Final broadcast by Channel Seven Brisbane Pty Ltd and Channel Seven Melbourne Pty Ltd (Seven) failed to transmit 10 minutes of captions some 30 minutes into the 2-hour program. The ACMA received two complaints relating to this. The first complaint, received on 27 April 2013, the same evening as the program was broadcast, noted ‘[the D/deaf community] … should not have to miss out’ (ACMA, Report No. 3046 3). The second complaint, received on 30 April 2013, identified the crucial nature of the missing segment and its effect on viewers’ overall enjoyment of the program (ACMA, Report No. 3046 3).Seven explained that the relevant segment (approximately 10 per cent of the program) was missing from the captioning file, but that it had not appeared to be missing when Seven completed its usual captioning checks prior to broadcast (ACMA, Report No. 3046 4). The ACMA found that Seven had breached the conditions of their commercial television broadcasting licence by “failing to provide a captioning service for the program” (ACMA, Report No. 3046 12). The interruption of captioning was serious enough to constitute a breach due, in part, to the nature and characteristic of the program:the viewer is engaged in the momentum of the competitive process by being provided with an understanding of each of the competition stages; how the judges, guests and contestants interact; and their commentaries of the food and the cooking processes during those stages. (ACMA, Report No. 3046 6)These interactions have become a crucial part of the cooking genre, a genre often described as offering a way to acquire cultural capital via instructions in both cooking and ideological food preferences (Oren 31). Further, in relation to the uncaptioned MKR segment, ACMA acknowledged it would have been difficult to follow both the cooking process and the exchanges taking place between contestants (ACMA, Report No. 3046 8). ACMA considered these exchanges crucial to ‘a viewer’s understanding of, and secondly to their engagement with the different inter-related stages of the program’ (ACMA, Report No. 3046 7).An additional complaint was made with regards to the same program broadcast on Prime Television (Northern) Pty Ltd (Prime), a Seven Network affiliate. The complaint stated that the lack of captions was “Not good enough in prime time and for a show that is non-live in nature” (ACMA, Report No. 3124 3). Despite the fact that the ACMA found that “the fault arose from the affiliate, Seven, rather than from the licensee [Prime]”, Prime was also found to also have breached their licence conditions by failing to provide a captioning service (ACMA, Report No. 3124 12).The following year, Seven launched captions for their online catch-up television platform. Although this was a result of discussions with a complainant over the broader lack of captioned online television content, it was also a step that re-established Seven’s credentials as a leader in commercial television access. The 2015 season of MKR also featured their first partially-deaf contestant, Emilie Biggar.Mainstreaming Captions — Inter-Platform CooperationOver time, cooking shows on television have evolved from an informative style (The French Chef) to become more entertaining in their approach (MKR). As Oren identifies, this has seen a shift in the food genre “away from the traditional, instructional format and towards professionalism and competition” (Oren 25). The affordances of television itself as a visual medium has also been recognised as crucial in the popularity of this genre and its more recent transmedia turn. That is, following Joshua Meyrowitz’s medium theory regarding how different media can afford us different messages, televised cooking shows offer audiences stylised knowledge about food and cooking beyond the traditional cookbook (Oren; ray). In addition, cooking shows are taking their product beyond just television and increasing their inter-platform cooperation (Oren)—for example, MKR has a comprehensive companion website that viewers can visit to watch whole episodes, obtain full recipes, and view shopping lists. While this can be viewed as a modern take on Julia Child’s cookbook success, it must also be considered in the context of the increasing focus on multimedia approaches to cooking instructions (Hamada et al., Multimedia Integration; Cooking Navi; Oh et al.). Audiences today are more likely to attempt a recipe if they have seen it on television, and will use transmedia to download the recipe. As Oren explains:foodism’s ascent to popular culture provides the backdrop and motivation for the current explosion of food-themed formats that encourages audiences’ investment in their own expertise as critics, diners, foodies and even wanna-be professional chefs. FoodTV, in turn, feeds back into a web-powered, gastro-culture and critique-economy where appraisal outranks delight. (Oren 33)This explosion in popularity of the web-powered gastro culture Oren refers to has led to an increase in appetite for step by step, easy to access instructions. These are being delivered using captions. As a result of the legislation and activism described throughout this paper, captions are more widely available and, in many cases, now describe what is said onscreen verbatim. In addition, the mainstream commercial benefits and uses of captions are being explored. Captions have therefore moved from a specialist assistive technology for people who are D/deaf or hard of hearing to become recognised as an important resource for creative television viewers regardless of their hearing (Blankinship et al.). With captions becoming more accessible, accurate, financially viable, and mainstreamed, their potential as an additional television resource is of interest. As outlined above, within the cooking show genre—especially with its current multimedia turn and the demand for captioned recipe instructions (Hamada et al., “Multimedia Integration”, “Cooking Navi”; Oh et al.)—this is particularly pertinent.Hamada et al. identify captions as a useful technology to use in the increasingly popular educational, yet entertaining, cooking show genre as the required information—ingredient lists, instructions, recipes—is in high demand (Hamada et al., “Multimedia Integration” 658). They note that cooking shows often present information out of order, making them difficult to follow, particularly if a recipe must be sourced later from a website (Hamada et al., “Multimedia Integration” 658-59; Oh et al.). Each step in a recipe must be navigated and coordinated, particularly if multiple recipes are being completed at the same times (Hamada, et al., Cooking Navi) as is often the case on cooking shows such as MKR. Using captions as part of a software program to index cooking videos facilitates a number of search affordances for people wishing to replicate the recipe themselves. As Kyeong-Jin et al. explain:if food and recipe information are published as linked data with the scheme, it enables to search food recipe and annotate certain recipe by communities (sic). In addition, because of characteristics of linked data, information on food recipes can be connected to additional data source such as products for ingredients, and recipe websites can support users’ decision making in the cooking domain. (Oh et al. 2)The advantages of such a software program are many. For the audience there is easy access to desired information. For the number of commercial entities involved, this consumer desire facilitates endless marketing opportunities including product placement, increased ratings, and software development. Interesting, all of this falls outside the “usual” parameters of captions as purely an assistive device for a few, and facilitates the mainstreaming—and perhaps beginnings of acceptance—of captions.ConclusionCaptions are a vital accessibility feature for television viewers who are D/deaf or hard of hearing, not just from an informative or entertainment perspective but also to facilitate social inclusion for this culturally diverse group. The availability and quality of television captions has moved through three stages. These can be broadly summarised as early yet inconsistent captions, captions becoming more widely available and accurate—often as a direct result of activism and legislation—but not yet fully verbatim, and verbatim captions as adopted within mainstream software applications. This paper has situated these stages within the television cooking genre, a genre often remarked for its appeal towards inclusion and cultural capital.If television facilitates social inclusion, then food television offers vital cultural capital. While Julia Child’s The French Chef offered the first example of television captions via open captions in 1972, a lack of funding means we do not know how viewers (both hearing and not) actually received the program. However, at the time, captions that would be considered unacceptable today were received favourably (Jensema, McCann and Ramsey; Newell)—anything was deemed better than nothing. Increasingly, as the focus shifted to closed captioning and the cooking genre embraced a more competitive approach, viewers who required captions were no longer happy with missing or inconsistent captioning quality. The was particularly significant in Australia in 2013 when several viewers complained to ACMA that captions were missing from the finale of MKR. These captions provided more than vital cooking instructions—their lack prevented viewers from understanding conflict within the program. Following this breach, Seven became the only Australian commercial television station to offer captions on their web based catch-up platform. While this may have gone a long way to rehabilitate Seven amongst D/deaf and hard of hearing audiences, there is the potential too for commercial benefits. Caption technology is now being mainstreamed for use in cooking software applications developed from televised cooking shows. These allow viewers—both D/deaf and hearing—to access information in a completely new, and inclusive, way.ReferencesAgnihotri, Lalitha, et al. “Summarization of Video Programs Based on Closed Captions.” 4315 (2001): 599–607.Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA). Investigation Report No. 3046. 2013. 26 Apr. 2017 <http://www.acma.gov.au/~/media/Diversity%20Localism%20and%20Accessibility/Investigation%20reports/Word%20document/3046%20My%20Kitchen%20Rules%20Grand%20Final%20docx.docx>.———. 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