Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Public speaking – Political aspects – United States'

With disasters increasing in frequency and costs each year, this study seeks to explore ways greater public participation can assist emergency managers in their mission to keep communities safe. Specifically this study examines the policy process and administrative functions of emergency management to illuminated the benefits and hindrances involved in greater participation. This study conducted a qualitative analysis of governmental documents, disaster case studies, international research, as well as political science and administrative doctrines, to arrive at its conclusions. The results of this study reveal that the public is a largely untapped resource in the emergency management field. Engaging the public dialogically in early policy stages and emergency management phases is essential to successful inclusion for both administrators and communities. Specifically, public inclusion creates expanded knowledge, shared learning, personal responsibility, and increased social capital. Faced with the growing threat from disasters, emergency management can create communities that are both more resilient and sustainable by increasing public participation.

Public Health has re-emerged as a driver of food security in British Columbia. Food security policy, programs and infrastructure have been integrated into the Public Health sector and other areas of government, including the adoption of food security as a Core Public Health program. This policy analysis of the integration merges findings from forty-eight key informant interviews conducted with government, Civil Society, and food supply representatives involved in the initiatives, along with relevant documents and participant/direct observations. Findings were analyzed according to “contextual”, “diagnostic”, “evaluative” and “strategic” categories from the Ritchie and Spencer framework for Applied Policy Research. While Civil Society was the driver for food security in British Columbia, Public Health was the driver for the integration of food security into the government. Public Health held most of the power, and often determined the agenda and the players involved. While many interviewees heralded the accomplishments of the incorporation of food security into Public Health, stakeholders also acknowledged the relative insignificance of the food security agenda in relation to other “weightier”, competing agendas. Conflict between stakeholders over approaches to food insecurity/hunger existed, and it was only weakly included in the agenda. Looking to consequences of the integration, food security increased in legitimacy within the Public Health sector over the research period. Interviewees described a clash of cultures between Public Health and Civil Society occurring partly as a result of Public Health’s limited food security mandate and inherent top down approach. Marginalization of the Civil Society voice at the provincial level was one of the negative consequences resulting from this integration. A social policy movement toward a new political paradigm - “regulatory pluralism” - calls for greater engagement of Civil Society, and for all sectors to work together toward common goals. This integration of food security into the government exemplifies an undertaking on the cutting edge in progress toward this shift. Recommendations for stakeholders in furthering food security within the government were identified. These include the development of food security policy alternatives for current government agendas in British Columbia, with a focus on health care funding, Aboriginal health and climate change.

In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
In the 17th and 18th centuries the bourgeois public sphere emerged as the conceptual space between the public, with its enclosed institutions and organisations, and the circle of the private life. It is within this more or less autonomous space that public discourse took place and public opinion, as a function of public discourse, was produced. The public sphere was realised as a necessary precondition of deliberative democracy where it needed to manifest commitments to freedom and equality in the communicative interaction between those partaking in the deliberative process. Since the 17th and 18th centuries, the public sphere has undergone various transformations and, even though it is largely argued that the utopian public sphere as conceptualised by Habermas does not yet exists, it is regarded as a necessary precondition that all democracies should strive towards. Since the 19th century, media has been one of the main intermediary institutions of the public sphere. Initially, the earlier mass media of press and broadcasting were regarded as adequate and beneficial for the conduct of democratic politics and the facilitation of public opinion in the public sphere. Information flow was, however, vertical and the heightened commercialisation experienced within the media market lead to the neglect of democratic communication roles between the public itself and the leaders, institutions and organisations. These forms of mass communication thus limited access and discouraged active political participation and deliberative dialogue within the public sphere. In the 20th and 21st centuries, new media, especially the internet, have been hailed as a potential way to break away from the vertical information flow and to create new arenas for public discourse. One emerging contending form of new media is social networking sites (SNSs). Even though SNSs were not initially developed for political reasons, they have been utilised by political figures in an attempt to broaden voter reach and to enhance their campaigns. Amongst the SNSs available on the internet, Facebook has emerged as the largest, fastest growing and most popular SNS amongst internet users between the ages of 18 and 24 in the world. In the past, this age demographic has shown a disinterest in politics and has thus been recognised as the previously politically disengaged age demographic. American president Barack Obama realised the potential of Facebook and incorporated it in his new ii media campaign during the presidential election of 2008. Facebook enabled Obama to expand his voter reach and communicate with the previously politically unengaged age demographic. It also enabled him to create an arena where political information regarding the candidate, campaign and relevant political issues can be provided. This opened a communication flow between Facebook members and the president. Arenas for public discourse were also established and the potential of Facebook to facilitate public opinion was realised. In this study, the question is asked whether Facebook, as a SNS, can be seen as an adequate forum where public discourse takes place and public opinion, as the function of public discourse, is facilitated. This study will therefore aim to explore whether a Facebook, as SNS, can be seen as a public sphere. With the help of a case study of the 2008 Obama campaign, Facebook has shown the potential to allow for public discourse to take place. Thus the notion of Facebook as facilitator of public opinion is supported by this study.
Die burgerlike openbare sfeer, as die konseptuele area tussen die publiek, met sy ingeslote instellings en organisasies, en die private lewe, het sy ontstaan vanuit die 17de en 18de eeu. Dit is binne hierdie min of meer outonome area waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en waar openbare mening, as ʼn funksie van die openbare diskoers, geproduseer word. Die openbare sfeer is ʼn noodwendige voorvereiste van ʼn beraadslagende demokrasie waar dit nodig is om verbintenisse tot vryheid en gelykheid in die kommunikasie interaksie tussen die wat aan die beraadslagingsproses deelneem, te manifesteer. Die openbare sfeer het verkeie omvormings ondergaan en, al word daar geargumenteer dat die utopiese openbare sfeer soos deur Habermas gekonseptualiseer nog nie bereik is nie, word dit as ʼn noodsaaklike vereiste waarna enige demokrasie moet streef, gesien. Sedert die 19de eeu word media as een van die hoof intermediêre instellings van die openbare sfeer beskou. Die drukpers en uitsaaipers was aanvanklik voldoende en voordelig vir die bedryf van demokratiese politiek en die fasilitering van openbare mening in die openbare sfeer. Die vloei van inligting was egter vertikaal en die verhoogde kommersialisering van die mediamarkte het tot die afskeep van demokratiese kommunikasierolle tussen die publiek self en die leiers, instellings en organisasies gelei. Hierdie vorms van massakommunikasie het dus toegang tot, en die aktiewe deelname in die politieke en beraadslagende dialoog binne die openbare sfeer beperk en ontmoedig. Gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeue is nuwe media, veral die internet, as ʼn potensiële manier om van die eenrigting kommunikasievloei weg te breek en nuwe arenas vir openbare diskoers te skep, erken. Sosiale Netwerkingswebtuistes (SNWs) is een van die opkomende kompeterende vorms van nuwe media. Selfs al was SNWs aanvanklik nie vir politieke doeleindes ontwikkel nie, was dit wel deur die politieke figure, in ʼn poging om kiesersomvang te verbreed en om hul veldtogte uit te brei, gebruik. Onder die SNWs wat op die internet beskikbaar is, het Facebook as die grootste, vinnigste groeiende en gewildste onder die internetgebruikers tussen die ouderdom van 18 en 24 jaar in die wêreld ontstaan. In die verelede het hierdie jaargroep belangeloos teenoor politiek opgetree en was hulle sodoende as die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep erken. Die Amerikaanse president, Barack Obama, het die iv potensiaal van Facebook besef en dit in sy nuwe-media veldtog gedurende die 2008 verkiesing ingesluit. Facebook het Obama in staat gestel om se kiesersomvang te verbreed en om veral met die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep te kommunikeer. Dit het hom ook in staat gestel om ʼn arena te skep waar politieke inligting oor die kandidaat, veldtog en ter saaklike inligting aan Facebook-lede beskikbaar gestel is. Dit het ʼn vloei van kommunikasie tussen Facebook-lede en die president geskep. Arenas waar openbare diskoers kon plaasvind, is ook skep en die potensiaal van Facebook om openbare mening te fasiliteer, is besef. In hierdie studie word die vraag gestel of Facebook, as ‘n SNW, as ‘n genoegsame forum waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en openbare mening as ‘n funksie van openbare diskoers gefasiliteer word, dien. Hierdie studie poog derhalwe om ondersoek in te stel of Facebook, as SNW, as ‘n openbare sfeer erken kan word. Met behulp van die gevallestudie aangaande die 2008 Obama veldtog, blyk dit dat Facebook die potensiaal het om openbare diskoers te fasiliteer. Die idee dat Facebook ʼn fasiliteerder van openbare mening is, word derhalwe deur hierdie studie ondersteun.

News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.

Challenging a long-held attachment to the medical model, this research develops a cultural model placing local governments at the center of policy making and refocusing policy attention on mobility, housing, the built environment and services. To examine the phenomenon of age friendly policy adoption by cities and the magnitude of adoption, a 21-question web-based survey was administered to a sample of 1,050 cities from the U.S. Census having a population over 10,000 and having at least 14% of their population aged 65 years and over. The goal of the questionnaire was to help identify what kind of policy objectives cities establish to facilitate the opportunity for older adults to live healthy and independent lives in their communities as they age. Multiple linear and ordinal regression models examined the likelihood of policy action by cities and provide evidence as to why some cities support more age friendly policy actions than others. Evidence illustrates theoretical advancement providing support for a cultural model of aging. The cultural model includes multiple factors including bureaucratic responsiveness reflected in the management values of the administration. Findings show variation in the integration of a cultural awareness of aging in the municipality's needs assessment, strategic goals, citizen engagement strategies, and budgetary principles. Cities with a cultural awareness of aging are more likely to adopt age friendly policies. Findings also provide support for the argument that the public administrator is not the driving sole factor in decision making. A shared spaced with mobilized citizen need of individuals 65 and over is identified.

This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.

This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election. All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5). Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral. A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.

This study explores the representation of crime in the news in relation to expressed emotion and intention for future action. Episodic and thematic framing (Iyengar, 1991) and narrative processing (Singer & Bluck, 2001) served as the theoretical foundations of this study and helped examine how scripted news stories involving crime influence levels of fear, anger, and empathy in individuals, and how these emotions subsequently affect behaviors. To measure these framing effects, an experimental manipulation was employed using three conceptually different news stories all involving gun-related crimes. One news story utilized an episodic format, while the other two stories used a thematic format (one positive and one negative). Emotional responses, levels of narrative engagement, policy support, perceived risk of victimization, and pro-social behavioral intentions were measured, all based on exposure to the specific type of news frame. The results of this study indicated that while types of news frames did not have a direct effect on readers' emotions, there was a significant relationship between emotions and future actions. For example, fear, anger, and empathy were significant predictors of perceived risk of victimization, policy support, and pro-social behavioral intentions, respectively. These findings contribute to the understanding of the role emotions play in predicting behavior, both within and beyond the scope of message framing.

This thesis employed a Historical-Critical method using rhetoric and framing theory to examine the 2008 Proposition 2: Prevention of Farm Animal Cruelty Act campaigns. The Californians for Humane Farms (HSUS) and Californians for SAFE Food (CSF) were the respective proponent and opponent coalitions analyzed in this thesis. The analysis examined sixteen campaign artifacts that were examples of how the proposition was communicated to California's voting populous. In Conjunction with the appeals and frames, the message strategies were analyzed as to how they allowed the HSUS and CSF to effectively communicate with voters. By using rhetoric and framing 4 theory this analysis was able to distinguish which rhetorical appeals effectively supported the campaigns. The analysis showed that the HSUS was successful with their campaign because of well-executed rhetorical appeals that created a concise message about animal confinement and animal cruelty issues.

Many researchers argue the increasing reliance on sit/lie ordinances to regulate homeless people's use of public space is one in a suite of neoliberal policies that shape the geographies of public space in cities to serve the needs of global capital. However, these policies are developed at the local, not global, level as specific actors make claims in the public sphere that communicatively shape policy formation. Through comparative case study, this research asks, how do different actors, situated in specific local and global contexts, influence the adoption of sit/lie ordinances? I examine two cases of policymaking in Portland and San Francisco. I use discourse analytic strategies and thematic coding of newspapers, archival documents, and key informant interviews to look at policy-making processes as they occur in their political, social, and economic contexts. I focus especially on the role of language in policy-making, policy-making arenas, and actions of grassroots actors, drawing from three interdisciplinary literatures to develop an explanatory theory of policy-making. I find the four interrelated explanatory factors in policy-making were: the actors (neoliberal and right-to-the-city); the tactics they use; the policy talk they use; and the policy arenas. First, political processes provide windows of opportunity and determine arenas for political activities. The different policy arenas (citizen election, committee, council led, litigation, etc.) influence the audience that the actors care about, and thus the policy talk. Additionally, elected officials have a determining effect on which arenas they use, which in turns structures the opportunities for policy talk. Second, the arena influences the depth to which resisters can discuss the issues with the wider public and decision-makers. This may explain why the right-to-the-city frame may not have been used as much as the academic literature might suggest. Resisters find it much harder to use this framing with the general public or elected officials because it takes too much time to explain to those unfamiliar. Instead, they rely more on concepts that may be more familiar like the dependent poor and unequal impact of the law on minority groups. Third, I find local actors have different positions in the global economy, however on the local level their different avenues and strategies of involvement are due to local conditions rather than global ones. The location in the global political economy seems to be less important than local political decision making contexts and the actions of individuals who are locally powerful due to their economic status and political connections. This suggests room for resisters to use local politics to resist these ordinances, without having to take on the entire global economy. Finally, actors use different narratives to influence decision makers and each other, responding and shifting to competing frames over time. The change over time is important, as it shows how policy debates change based on influences from different actors. My findings suggest the framing of the original necessity for the policy can influence the policy trajectory, but actors can and do respond and successfully shift policy talks over time. The dissertation concludes with additional implications for grassroots practice based on these theoretical findings.

Orientadores: Reginaldo Carmello de Moraes, Armando Boito Junior
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T13:17:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Assis_Lucianode_M.pdf: 3678413 bytes, checksum: e82a69904f5cf6f20e88b07834923ef2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: o objetivo geral da presente dissertação de mestrado é explorar a ideologia política individualista contemporânea em busca de seus pressupostos, matrizes e fluxos lógicos. Para tanto assumimos o objetivo específico de sintetizar algumas das teses favoráveis ao recuo da intervenção social do Estado, recolocadas no debate político nos EUA, nas décadas de 1970 e 1980.Propostas por autores contemporâneos entre si, e por vezes conterrâneos - novayorkinos -, as teses sobre as quais nos debruçamos estão associadas em geral ao que se convencionou chamar de neoliberalismo, e de modo mais circunscrito, ao termo neoconservadorismo. Empreendemos, portanto, uma ,síntesedas idéias deste grupo sobre o papel do Estado, precedido por uma breve localização histórica do debate. Ao final do presente trabalho propomos alguns pontos de partida para futuras pesquisas que visem o avanço na compreensão dos objetivos gerais propostos acima
Abstract: The general purpose of this research is to explore the contemporary individualístic polítical ideology, to finally undertake they bases and logical fluxoTherefore was assumed as specific issue, the synthesis of some thesis that criticizes the social State (Govemment) interferences, disputed in USA, on 1970 and 1980 decades. Them authors, in general contemporaries and neighbors - citizens ofNew York City of cited decades- produced thesis associated with the term neo-liberalísm, in general, and with neo-conservatism, more precisely. In sum, was made a synthesis ofthe main idea about the social role ofthe State (Govemment), preceded by a briefhistoricallocalization ofthe debate. Finally, at the end ofthis work, was presented some hypothesis and virtual interpretation ofthis intellectual movement, as an initial starting point to other researches
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.

This study expands the body of knowledge relating to Excellence Public Relations Theory to a new area--religion communication. The project replicated portions of the survey research reported in Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002). That research, done from 1991 to 2002, involved top communicators, employees and chief executives in 327 secular organizations across the United States, United Kingdom and Canada. This project surveyed members of the Religion Communicators Council in 2006 and 2007. A second survey in 2008 sought responses to similar questions from faith group leaders who supervised respondents to the 2006-07 survey. Answers from religion communicators were compared to those of their supervisors and secular practitioners in earlier studies. Comparisons showed that religion communicators in this study were a distinct subgroup of U.S. public relations practitioners. RCC members worked primarily as communication technicians, not managers. That made them different from practitioners in the 327 secular organizations studied by Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002). Furthermore, religion communicators and their supervisors did not always agree with the way four models in Excellence Theory described different approaches to public relations. Religion communicators also did not know what their supervisors expected from them or their departments. Communicators overestimated their supervisors’ support for the press agentry/publicity and public information models of public relations. Communicators underestimated support for the two-way symmetrical and asymmetrical models. Likewise, communicators rated their contributions to the work of their faith groups lower than their supervisors did. Faith group leaders said they wanted communicators to be managers more than technicians. Top executives were looking for expert prescribers and problem-solving facilitators. Religion communicators weren’t filling those roles. This study looked for--but did not find--evidence of a common dynamic in Excellence and Church-Sect Theory. The two-way symmetrical public relations model mirrors the social interaction that turns sects into churches and contributes to membership gain or loss in the U.S. religion environment of 2008. But the faith groups of religion communicators did not influence the way they answered survey questions about various public relations models. Consequently, no link between communication practices and membership change was shown.
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This study attempts to explain reasons that underlie the positive correlation between media use and increased levels of engagement by relying upon the agenda-setting theory. The models set forth suggest the following sequence: News attention as influenced by several antecedent variables affects agenda-setting effects on the readers/viewers; in turn, agenda-setting effects trigger strong attitudes among the public and, finally, strong attitudes lead to various types of civic behaviors. The individual level of statistical analysis employed in this research is based on the 2004 ANES data along with a content analysis of stories from the New York Times and NBC’s Nightly News. Fit statistics of four models -- specifically, first-level newspaper, first-level TV, second-level newspaper and second-level TV -- indicated that all of the structural models were retainable, meaning that the hypothesized sequence reflects well the data. Especially, every direct effect along the chain - ranging from media use to agenda-setting, from agenda-setting to attitudes strength, and from attitudes strength to engagement - was significant. Indirect and total effects of agenda-setting for political and civic participation were all found to be significant. Agenda-setting effects operated as a mediator between media use and civic engagement, as hypothesized. In sum, the effects of agenda-setting may be viewed as related to both the behavioral and the cognitive levels so that: What the public thinks about something can be extended to what the public does about something.
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“Strange Bedfellows” examines how the political economy of Medicaid and hospital provision shaped the social, political, and thus material response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the United States. By doing so, this study explores the consequences of a decade-plus shift that began in the late 1960s, wherein federal, state, and local policymakers deemphasized epidemic preparedness and acute care in favor of downsized hospitals, increased outpatient services, and more “personal responsibility.” Over the course of seven chapters, the study links the transformation of Medicaid into a welfare medicine program; federal health planning’s shift from the pursuit of equality to cost-cutting; the role that anti-inflation policy played in curtailing subsidies for hospitals and clinics, which reduced access to acute care; the diminution of civil rights protections for quality healthcare; and the effects these developments had on the response to HIV/AIDS. Challenging the notion that the HIV/AIDS epidemic was unforeseen and, thus, impossible to plan for, the study demonstrates how a series of purposeful decisions by presidential administrations, Congress, state legislatures, and city officials led to chronic underinvestment in public and voluntary hospitals that served poor people and people of color. A story of the neoliberal transformation of the Medicaid program and public and voluntary safety net hospitals, this dissertation illustrates how healthcare and welfare politics intertwined from the mid-1960s to the new millennium in ways that confounded the United States’ epidemic preparedness. A healthcare system focused on chronic disease by the 1960s and cost cutting in the 1970s could not cope with an emergent infectious disease like HIV/AIDS.

by Siu Luen-wun, Wanda.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-100).
Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1-3
Chapter II --- Literature Review --- p.4-43
Chapter 2.1 --- Cognitive Priming theory --- p.4-10
Chapter 2.2 --- The Spreading-Activation Network model --- p.11-12
Chapter 2.3. --- The Semantic Network Theory --- p.13-16
Chapter 2.4 --- Cognitive Priming and the mass media --- p.16-20
Chapter 2.5 --- Links with Emotion --- p.21-34
Affect and mental Network theory --- p.24
Positive and Negative Asymmetry --- p.24-25
Affect and Memory --- p.25-27
Affect and Learning --- p.27-29
Affect and Information Processing --- p.30-34
Chapter 2.6 --- Theoretical model proposed --- p.35-38
Application of the model to the study --- p.39-43
Chapter III --- Methods --- p.44-55
Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.44-46
Chapter 3.2 --- Hypotheses --- p.47-50
Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.47
Agenda setting and priming --- p.48
Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.49-50
Competence and Integrity perception --- p.50
Chapter 3.3 --- Dependent and Independent measures --- p.51-59
Affect manipulation check --- p.51-52
Positive and negative feelings --- p.52-54
Issue Salience --- p.55
Perception of Clinton's overall performance --- p.55-56
Competence and integrity perception --- p.57-59
Chapter 3.4 --- Experimental materials --- p.60-62
Chapter 3.5 --- Pilot Test --- p.63-65
Chapter 3.6 --- Procedure --- p.66-67
Chapter IV --- Principle Analysis --- p.68-85
Chapter 4.1 --- Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.69-72
Chapter 4.2 --- Agenda setting and priming --- p.73-79
Chapter 4.3 --- Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.80-84
Chapter 4.4 --- Competence and Integrity perception of Clinton --- p.85
Chapter V --- Conclusion --- p.86-90
References --- p.91-100
Appendix --- p.101-107

by Wan Fang.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Abstract --- p.ii
Acknowledgments --- p.iii
Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3
Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27
Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36
Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44
Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57
Endnotes --- p.65
References --- p.69
Figures & Tables --- p.77

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
During the early Cold War, 1949 through 1963, the federal government, through such agencies as the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) (1950-1957), the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization (OCDM) (1958-1960), and the Office of Civil Defense (OCD) (1961-1963), regarded children and young adults as essential to American civil defense. Youth-oriented, voluntary organizations, including the Boy Scouts of America (BSA) and the Girl Scouts of the United States of America (GSUSA), assisted the federal civil defense programs by promoting civil defense messages and agendas. In this thesis, I will explore how the GSUSA and BSA translated federal civil defense policies for their Scouts. What were the civil defense messages transmitted to Scouts during the early Cold War? How were those messages disseminated? Why? What was the social impact of BSA and GSUSA involvement with civil defense on America’s evolving national ideals?

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The Ideology of Stadium Construction seeks to define the application of community power in the process of building sports stadiums. Using data culled from a literature review, this project examines the recent construction of sports venues and the political, economic, and social ideas driving their proliferation. A three dimensional approach to applied power provides a theoretical tool to illustrate and analyze the blueprint of stadium construction. Taking a more broad view of the culture of business in the United States suggests the public funding of stadium construction arching towards Antonio Gramsci’s sense of hegemony. Beyond attempting to merely define the political process driving stadium construction as a significant social problem, this project introduces potential alternatives to the organizational method currently in place.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2007.
Title from screen (viewed on June 6, 2007) Department of Sociology, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
After governing Indiana during the Civil War, Oliver P. Morton acquired great national influence as a Senator from 1867 to 1877 during Reconstruction. He advocated for African American suffrage and proper remembrance of the Union cause. When he died in 1877, political colleagues, family members, and many Union veterans recalled Morton’s messages and used the occasion to reflect on the nation’s memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction. This thesis examines Indiana’s Governor and Senator Oliver P. Morton, using his postwar speeches, public commentary during and after his life, and the public testimonials and monuments erected in his memory to analyze his role in defining Indiana’s historical memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction from 1865 to 1907. The eulogies and monument commemoration ceremonies reveal the important reciprocal relationship between Morton and Union veterans, especially Indiana members of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). As the GAR’s influence increased during the nineteenth century, Indiana members used Morton’s legacy and image to promote messages of patriotism, national unity, and Union pride. The monuments erected in Indianapolis and Washington, D. C., reflect Indiana funders’ desire to remember Morton as a Civil War Governor and to use his image to reinforce viewers’ awareness of the sacrifices and results of the war. This thesis explores how Morton’s friends, family, political colleagues, and influential members of the GAR emphasized Morton’s governorship to use his legacy as a rallying point for curating and promoting partisan memories of the Civil War and, to a lesser extent, Reconstruction, in Indiana.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Following the end of the American Civil War in 1865, thousands of Union veterans joined the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), the largest Union veterans' fraternal organization in the United States. Upwards of 25,000 Hoosier veterans were members in the Department of Indiana by 1890, including President Benjamin Harrison and General Lew Wallace. This thesis argues that Indiana GAR members met in fraternity to share and construct memories of the Civil War that helped make sense of the past and the present. Indiana GAR members took it upon themselves after the war to act as gatekeepers of Civil War memory in the Hoosier state, publicly arguing that important values they acquired through armed conflict—obedience to authority, duty, selflessness, honor, and love of country—were losing relevance in an increasingly industrialized society that seemingly valued selfishness, materialism, and political radicalism. This thesis explores the creation of Civil War memories and GAR identity, the historical origins of Memorial Day in Indiana, and the Indiana GAR's struggle to incorporate ideals of "patriotic instruction" in public school history classrooms throughout the state.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.