Academic literature on the topic 'Pueblo Indians'

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Journal articles on the topic "Pueblo Indians"

1

Brown, Donald N., and Jill D. Sweet. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians." American Indian Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1988): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184428.

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2

Jafari, Jafar. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians." Annals of Tourism Research 13, no. 2 (1986): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(86)90050-2.

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3

Rosen, Deborah A. "Acoma v. Laguna and the Transition from Spanish Colonial Law to American Civil Procedure in New Mexico." Law and History Review 19, no. 3 (2001): 513–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744272.

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Less than two years after the United States occupied New Mexico, Acoma Pueblo accused its neighbors in Laguna Pueblo of misappropriating a painting of Saint Joseph. The Indians of Acoma claimed that they had loaned the picture to the pueblo of Laguna for the purpose of celebrating Holy Week, but Laguna had subsequently refused to return it. The large oil painting on canvas, which portrayed the standing figure of Joseph holding the baby Jesus, was said to have been sent to New Mexico by Carlos II, king of Spain from 1665 to 1700. Both pueblos claimed rightful ownership of the picture, both said that missionaries with the early Spanish conquerors had brought them the oil painting from Spain, and both asserted that the painting was necessary for their religious worship. It was believed that the painting of Saint Joseph, or San José, as he was referred to throughout the legal documents, worked miracles for its possessor. Most important to the pueblos was the belief that the painting brought life-sustaining rain to the parched agricultural lands that provided their main source of food.
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4

Huebner, Karin L. "An Unexpected Alliance: Stella Atwood, the California Clubwomen, John Collier, and the Indians of the Southwest, 1917––1934." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 3 (2009): 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.3.337.

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During the 1920s and 1930s, women's clubs in California and throughout the nation took up the cause of Indian reform. These clubwomen brought national attention to the conditions and repressive policies under which Indian peoples across the country lived. In alliance with John Collier and Pueblo Indians, California clubwomen waged effective political campaigns, agitating for Indian religious freedom, the protection of tribal lands, and Native self-determination. Commissioner of Indian Affairs under Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Collier has long been considered the major architect of reformist policies with regard to Indians, yet the clubwomen were the primary individuals motivating him to take up Indian reform. The unexpected alliance forged between John Collier, the clubwomen, and Native Americans was the effective force that brought Indian reform to the nation.
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5

Maszewski, Zbigniew. "“An Inner Comprehension of the Pueblo Indian’s Point of View”: Carl Gustav Jung’s 1925 Visit to Taos, New Mexico." Text Matters, no. 5 (November 17, 2015): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2015-0013.

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Carl Jung paid a short visit to Taos, New Mexico, in January 1925. A brief account of his stay at the Pueblo appeared in Memories, Dreams, Reflections, edited by Aniela Jaffe in 1963. Remembering his conversations with Mountain Lake (Antonio Mirabal), Jung wrote of the confrontation between the “European consciousness,” or the “European thought,” with the Indian “unconscious.” My article provides a reading of Jung’s text as a meeting ground of the aesthetic, emotional, visionary and of the analytical, rational, explanatory. Like many other European and Anglo-American visitors to Taos Pueblo, Jung rediscovers its capacity to mirror the inner needs of the visitor; he examines the significance of the encounter with the Southwestern landscape and with the Pueblo Indians’ religious views in terms of self-reflection and of the return to the mythical. As Carl Jung’s “inner comprehension” of the Pueblo Indian’s philosophy is mediated through language, aware both of its desire and its inability to become liberated from the European perspectives, Mountain Lake’s attitude towards his visitor from Switzerland remains ultimately unknown; Mountain Lake does, however, communicate his readiness to assume the archetypal role of a teacher and a spiritual guide whose insights reach beyond the confines and mystifications of language. According to Jung’s account, during this brief encounter of the two cultures, he and his Indian host experienced a sense of satisfaction and fulfillment, the sources of which, as they both understood them in their own individual ways, resided in the comprehension of universal sharing.
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6

Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, Richard V. N. Ahlstrom, and Nancy J. Parezo. "Dress and Adornment of the Pueblo Indians." KIVA 52, no. 4 (1987): 275–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.1987.11758079.

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7

Chazin-Benahum, Judith. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians. Jill Sweet." Journal of Anthropological Research 41, no. 3 (1985): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.41.3.3630603.

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8

Schillaci, Michael A., Dejana Nikitovic, Nancy J. Akins, Lianne Tripp, and Ann M. Palkovich. "Infant and juvenile growth in ancestral Pueblo Indians." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 145, no. 2 (2011): 318–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.21509.

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9

Horton, Sarah. "Where is the "Mexican" in "New Mexican"? Enacting History, Enacting Dominance in the Santa Fe Fiesta." Public Historian 23, no. 4 (2001): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2001.23.4.41.

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What are the implications of public commemorations of the Southwest's Spanish colonization, and do such celebrations sanction the conquest's continuing legacy of racial inequality? This paper examines such questions by way of an analysis of the Santa Fe Fiesta, an annual celebration of New Mexico's 1692 re-conquest from the Pueblo Indians by Spanish General Don Diego de Vargas. The Santa Fe Fiesta, which uses living actors to publicly re-enact the Pueblos' submission to Spanish conquistadors, may be analyzed as a variant of the "conquest dramas" the Spanish historically used to convey a message of Spanish superiority and indigenous inferiority. Indeed, New Mexico's All Indian Pueblo Council and its Eight Northern Pueblos have boycotted the Fiesta since 1977, and some Chicanos have complained the event's glorification of a Spanish identity excludes Latinos of mixed heritage. However, an examination of the history of the Fiesta illustrates that although it ritually re-enacts the Spanish re-conquest of New Mexico, it also comments obliquely on another--the Anglo usurpation of Hispanos' former control over the region. Although Anglo officials at the Museum of New Mexico revived the Fiesta as a lure for tourists and settlers in the early 20th-century, Hispanos have gradually re-appropriated the Fiesta as a vehicle for the "active preservation of Hispanic heritage in New Mexico." Thus an analysis of the Fiesta's history illustrates that the event conveys a powerful contemporary message; it is both part conquest theater and part theater of resistance to Hispanos' own conquest.
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10

Hinsley, Curtis M., and Jerold S. Auerbach. "Explorers in Eden: Pueblo Indians and the Promised Land." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 3 (2007): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443575.

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