Academic literature on the topic 'Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus'

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Journal articles on the topic "Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus"

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Beltramini, Luca, and Marco Rocco. "LIVY ON SCIPIO AFRICANUS. THE COMMANDER'S PORTRAIT AT 26.19.3–9." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000348.

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According to Livy (26.18.3–26.19.2), in late 211 Publius Cornelius Scipio was elected priuatus cum imperio pro consule by the comitia centuriata and sent to Spain in charge of the legions formerly led by his father Publius and his uncle Gnaeus. This was the beginning of a new phase in the Hannibalic War, which would ultimately lead Rome to victory against its most dangerous enemy. As has long been recognized, Livy assigns Scipio a central role in the narrative development of the Third Decade. For most critics, this centrality coincides with (and is the result of) Livy's admiration: in his view, Scipio is the fatalis dux, the commander sent by Providence to lead Rome to victory; he is Hannibal's rival par excellence, the only leader capable of matching the enemy's military genius and blocking his relentless advance against the Republic; he is, above all, the most shining example of the Roman virtues.
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Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "The Epitaph of Publius Scipio Reconsidered." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 1 (1988): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031499.

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In her recent discussion ofILLRP311 Kirsteen Moir draws attention to the discrepancy between the epitaph's apparent claim that young Publius had before him a brilliant career, had he but survived, and the description which Cicero provides of Africanus' son, Publius, who is usually identified, with varying degrees of conviction, as the subject of this inscription. As Moir points out, the son of Africanus, though remarkably erudite, was incapacitated by poor health from achieving the military and political distinction predicted by the necrology. Within the actual text of this inscription, one might add, there is another discrepancy: the Publius here commemorated was flamen Dialis, and the taboos which restricted the daily life of the priest of Jupiter effectively barred him, regardless of his powers or inclination, from fulfilling the promise voiced by his memorial. Moir proposes a solution which will solve both problems. She suggests that thegloriato which Publius could look forward was literary celebrity. The son of Africanus, after all, composed works known and read by Cicero a century later, works which documented his literary capabilities. Such attainment was well within the grasp of the flamen Dialis. And this interpretation of the inscription, if correct, would solve both discrepancies.
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Moir, K. M. "The epitaph of Publius Scipio." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1986): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800010764.

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Quei apice insigne Dial(is fl)aminis gesistei | mors perfec(it) tua ut essent omnia | brevia, honos, fama, virtusque | gloria atque ingenium. Quibus sei | in longa licuiset tibe utier vita, | facile facteis superases gloriam | maiorum. Qua relubens te in gremiu, | Scipio, recipit terra, Publi, | prognatum Publio, Corneli.ILLRP311For you who wore the distinctive cap of a Flamen Dialis, Death cut everything short — honour, fame and virtue, glory and intellectual ability. If you had been granted a long life in which to use these advantages, you would have far surpassed the glory of your ancestors by your achievements. Therefore Earth gladly takes you in her arms, Scipio — Publius Cornelius, son of Publius.
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Farney, Gary D. "THE CORNELII AND JUPITER: A CASE STUDY IN THE MANIPULATION OF TRADITIONAL RELIGION BY AN ARISTOCRATIC ROMAN KINSHIP GROUP." Greece and Rome 70, no. 1 (2023): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383522000237.

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The Cornelii were one of the oldest and most prestigious Roman gentes, extended family kinship groups, in Republican Rome. Various members and branches advertise some kind of connection to Jupiter, Jupiter Optimus Maximus in particular, notably Scipio Africanus, but he was certainly not the only Cornelius to do so. Numismatic evidence has long suggested some kind of claimed relationship between the Cornelii and Jupiter. The Cornelian connection to the religious office of flamen Dialis (high priest of Jupiter) is more proof that their claims to be associated with Jupiter were accepted by Roman society. Some later branches of the Cornelii, notably the Sullae, began to prefer Venus instead, but a connection with Jupiter was still explicable via the genealogy of the Trojan royal house.
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Barlow, Jonathan. "SCIPIO AEMILIANUS AND GREEK ETHICS." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (2018): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000320.

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Philosophical influences in the personality and public life of Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, consul in 147 and 134b.c., were once emphasized in scholarship. In 1892, Schmekel demonstrated the reception of Stoic philosophy in the second half of the second centuryb.c.among the philhellenic members of the governing elite in general, and statesmen like Scipio Aemilianus in particular, in what he called the ‘Roman Enlightenment’. In the 1920s and 1930s, Kaerst showed influences of Stoic philosophy on Scipio, contemporary politics and the Principate to come, while Capelle and Pohlenz identified Stoic ideas in Scipio's foreign and domestic policies. Together they formed a body of scholarship which held that Scipio possessed a serious interest in philosophy which defined his character and informed his public life. In the 1960s, the challenge to this scholarship was led by Strasburger in two articles, and by Astin in his 1967 biography. Both scholars downplayed and devalued philosophical influences on Scipio and denied him the pursuit of the Greek virtuous life. They placed him within the traditions of the Roman elite, ambitious for glory and results-driven, and they have successfully formed influential views to this end, despite the critique made by Erskine. Astin remained the authoritative study of Scipio and there was much in hisRealpolitikthat scholarship found compelling, even when it allowed Scipio an attachment to Greek culture. For example, Gruen, Elvers and Badian acknowledged Scipio's interest in Greek culture and philosophy, in combination with the practices and goals of a traditional Roman aristocrat, but they placed their accent on the latter by affirming that Greek learning did not change the current of a traditional aristocratic life. The contention of this article is that the pre-Strasburger/Astin interpretation of Scipio, despite its shortcomings, was indeed correct to detect a deep current of philosophical influences on Scipio. The article argues that the evidence demonstrates that in education, character and public life Scipio was informed by the Greek moral and political tradition; that Scipio had claimed to possess the cardinal virtues, derived ultimately from Plato; and that he had acted under a moral imperative of power formulated by the Stoic philosopher Panaetius; the conclusion will address the ethical intention of Scipio.
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Loska, Elżbieta. "Jak uniknąć skazania w rzymskim procesie karnym? – kilka porad praktycznych." Acta Iuridica Resoviensia 33, no. 2 (2021): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/actaires.2021.2.6.

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The text is based on an analysis of source texts and literature on the subject related to the question of how in republican Rome a perpetrator tried to avoid the punishment prescribed for his deed. The article deals mainly with the so-called squalor practice. Its purpose was to convince the criminal court that the accused was innocent. According to tradition, the accused appeared at the trial in dark, often tattered robes, unkempt, unshaven, as if in mourning. This was to prove that the accusation was unfair and harmful. This practice is illustrated by the example of three trials: that of Publius Cornelius Scipio, Rutilius Rufus and Titus Annius Milo. The course of these trials differed a lot: the content of the accusation, the defendant’s guilt, his willingness to act in accordance with the accepted tradition, the attitude of Roman society towards it, and the consequences of not using squalor. In each of these cases, however, the accused resigned from wearing mourning robes during the trial, which was supposed to demonstrate his attitude to the charges against him.
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Kowalski, Henryk. "Spokój czy smutek? Koncepcja starości w pismach Marka Tulliusza Cycerona." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4211.

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One of the great authorities in the antiquity who wrote about old age was Marcus Tullius Cicero, the author of „Cato Maior De senectute [Cato the Elder on Old Age]”. The famous orator wrote this work in 44 BCE and dedicated it to his friend Atticus. The author himself was almost 62 years old at that time, and Atticus 65. Cicero wrote the work in a dialogue form, setting the action in 150 BCE, the speakers being Marcus Porcius Cato the Elder, who in this case presented the views of Cicero, Publius Cornelius Scipio the Younger and Gaius Laelius Sapiens. Cicero followed the example of a Greek treatise on old age, probably written by a third-century BCE Peripatetic philosopher, Aristo of Ceos. The concept of the presentation of the treatise is based on comparison of two different views on old age. In one, sorrow and anxiety are visible. Through Cato’s words, Cicero names four reasons why people regard old age as an unhappy period of life: a). it moves us away from active life; b). it weakens physical strength, c). it deprives us of all sensual pleasures, d). it is close to death. The other view, represented by Cato, disproves the ob­jections against old age, recommending calmness, activity, and moderation. Interestingly enough, apart from philosophical or medical arguments, Cicero also refers to political, religious, social and cultural aspects. The apologia for old age presented by Cicero was not always reflected in the reality. Roman sources, especially legal documents, inform about attempted suicide or euthanasia by the elderly. The fundamental reason was the condition of health and physical pain as well as mental illnesses, but the direct motive associated with old age was taedium vitae – weariness of life.
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Niccolò, Cecconi. "Panoplia Multiforme. Scudi allegorici e armature eroiche nei 'Punica' di Silio Italico." December 31, 2019. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5511156.

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Subject of Silio Italico's ‘Punica’, the longest epic poem in latin literature, is the second punic war. The poet of the flavian age follows the most important stages of those events, enriching them with episodes of the myth. In this scenario there are a countless number of symbolic objects, including shields and armor. The study, particularly, tries to offer new useful data to understand the articulated role that decorated shields and heroic armor played in the ‘Punica’ and in the imagery of the proto-imperial age.
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Špoljarić, Luka. "The 1435 Scipio–Caesar debate in Venetian Zadar and the political horizons of the first Dalmatian humanists." Renaissance Studies, January 7, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12978.

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AbstractThe controversy over the relative merits of Publius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Julius Caesar, which involved two major Italian humanists, Poggio Bracciolini and Guarino Veronese, is one of the more famous episodes from the early history of the humanist movement. It is less well known that this controversy provoked a debate in Zadar, the central city of Venetian Dalmatia, which took place in November of 1435 after the arrival of the Anconitan merchant and humanist Ciriaco Pizzicolli in the city. This paper reconstructs the Zadar debate, identifying its participants and analysing how their backgrounds and political horizons influenced their engagement with humanism and their take on the controversy. In the focus are Juraj Benja of Zadar and Petar Cipiko of Trogir, two patricians long celebrated as the pioneers of the humanist movement in Dalmatia. By exploring their lives, humanist manuscripts, letters and notes, this paper argues that the Dalmatian humanists had no less strong views on the controversy than their counterparts in Italy, and that this was the result of the Venetian war over Dalmatia with Sigismund of Luxembourg.
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Books on the topic "Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus"

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editor, Wirthensohn Simon, ed. Publius Cornelius Scipio sui victor (1741). Rombach Verlag, 2015.

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Briscoe, John. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, Publius, 'the elder'. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.1867.

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Badian, Ernst. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus (Numantinus), Publius, b. 185/184 bce. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.1866.

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Macrobius, Ambrosius Aurelius Theodosius. Opera: Macrobivs, Vol. 2. K.G. SAUR VERLAG, 1998.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. How to Think About God: An Ancient Guide for Believers and Nonbelievers. HighBridge Audio, 2019.

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Freeman, Philip, and Marcus Tullius Cicero. How to Think about God: An Ancient Guide for Believers and Nonbelievers. Princeton University Press, 2019.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius. How to Think about God: An Ancient Guide for Believers and Nonbelievers. Princeton University Press, 2019.

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Briscoe, John. Cornelius Scipio (1), Publius, Roman consul, 218 bce. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.1864.

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Briscoe, John. Cornelius Scipio (2), Publius, Roman augur and author, 180 bce. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.1865.

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Hallett, Judith P. Oratorum Romanarum Fragmenta Liberae Rei Publicae. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198788201.003.0019.

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This chapter explores the boundaries of female public speech at Rome through an analysis of a letter, preserved by Nepos, which was sent to the tribune Gaius Gracchus by his mother Cornelia. It argues that Cornelia’s words should be studied alongside fragments of spoken oratory because of the intertextual relations between this fragment and the attested oratory of both her father Scipio Africanus and her son Gaius Gracchus and because of its characteristics as a contribution to a political debate. In addition, the probable oral circumstances of the letter’s composition and its use of oratorical sound effects further decrease the distance between it and the fragmentary remains of Republican speeches.
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Book chapters on the topic "Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus"

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Champion, Craige B. "Understanding Elites’ Religious Behaviors in the Middle Roman Republic." In The Peace of the Gods. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691174853.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses some theoretical positions and methodologies in order to elucidate the religious behaviors of republican elites in the Middle Roman Republic. Using the psychological theory of cognitive dissonance, it considers what the elites were doing in creating, practicing, and maintaining the state religion. To better understand the Roman ruling elite's religious behaviors, the chapter examines the military juncture during the First Roman–Syrian War, and particularly the action of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus at a critical moment in the campaign against Antiochus III. It also looks at the tradition of Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus' supposed evocatio of “Juno Caelestis” before the fall of Carthage before concluding with an analysis of accumulative civic polytheism and the idea of a dominant-cultural paradigm, arguing that both Roman elites and nonelites were held together only sporadically and tenuously as far as religious culture went.
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Goldberg, Charles. "Criticism of Roman Men and the Conspicuously Moral Masculinity of Scipio Aemilianus." In Toxic Masculinity in the Ancient World. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399520539.003.0014.

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Charles Goldberg examines criticism of the conduct of Roman elite men in the political and military spheres during the 160’s BCE, both in prose historical works as well as on the stage. He then investigate how one politician, Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, navigated this challenging political and social environment as a young man beginning in the 160s. Publicly disavowing the typical manly traits of aggression and competition, Scipio embodied a masculine ethos marked by Greek Stoic philosophy and general moral excellence. His conduct acknowledged the validity of critiques of Roman manly conduct while distinguishing him as singularly worthy of political power.
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