Academic literature on the topic 'Public speaking – Political aspects – United States'
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Journal articles on the topic "Public speaking – Political aspects – United States"
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Liu, John M. "The Contours of Asian Professional, Technical and Kindred Work Immigration, 1965–1988." Sociological Perspectives 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 673–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389304.
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This paper examines the nature of Asian professional, technical, and kindred (PTK) immigration to the United States since 1965. While many recent studies have noted the significant increase of Asian PTK immigration since 1965, analyses of who these PTKs are have been lacking. To address this omission, this paper focuses on three aspects of Asian PTK immigration: (1) the conditions underlying emigration from Asia; (2) the occupational composition of Asian PTKs; and (3) the impact of this immigration on understanding Asian American communities. The paper examines the patterns of PTK immigration from the Philippines, three Chinese-speaking regions, India, and Korea. The published reports and public-use data of the United States Naturalization and Immigration Service (1972–1986) are the primary source for this examination. Analysis of specific immigration patterns show the similarities and contrasts embedded in the Asian American experience.
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Koshkin, P. "Information and political aspects of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United States." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2020): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2020-2-120-132.
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The COVID-19 pandemic became the main catalyst of the so-called infodemic in the sphere of public information and communications. The article is an attempt to systematize and conceptualize informational and political aspects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. First, the author explains how the Trump administration responded to the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States both domestically and internationally and how it presented its anti-coronavirus policy to the public. Second, the article analyzes the role of journalists, experts and politicians in instigating or curbing the COVID-19-driven ― infodemic‖ in the United States as coronavirus paved the way for global spread.
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Arnold, Brian J., and Tim Edgar. "Selected Aspects of Capital Gains Taxation in Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21 (October 1995): S58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551862.
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SEHAT, DAVID. "POLITICAL ATHEISM: THE SECULARIZATION AND LIBERALIZATION OF AMERICAN PUBLIC LIFE." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 1 (March 20, 2018): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000136.
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The United States is a deeply Christian country, but over the last sixty years American public culture has become increasingly detached from religious concerns. Christian activists, when not speaking within the Republican Party, have had to assert their privilege in a way that they never had to do in the past. In spite of their efforts, the role of Christianity in culture and politics has seen a more or less continuous decline. This essay examines how and why that process occurred. It puts forward a schematic narrative that relies on the concepts of public reason, the avant-garde, and an overlapping consensus to explain how different people came together in the mid-twentieth century to secularize and liberalize American public life.
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Mathews, R. L. "Tax Reform in English-Speaking Countries." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 6, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c060001.
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In this paper, six papers are introduced which deal with issues in tax reform and with recent developments in taxation policies in five English-speaking countries—the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States of America (USA), Australia, and New Zealand. It is shown that the structure of the taxation systems in these countries, in particular the dominating influence of a highly progressive personal income tax, has played a major part in inducing widespread tax avoidance and evasion, and thereby in corrupting and discrediting the tax systems of the countries in question; so that they operate perversely with respect to equity, to efficiency, and to the other objectives of taxation policy. In the paper the author argues that tax effectiveness needs to be elevated to a position of overriding importance in the design of taxation policies; outlines the kinds of reforms which are necessary in order to give effect to generally accepted economic criteria; and discusses the importance of political and other constraints on tax reform.
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Davis, M. Elaine. "Archaeology education and the political landscape of American schools." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066369.
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Education, a primary mode for transmitting society's knowledge, values and beliefs, is a highly political endeavour. To understand fully the place of archaeology within the framework of public education in the United States, some background in the broader political landscape and sanctioned curricula in American schools is necessary. This article examines some key aspects of these issues, including governmental control of education, the ‘history of history’ in schools, and the appropriation of the past. It also looks at the status of archaeology education in the United States and considers an appropriate role for pre-college archaeology.
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McDowell, Meghan G. "Insurgent safety: Theorizing alternatives to state protection." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617713984.
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In the United States, public safety is embraced as an unquestioned social good. Broadly speaking, the criminal justice system is tasked with administering and maintaining public safety through the use of law enforcement, the courts, and prisons. First, through a focus on racialized police violence, this article develops a critique of the dominant model of public safety practiced in the United States—identified herein as ‘carceral safety’. Second, through an analysis of findings from the (Re)imagining Public Safety Project (RPSP), this article seeks to sketch out an alternative model and practice of safety that does not rely on banishment, policing, or mass criminalization. In contradistinction to the forms of state protection exercised under the seemingly innocuous rhetoric of ‘public safety’, RPSP participants conceptualized what I am calling ‘insurgent safety’: locally determined, anti-capitalist practices and ethics for reducing, and responding to harm.
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Adam, Barry D., and J. Cristian Rangel. "Migration and Sexual Health Among Gay Latino Migrants to Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs28365.
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This paper enquires into the nexus of migration with sexual health among gay Latino migrants in Canada. Interviews with 25 Spanish-speaking interviewees are examined in light of models developed from studies of Latinos in the United States. Canadian immigration policy appears to result in a somewhat different selection of immigrants compared to the United States. Migrants come from a wide range of national and regional backgrounds intersected by race, generation, and social class that influence their perceptions of and adjustment to Canadian society. Pre-migration HIV knowledge varied strongly by generation with older men recalling public panic concerning HIV and younger men receiving formal education about it. Migration enters into the mix of conditions as kin ties can be less confidently relied on among gay men compared to their heterosexual counterparts and by exacerbating vulnerability among those seeking to develop new social and sexual networks.
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Enekwe, Blessing. "Evaluating Social Services and Refugee Integration in Maryland." Practicing Anthropology 35, no. 4 (September 1, 2013): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.35.4.k70007550215k051.
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As a child of immigrants, I have always been interested in issues facing the foreign-born, particularly to the United States. Being exposed to immigrants from around the world helped me understand the different factors that motivated my parents' migration to the United States while realizing that others throughout the world were also heavily impacted by ineffectual home governments. As I delved into political attitudes, international relations, and public policy, my attention continued to turn back to the ways in which policies and attitudes in the United States affect the lives of immigrants. Identifying aspects of social policy that enhance immigrant life in the United States became central to my research interests.
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Figueira, Filipa. "Why the current Peak in Populism in the US and Europe? Populism as a Deviation in the Median Voter Theorem." European Journal of Government and Economics 7, no. 2 (December 17, 2018): 154–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/ejge.2018.7.2.4423.
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The current surge of populism in Europe and the United States calls for further analysis using public choice tools. In this article, populism is modelled as a deviation from the normal state of the median voter theorem. This study adds to the public choice literature by proposing a model of populism which is suited, not only to left-wing populism, but also to other forms of populism prevalent in Europe and the United States today. It is argued that, due to changes in the assumptions underpinning the median voter theorem, the operation of the model can be modified, and as a result surges of populism occur. Those assumptions concern: the political spectrum; the distribution of ideological preferences; sociological, psychological and historical factors; political party competition; and extreme political preferences. It is shown that the current peak of populism in Europe and the United States can be explained through a simultaneous change in all of these aspects, leading to a “perfect storm” of populism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Public speaking – Political aspects – United States"
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Lo, Bianco Joseph. "Officialising language : a discourse study of language politics in the United States." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020902.101758/index.html.
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Rood, Jason Alexander. "Public Participation in Emergency Management." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/333.
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With disasters increasing in frequency and costs each year, this study seeks to explore ways greater public participation can assist emergency managers in their mission to keep communities safe. Specifically this study examines the policy process and administrative functions of emergency management to illuminated the benefits and hindrances involved in greater participation. This study conducted a qualitative analysis of governmental documents, disaster case studies, international research, as well as political science and administrative doctrines, to arrive at its conclusions. The results of this study reveal that the public is a largely untapped resource in the emergency management field. Engaging the public dialogically in early policy stages and emergency management phases is essential to successful inclusion for both administrators and communities. Specifically, public inclusion creates expanded knowledge, shared learning, personal responsibility, and increased social capital. Faced with the growing threat from disasters, emergency management can create communities that are both more resilient and sustainable by increasing public participation.
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Seed, Barbara. "Food security in Public Health and other government programs in British Columbia, Canada : a policy analysis." Thesis, City University London, 2011. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1173/.
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Public Health has re-emerged as a driver of food security in British Columbia. Food security policy, programs and infrastructure have been integrated into the Public Health sector and other areas of government, including the adoption of food security as a Core Public Health program. This policy analysis of the integration merges findings from forty-eight key informant interviews conducted with government, Civil Society, and food supply representatives involved in the initiatives, along with relevant documents and participant/direct observations. Findings were analyzed according to “contextual”, “diagnostic”, “evaluative” and “strategic” categories from the Ritchie and Spencer framework for Applied Policy Research. While Civil Society was the driver for food security in British Columbia, Public Health was the driver for the integration of food security into the government. Public Health held most of the power, and often determined the agenda and the players involved. While many interviewees heralded the accomplishments of the incorporation of food security into Public Health, stakeholders also acknowledged the relative insignificance of the food security agenda in relation to other “weightier”, competing agendas. Conflict between stakeholders over approaches to food insecurity/hunger existed, and it was only weakly included in the agenda. Looking to consequences of the integration, food security increased in legitimacy within the Public Health sector over the research period. Interviewees described a clash of cultures between Public Health and Civil Society occurring partly as a result of Public Health’s limited food security mandate and inherent top down approach. Marginalization of the Civil Society voice at the provincial level was one of the negative consequences resulting from this integration. A social policy movement toward a new political paradigm - “regulatory pluralism” - calls for greater engagement of Civil Society, and for all sectors to work together toward common goals. This integration of food security into the government exemplifies an undertaking on the cutting edge in progress toward this shift. Recommendations for stakeholders in furthering food security within the government were identified. These include the development of food security policy alternatives for current government agendas in British Columbia, with a focus on health care funding, Aboriginal health and climate change.
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Longshore, Renee Michelle. "The rhetoric of state assessment: Educational politics in the public school system." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2721.
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In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.
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Smuts, Lize-Marie. "Social Networking Sites as a New Public Sphere: Facebook and its Potential to Facilitate Public Opinion as the Function of Public Discourse – A Case Study of the 2008 Obama Campaign." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4209.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.In the 17th and 18th centuries the bourgeois public sphere emerged as the conceptual space between the public, with its enclosed institutions and organisations, and the circle of the private life. It is within this more or less autonomous space that public discourse took place and public opinion, as a function of public discourse, was produced. The public sphere was realised as a necessary precondition of deliberative democracy where it needed to manifest commitments to freedom and equality in the communicative interaction between those partaking in the deliberative process. Since the 17th and 18th centuries, the public sphere has undergone various transformations and, even though it is largely argued that the utopian public sphere as conceptualised by Habermas does not yet exists, it is regarded as a necessary precondition that all democracies should strive towards. Since the 19th century, media has been one of the main intermediary institutions of the public sphere. Initially, the earlier mass media of press and broadcasting were regarded as adequate and beneficial for the conduct of democratic politics and the facilitation of public opinion in the public sphere. Information flow was, however, vertical and the heightened commercialisation experienced within the media market lead to the neglect of democratic communication roles between the public itself and the leaders, institutions and organisations. These forms of mass communication thus limited access and discouraged active political participation and deliberative dialogue within the public sphere. In the 20th and 21st centuries, new media, especially the internet, have been hailed as a potential way to break away from the vertical information flow and to create new arenas for public discourse. One emerging contending form of new media is social networking sites (SNSs). Even though SNSs were not initially developed for political reasons, they have been utilised by political figures in an attempt to broaden voter reach and to enhance their campaigns. Amongst the SNSs available on the internet, Facebook has emerged as the largest, fastest growing and most popular SNS amongst internet users between the ages of 18 and 24 in the world. In the past, this age demographic has shown a disinterest in politics and has thus been recognised as the previously politically disengaged age demographic. American president Barack Obama realised the potential of Facebook and incorporated it in his new ii media campaign during the presidential election of 2008. Facebook enabled Obama to expand his voter reach and communicate with the previously politically unengaged age demographic. It also enabled him to create an arena where political information regarding the candidate, campaign and relevant political issues can be provided. This opened a communication flow between Facebook members and the president. Arenas for public discourse were also established and the potential of Facebook to facilitate public opinion was realised. In this study, the question is asked whether Facebook, as a SNS, can be seen as an adequate forum where public discourse takes place and public opinion, as the function of public discourse, is facilitated. This study will therefore aim to explore whether a Facebook, as SNS, can be seen as a public sphere. With the help of a case study of the 2008 Obama campaign, Facebook has shown the potential to allow for public discourse to take place. Thus the notion of Facebook as facilitator of public opinion is supported by this study.
Die burgerlike openbare sfeer, as die konseptuele area tussen die publiek, met sy ingeslote instellings en organisasies, en die private lewe, het sy ontstaan vanuit die 17de en 18de eeu. Dit is binne hierdie min of meer outonome area waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en waar openbare mening, as ʼn funksie van die openbare diskoers, geproduseer word. Die openbare sfeer is ʼn noodwendige voorvereiste van ʼn beraadslagende demokrasie waar dit nodig is om verbintenisse tot vryheid en gelykheid in die kommunikasie interaksie tussen die wat aan die beraadslagingsproses deelneem, te manifesteer. Die openbare sfeer het verkeie omvormings ondergaan en, al word daar geargumenteer dat die utopiese openbare sfeer soos deur Habermas gekonseptualiseer nog nie bereik is nie, word dit as ʼn noodsaaklike vereiste waarna enige demokrasie moet streef, gesien. Sedert die 19de eeu word media as een van die hoof intermediêre instellings van die openbare sfeer beskou. Die drukpers en uitsaaipers was aanvanklik voldoende en voordelig vir die bedryf van demokratiese politiek en die fasilitering van openbare mening in die openbare sfeer. Die vloei van inligting was egter vertikaal en die verhoogde kommersialisering van die mediamarkte het tot die afskeep van demokratiese kommunikasierolle tussen die publiek self en die leiers, instellings en organisasies gelei. Hierdie vorms van massakommunikasie het dus toegang tot, en die aktiewe deelname in die politieke en beraadslagende dialoog binne die openbare sfeer beperk en ontmoedig. Gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeue is nuwe media, veral die internet, as ʼn potensiële manier om van die eenrigting kommunikasievloei weg te breek en nuwe arenas vir openbare diskoers te skep, erken. Sosiale Netwerkingswebtuistes (SNWs) is een van die opkomende kompeterende vorms van nuwe media. Selfs al was SNWs aanvanklik nie vir politieke doeleindes ontwikkel nie, was dit wel deur die politieke figure, in ʼn poging om kiesersomvang te verbreed en om hul veldtogte uit te brei, gebruik. Onder die SNWs wat op die internet beskikbaar is, het Facebook as die grootste, vinnigste groeiende en gewildste onder die internetgebruikers tussen die ouderdom van 18 en 24 jaar in die wêreld ontstaan. In die verelede het hierdie jaargroep belangeloos teenoor politiek opgetree en was hulle sodoende as die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep erken. Die Amerikaanse president, Barack Obama, het die iv potensiaal van Facebook besef en dit in sy nuwe-media veldtog gedurende die 2008 verkiesing ingesluit. Facebook het Obama in staat gestel om se kiesersomvang te verbreed en om veral met die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep te kommunikeer. Dit het hom ook in staat gestel om ʼn arena te skep waar politieke inligting oor die kandidaat, veldtog en ter saaklike inligting aan Facebook-lede beskikbaar gestel is. Dit het ʼn vloei van kommunikasie tussen Facebook-lede en die president geskep. Arenas waar openbare diskoers kon plaasvind, is ook skep en die potensiaal van Facebook om openbare mening te fasiliteer, is besef. In hierdie studie word die vraag gestel of Facebook, as ‘n SNW, as ‘n genoegsame forum waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en openbare mening as ‘n funksie van openbare diskoers gefasiliteer word, dien. Hierdie studie poog derhalwe om ondersoek in te stel of Facebook, as SNW, as ‘n openbare sfeer erken kan word. Met behulp van die gevallestudie aangaande die 2008 Obama veldtog, blyk dit dat Facebook die potensiaal het om openbare diskoers te fasiliteer. Die idee dat Facebook ʼn fasiliteerder van openbare mening is, word derhalwe deur hierdie studie ondersteun.
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Webb, Rebecca. "Diminished Democracy? Portland Radio News/Public Affairs After the Telecom Act of 1996." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/157.
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News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.
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Keyes, Laura Marie. "Age Friendly Cities: The Bureaucratic Responsiveness Effects on Age Friendly Policy Adoption." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984140/.
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Challenging a long-held attachment to the medical model, this research develops a cultural model placing local governments at the center of policy making and refocusing policy attention on mobility, housing, the built environment and services. To examine the phenomenon of age friendly policy adoption by cities and the magnitude of adoption, a 21-question web-based survey was administered to a sample of 1,050 cities from the U.S. Census having a population over 10,000 and having at least 14% of their population aged 65 years and over. The goal of the questionnaire was to help identify what kind of policy objectives cities establish to facilitate the opportunity for older adults to live healthy and independent lives in their communities as they age. Multiple linear and ordinal regression models examined the likelihood of policy action by cities and provide evidence as to why some cities support more age friendly policy actions than others. Evidence illustrates theoretical advancement providing support for a cultural model of aging. The cultural model includes multiple factors including bureaucratic responsiveness reflected in the management values of the administration. Findings show variation in the integration of a cultural awareness of aging in the municipality's needs assessment, strategic goals, citizen engagement strategies, and budgetary principles. Cities with a cultural awareness of aging are more likely to adopt age friendly policies. Findings also provide support for the argument that the public administrator is not the driving sole factor in decision making. A shared spaced with mobilized citizen need of individuals 65 and over is identified.
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Parks, Ryan William. "Rhetorical strategies of legitimation : the 9/11 Commission's public inquiry process." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2470.
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This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.
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Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections." Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
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This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election.
All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5).
Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral.
A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.
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Cosand, Kalistah Quilla. "Black and Blue and Read All Over: News Framing and the Coverage of Crime." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1793.
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This study explores the representation of crime in the news in relation to expressed emotion and intention for future action. Episodic and thematic framing (Iyengar, 1991) and narrative processing (Singer & Bluck, 2001) served as the theoretical foundations of this study and helped examine how scripted news stories involving crime influence levels of fear, anger, and empathy in individuals, and how these emotions subsequently affect behaviors. To measure these framing effects, an experimental manipulation was employed using three conceptually different news stories all involving gun-related crimes. One news story utilized an episodic format, while the other two stories used a thematic format (one positive and one negative). Emotional responses, levels of narrative engagement, policy support, perceived risk of victimization, and pro-social behavioral intentions were measured, all based on exposure to the specific type of news frame. The results of this study indicated that while types of news frames did not have a direct effect on readers' emotions, there was a significant relationship between emotions and future actions. For example, fear, anger, and empathy were significant predictors of perceived risk of victimization, policy support, and pro-social behavioral intentions, respectively. These findings contribute to the understanding of the role emotions play in predicting behavior, both within and beyond the scope of message framing.
Books on the topic "Public speaking – Political aspects – United States"
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The essential American: A patriot's resource, 25 documents and speeches every American should own. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2010.
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Rayside, David M. Queer inclusions, continental divisions: Public recognition of sexual diversity in Canada and the United States. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007.
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Private lives/public consequences: Personality and politics in modern America. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2005.
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Social reference groups and political life. Lanham: University Press of America, 1995.
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Grasso, Christopher. A speaking aristocracy: Transforming public discourse in eighteenth-century Connecticut. Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 1999.
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Historians in public: The practice of American history, 1890-1970. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.
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Elizabeth, Theiss-Morse, ed. Congress as public enemy: Public attitudes toward American political institutions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
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Shabazz, Julian L. D. The United States of America vs. hip-hop. Hampton, Va: United Bros. Pub. Co., 1992.
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Institute for International Economics (U.S.), ed. Why does immigration divide America?: Public finance and political opposition to open borders. Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2005.
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Baarda, Rachel, and Rocci Luppicini. "Shaping Digital Democracy in the United States." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 213–31. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6122-6.ch014.
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Ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society are a core focus within the field of technoethics. Over the last few years, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama's campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study's results are explored in this chapter.
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Oleshko, V. F., and E. V. Oleshko. "Model Approach to the Digital Transformation of Media." In Mass media as a mediator of communicative and cultural memory, 343–434. Ural University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/b978-5-7996-3074-4.5.
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During the crisis periods of modern times, it was seen that the changes in the vectors of practical activity are not only related to the economic sphere of Russia and many other countries but the trends that form the communications market in general and the mass media, in particular, are transformed to the greatest extent. This was especially evident in the first half of 2020 when the world was overwhelmed by the coronavirus pandemic, and digital technologies defined the essence and prospects of not only professional or interpersonal relations but also the sphere of politics, economics and culture. Therefore, it is logical that in the fifth and final part of the monograph “Mass Media as a Mediator of Communicative-Cultural Memory”, the authors described and systematized the ways of transformation of communicative-cultural memory, characteristic for “analogue” and “digital” generations of the mass audience, as well as highlighted the actual problems of forming the priorities of personal awareness of their socio-cultural identity. It is shown that the model of effective transmission of communicative-cultural memory to the “digital” generation, developed based on theoretical analysis and empirical data obtained during a decade, differs from other social models primarily by such essential elements as creative and technological and dialogic components of everyday work of subjects of information activity. It is they who determine the effectiveness of generational mutual influence through the media, acting as a mediator. At the same time, the hypothesis that mass media consumers are considered to be of different generation groups is confirmed. It is proved that the rapid and irreversible process of the global Network expansion has transformed many executive intents of the power structures of society in the majority of vital spheres not only socio-political, economic, professional, educational, etc. of individuals’ activity, but, first of all, in the socio-cultural sphere formed by the resources of the communicative memory of the nation. On the example of the mass media of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug and the Russian-speaking press of the United States, it is also proved that one of the features of the modern development of multicultural countries and regions, as well as individual societies included in them, is the use of a strategy of ethnocultural neo-traditionalism, which is most often reflected in the actualization of historical memory and potential of the past, in focusing on artefacts characterizing certain aspects of communicative-cultural memory, in ethnocultural consolidation, in reproduction, “invention” and “promotion” of traditions, etc. The study concludes that the effective functioning of the media as a mediator of communicative-cultural memory, especially in the context of its transmission to the “digital” generation, involves the use of modelling principles not only to plan but also to predict the effectiveness of this activity. Since the social and managerial approach to the problem of generational mutual influence under conditions of permanent technological transformations is the least studied in media theory, the authors have fixed the basic elements of the model of development of regional journalism of the digital age in the context of professional culture. These include self-organization of the media community, mobilization and activation of public authorities’ resources, public control through the media and citizen journalists over the effectiveness of criticism of the region’s power structures, changes in the system of journalism training and media education, and some others.
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Baldwin, Nicholas, and Amy Lynn Fletcher. "Asteroid Futures." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 291–301. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6772-2.ch020.
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This chapter evaluates the emerging industry of asteroid mining and the pivotal role of the United States in shaping the new rules for an extra-terrestrial economy. The Outer Space Treaty 1967 (OST) governs the use of space, with over 100 signatories, including the United States and China. However, as space exploration expands to encompass both public and private stakeholders, there is a growing international debate about whether the OST's provisions prohibit the assertion of sovereignty and, hence, property rights, in outer space. With the Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act (2015), the United States has pursued a legal framework that facilitates commercial asteroid mining and a political strategy that focuses on bilateral space exploration agreements with countries such as Luxembourg, Italy, and the United Arab Emirates. Due to its dominant position in the space sector, the United States will strongly influence the regulatory roadmap for the era of Space 2.0.
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Hochschild, Jennifer L., and Nathan Scovronick. "Public Schools in the New America." In American Dream and Public Schools. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195152784.003.0012.
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THE LANDSCAPE OF PUBLIC SCHOOLING in the United States has changed dramatically over the past 40 years, in part because of substantial movement toward the collective goals of education. Schools are more racially integrated than before Brown v. Board of Education; desegregation continues to contribute to the growth of the black middle class. Levels of school funding are higher than a generation ago, and in many states funding is more equitable across districts. Children with severe disabilities spend more of their days in the mainstream; children with subtle learning problems are increasingly identified and helped; parents have the legal right either to challenge the separation of children with disabilities or to demand special services for them. Most English language learners get at least some help in making the transition to English-speaking classes. Dropout rates have declined for whites and for blacks (although not for Hispanics). NAEP scores are higher in many subjects in most grades, with the greatest gains being made by black students. Most states have adopted standards and are developing curricula and professional development programs to bring those standards into the classroom; some states have shown demonstrable improvement in student learning as a consequence. Schools are increasingly sensitive to students from varied religious and ethnic backgrounds, and curricula are more multicultural. Ability grouping is more flexible than it used to be, more students have access to Advanced Placement classes, more take a reasonably demanding curricula, and more attend college. Through it all, despite concerns and disagreements, Americans have sustained their commitment to public schooling. While conflicts over education policy remain serious and policy irrationality persists, policy and practice have changed in ways that bring the ideology of the American dream closer to reality. These developments took place mostly in a context of economic stability (or even great prosperity) that made it relatively easy to dedicate more resources to public education. Broader political, social, and demographic developments, beginning with civil rights protests, also strongly affected them. Yet schools would not have moved toward greater quality, equality, and inclusiveness unless enough Americans believed deeply in the American dream and expected public education to foster the institutions and practices needed both to promote the pursuit of individual dreams and to keep democracy vital.
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Lovell, Stephen. "Introduction." In How Russia Learned to Talk, 1–20. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199546428.003.0001.
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The introduction considers the place of the spoken word in Russian history, presenting a pre-history of rhetoric and oratory in Russia before the 1860s. Examples are drawn from sermons, literature, theatre, and the universities, as well as from the political practice of Russia’s rulers. The introduction goes on to explain the significance of public speaking in Russia’s ‘stenographic age’, highlighting the challenges of modern mass politics and communications. It further offers comparisons between Russian political culture and the political culture of Britain, Germany, and the United States, paying particular attention to the place of oratory in the political imagination. It concludes by outlining the structure and rationale of the book.
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Burch, Patricia, Andrew L. LaFave, and Jahni M. A. Smith. "Corporate elites and the student identity market." In Corporate Elites and the Reform of Public Education. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447326809.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses in on the relationships between corporate elites in the United States and two distinct aspects of that emerging landscape: a large not-for-profit firm called inBloom that stored and analyzed student data and a smaller not-for-profit firm called Geo Listening that monitors students’ public social media profiles for negative behavioural indicators. Companies rise (Geo Listening) and fall (inBloom), and we identify the contribution of how and why elite managers operate within the political context in which business operates. We examine the interplay of corporate and political elites, and we note the shift towards more regulation. The implications of this are examined, and while we recognise the dynamics of technology and corporate investment, we also conclude by asking in whose best interests are these firms acting, and who benefits most from their involvement in public education.
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Lind, Colene J. "Democratic Deference in a Republican Primary." In Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies, 99–119. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-5003-9.ch006.
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U.S. political culture holds everyday citizens to be efficacious and sovereign, while elected elites are to be their public servants. Politicians draw on this cultural truth by speaking in a deferential style. This chapter examines the various registers of the language of deference in the 2012 Republican presidential primary and argues that this lexicon produces a tone that rhetorically constructs hierarchical social roles between citizens and leaders. This chapter finds that the candidates were more likely to speak appreciatively when hailing the citizenry but with accommodation and obligation when calling upon political leaders. The chapter concludes by considering how further study of the language of deference could improve leader-citizen relations in the United States.
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Bell, Duncan. "Anglospheres: Empire Redivivus?" In The Anglosphere, 38–55. British Academy, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266618.003.0003.
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This chapter will explore the similarities and differences between late nineteenth-century debates on the British settler Empire and more recent visions of the Anglosphere. It suggests that the idea of the Anglosphere has deep roots in British political thought. In particular, it traces the debates over both imperial federation and Anglo-American union from the late nineteenth century onwards into the post-Brexit world. I examine three recurrent issues that have shaped arguments about the unity and potential of the ‘English-speaking peoples’: the ideal constitutional structure of the community; the economic model that it should adopt; and the role of the United States within it. I conclude by arguing that the legacy of settler colonialism, and an idealised vision of the ‘English-speaking peoples’, played a pivotal role in shaping Tory Euroscepticism from the late 1990s onwards, furnishing an influential group of politicians and public intellectuals, from Thatcher and Robert Conquest to Boris Johnson and Andrew Roberts, with an alternative non-European vision of Britain’s place in the world.
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Berry, S., and R. Woods. "Personal Report of Intercultural Communication Apprehension." In Handbook of Research on Electronic Surveys and Measurements, 364–66. IGI Global, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-792-8.ch053.
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The Personal Report of Intercultural Communication Apprehension (PRICA) (Neuliep & McCroskey, 1997) measures the fear people experience when interacting with others from different cultural groups. PRICA was developed by Neuliep and McCroskey who assessed that because intercultural interaction in the United States is unavoidable, communication apprehension arising form an interethnic context is more acute than other forms of communication fear. PRICA is a derivative of the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension (PRCA-24) (McCroskey, 1982), which measures communication anxiety in situational contexts (i.e., dyadic, small group, meeting, or public speaking). Intercultural communication anxiety is considered a subcategory of general communication apprehension. The 14-item PRICA instrument is a version of McCroskey’s original 24-item Likert-type PRCA instrument. While PRCA is one of the most widely accepted measures of trait communication apprehension, the PRICA instrument—designed to fit intercultural aspects—is considered more specific in its definitions than the PRCA.
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"Epilogue." In Writing Revolution, edited by Christopher J. Castañeda and Montse Feu, 277–80. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042744.003.0017.
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The essays in this volume trace the development of Spanish-language anarchist print culture in relation to the United States. As a whole, these chapters provide a historical and ethno-linguistic, rather than national, perspective on how Spanish-language anarchist print culture responded to social struggles, economic oppression, and political repressions. Despite such obstacles, anarchist periodicals, writers, editors, correspondents, couriers, distributors, and readers established networks for the maintenance and furtherance of transoceanic and transnational flows of information and culture, and they established a level of solidarity among Spanish-speaking peoples promoting social revolution. It might seem reasonable to doubt the overall significance of this network in the United States or its ability to gain widespread public acceptance, but it was, in fact, the perseverance of the anarchist Ideal manifest in print culture (now including digital print) that exhibits the continuity of the struggle for social justice in the modern age, as well as its resistance to assimilation into dominant politics and cultures. The influence of Hispanic thinkers, writers, readers, and operatives in this narrative is undeniable and should be recognized as an integral component of U.S. society, culture, and history....