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Journal articles on the topic 'Pueblos Indians'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Rosen, Deborah A. "Acoma v. Laguna and the Transition from Spanish Colonial Law to American Civil Procedure in New Mexico." Law and History Review 19, no. 3 (2001): 513–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744272.

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Less than two years after the United States occupied New Mexico, Acoma Pueblo accused its neighbors in Laguna Pueblo of misappropriating a painting of Saint Joseph. The Indians of Acoma claimed that they had loaned the picture to the pueblo of Laguna for the purpose of celebrating Holy Week, but Laguna had subsequently refused to return it. The large oil painting on canvas, which portrayed the standing figure of Joseph holding the baby Jesus, was said to have been sent to New Mexico by Carlos II, king of Spain from 1665 to 1700. Both pueblos claimed rightful ownership of the picture, both said that missionaries with the early Spanish conquerors had brought them the oil painting from Spain, and both asserted that the painting was necessary for their religious worship. It was believed that the painting of Saint Joseph, or San José, as he was referred to throughout the legal documents, worked miracles for its possessor. Most important to the pueblos was the belief that the painting brought life-sustaining rain to the parched agricultural lands that provided their main source of food.

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Horton, Sarah. "Where is the "Mexican" in "New Mexican"? Enacting History, Enacting Dominance in the Santa Fe Fiesta." Public Historian 23, no. 4 (2001): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2001.23.4.41.

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What are the implications of public commemorations of the Southwest's Spanish colonization, and do such celebrations sanction the conquest's continuing legacy of racial inequality? This paper examines such questions by way of an analysis of the Santa Fe Fiesta, an annual celebration of New Mexico's 1692 re-conquest from the Pueblo Indians by Spanish General Don Diego de Vargas. The Santa Fe Fiesta, which uses living actors to publicly re-enact the Pueblos' submission to Spanish conquistadors, may be analyzed as a variant of the "conquest dramas" the Spanish historically used to convey a message of Spanish superiority and indigenous inferiority. Indeed, New Mexico's All Indian Pueblo Council and its Eight Northern Pueblos have boycotted the Fiesta since 1977, and some Chicanos have complained the event's glorification of a Spanish identity excludes Latinos of mixed heritage. However, an examination of the history of the Fiesta illustrates that although it ritually re-enacts the Spanish re-conquest of New Mexico, it also comments obliquely on another--the Anglo usurpation of Hispanos' former control over the region. Although Anglo officials at the Museum of New Mexico revived the Fiesta as a lure for tourists and settlers in the early 20th-century, Hispanos have gradually re-appropriated the Fiesta as a vehicle for the "active preservation of Hispanic heritage in New Mexico." Thus an analysis of the Fiesta's history illustrates that the event conveys a powerful contemporary message; it is both part conquest theater and part theater of resistance to Hispanos' own conquest.

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Dueñas, Alcira. "Indian Colonial Actors in the Lawmaking of the Spanish Empire in Peru." Ethnohistory 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-4260656.

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AbstractThe foundations of the “Republic of the Indians” in the New World rested on a legal substratum that took more solid shape in the everyday interaction between indigenous subjects and the Spanish courts. Grounded in the local cabildos of some pueblos de indios in cosmopolitan areas of late colonial Peru, a higher level of legal activism that emerged was engaged in the production of laws seeking to modify well-established imperial practices of protección originally intended to assist Indian cases in courts. This essay reconstructs the genealogy of the process of law formation based on a crucial legal campaign led by Indian leaders of El Cercado in 1735 Lima aimed at substituting Spanish protectores de naturales for indigenous ones. The long-awaited legal victory of El Cercado’s native authorities demonstrates that the “República de indios” was shaped legally from below, instead of being overdetermined by the laws emanating from Madrid or the audiencias. Strategizing for the production of a real cédula, the cabildo leaders also manipulated imperial legal history and its rhetoric of “protección” as well as operated within social networks of Indians and other allies on both sides of the Atlantic and regionally in Peru.

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Jancsó, Katalin. "La llegada de Maximiliano a la tierra de los pueblos bárbaros." Acta Hispanica 13 (January 1, 2008): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2008.13.25-32.

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The author examines a specific aspect of the brief period of Maximilian's reign as the Emperor of Mexico. The spring of 1864 opened an interesting and controversial era of Mexican history. After arriving at Mexico and being proclaimed Emperor with the help of the Mexican Conservatives, Maximilian I., Archduke of Austria and Prince Royal of Hungary and Bohemia reigned in a surprisingly liberal spirit, with the principal aim of modernizing Mexico. The Mexican liberals, led by Benito Juárez, did all they could to get rid of the foreign emperor, and finally executed him the 19th of July, 1867. During his brief reign of three years, both Maximilian and his wife, the empress Charlotte of Belgium manifested profound interest in the situation of the native Indians who made up the vast majority of Mexico's population and had great expectations towards the emperor. A dedicated liberal, Maximilian considered all Mexican citizens should be granted the same rights, and adopted various measures to improve the condition of the natives, and help their integration in the Mexican nation through the process of mestizaje. The author presents the circumstances of Maximilian's arrival at Mexico, his reception, the measures introduced by the Emperor in the protection of the Indian population and the circumstances that led to the creation of the „Junta Protectora de las Clases Menesterosas”, organization representing the interests of the poor, as described in the press of the era.

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Kendall, M. Sue. "Gold's Fool and God's Country: The Coronado Craze of 1940–1941." Prospects 11 (October 1986): 311–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005421.

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In 1540, a spanish expedition led by Don Francisco Vasquez de Coronado ventured out of Mexico into what is now the American Southwest in search of the Seven Cities of Cibola and the mythical Kingdom of Quivira. The Coronado expedition wandered for two years through present-day Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, and perhaps as far as Oklahoma and Kansas in search of the elusive cities of gold before returning to Mexico, bitter and disappointed. The Spanish conquistadores had set out to find the fabled treasures of Cibola, where, it was rumored, the houses were studded with jewels and the streets were paved with gold. They found instead the source of the inflated legend-the terraced mud pueblos of the Zuñi Indians. The earlier scout, Fray Marcos, had seen them from a distant hillside glittering in the sun, and his vision had been embellished by tales of riches told by the Indians he encountered en route. Finding mud instead of gold, Coronado and his expedition became seduced by tales of yet another land to the east called Quivira, whose riches were beyond imagination and where gold and silver were as common as prairie dust. The quest for the phantom gold of Quivira led Coronado east across the Rio Grande valley and perhaps as far north as present-day Kansas. He had imagined treasures to surpass even those of the Incas in Peru. What he found was another patch of dusty Indian villages, this time made of straw instead of mud. In 1542, the Coronado venture was considered by its Spanish promoters to have been a costly and somewhat embarrassing failure.

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Schwantes, Carlos A. "Richard H. Frost. The Railroad and the Pueblo Indians: The Impact of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe on the Pueblos of the Rio Grande, 1880–1930 ." American Historical Review 121, no. 5 (December 2016): 1666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.5.1666.

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Silva, Alvaro. "Utopia ’s Best Reader." Moreana 53 (Number 205-, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2016.53.3-4.8.

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Among the many great readers of Thomas More’s Utopia, Vasco de Quiroga (c. 1488–1565) appears to be most striking, even if we don’t know when or where he read the book. The Spaniard arrived in Mexico in 1530, a few years after Hernán Cortés, sent by Emperor Charles V with full judicial powers in a land devastated by the chaos, brutality, and greed of the conquest, the native people mercilessly abused and enslaved. Almost right away, Quiroga started to give his time, talent, and treasure to create what he called a new “policy” (policía) to protect the ‘indians” from the cruelty of the conquerors. He built refuges (pueblos hospitales), islands of hospitality which he also designed for all the lands and peoples in the New World, as the best way to secure peace, protect and evangelize the populations. He would describe the “pueblos” with words and ideas from his own reading of Utopia, and More was to him a brilliant Englishman inspired by the Holy Spirit both to learn from the native people and to build a new and better Christian civilization in the new land. When Quiroga became bishop of Michoacán in 1536, he must have felt the first real bishop of More’s Utopia. This paper intends to show that this qualifies him as the Utopia’s best reader.

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Ducker, James H. "The Railroad and the Pueblo Indians: The Impact of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe on the Pueblos of the Rio Grande, 1880–1930 . By Richard H. Frost." Western Historical Quarterly 47, no. 4 (July 28, 2016): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whw132.

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Sims, Christine P. "Review: The Railroad and the Pueblo Indians: The Impact of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe on the Pueblos of the Rio Grande 1880–1930 by Richard H. Frost." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 3 (2018): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.3.536.

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MARTINS, MARIA CRISTINA BOHN. "Jesuítas e índios nas “Missões Austrais”: uma experiência na pampa argentina (século XVIII) * Indians and jesuits in the “Austral Missions”: an experience on the “pampa argentina” in the eighteenth century." História e Cultura 3, no. 2 (September 22, 2014): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v3i2.1250.

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<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> A missão por redução foi uma prática amplamente utilizada pelos padres da Companhia de Jesus em suas intervenções junto às sociedades indígenas. As condições em que se originaram e desenvolveram estes “pueblos de indios” contudo, conheceram particularidades relacionadas, entre outras coisas, às características particulares dos grupos abordados. Este texto analisa as missões constituídas junto aos índios “pampas e serranos” da campanha bonaerense nos meados do século XVIII, procurando refletir sobre a conjuntura em que elas foram projetadas e sobre as circunstâncias do seu insucesso.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>:<strong> </strong>Redução –<strong> </strong>Missões Austrais – Indígenas – Fronteira.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> The mission by reduction was a practice widely used by the priests of the Society of Jesus on their interventions among indigenous societies. The conditions in which these “settlements of Indians” were originated and developed, however, knew particularities related to, among other things, the specific characteristics of the approached groups. This paper analyzes the missions constituted among the Indians “pampa” and “serranos” of the Buenos Aires’ countryside along the XVIII century, seeking to ponder on the conjuncture in which they were projected and the circumstances of their failure.</p><p><strong> Keywords:</strong> Reduction – Austral Missions – Indigenous – Frontier.</p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; mso-pagination: none; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-autospace: none;"><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-font-family: Georgia; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> </span></p>

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Reff, Daniel T. "An Alternative Explanation of Subsistence Change during the Early Historic Period at Pecos Pueblo." American Antiquity 58, no. 3 (July 1993): 563–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282115.

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In a recent article, Spielmann et al. (1990) cited Spanish abuse of Indian labor and food stores as a major cause of dietary change at Pecos Pueblo. Of equal or greater significance were Old World diseases, which reduced the population of Pecos and other Pueblos and which necessarily impacted subsistence strategies.

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De Orellana Sanchez, Juan Carlos. "De la crítica a la reforma. Pensamiento político, económico, y visión de reino en las denuncias indianas de corrupción (s. XVII)." Historia Y MEMORIA, no. 19 (July 18, 2019): 67–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/20275137.n19.2019.8524.

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A partir del estudio de denuncias extrajudiciales formuladas desde Lima, Puebla, Loja y Potosí contra los excesos de los virreyes, sus criados, y otras autoridades; y de tratados jurídico-políticos, este artículo estudia la redefinición de la idea de corrupción en los reinos de indias, y contribuye al entendimiento del significado y características de la corrupción en el mundo hispánico del siglo XVII. Al hacerlo, revela que los individuos e instituciones de ciudades indianas fueron clave en la expansión y refinamiento del concepto “corrupción” lo que, a su vez, llevó a un cambio en la práctica y cultura políticas a nivel local-americano y de la corona. Esto se materializó en el cambio de la legislación indiana para respaldar a los grupos locales, sancionar a quien sirvió mal, y regular las potestades y desempeño de los principales representantes de la corona en Indias. Tan importante como eso, el discurso de corrupción generado en América incluyó la reflexión de cómo debía funcionar económicamente un reino indiano y a proponer reformas para controlarlo.

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13

Sierra, Maria Teresa, and Orlando Aragón. "LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS Y LOS DESAFÍOS DEL DERECHO EN CONTEXTOS NEOLIBERALES: Entre el uso estratégico, el despojo y la criminalización." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 7, no. 2 (December 20, 2013): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v7i2.10020.

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El año 2000 supuso un momento de una gran esperanza para amplios sectores sociales de México. La derrota electoral que sufrió ese año el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que gobernó al país durante más de setenta años, parecía augurar nuevos aires al anquilosado Estado mexicano, una supuesta apertura para la construcción de relaciones más igualitarias con sectores sociales históricamente marginados, en especial con los indígenas, y en general lo que algunos grupos veían como el florecimiento, por fin, de una cultura cívica arraigada en prácticas democráticas y en el multipartidismo.Esta expectativa, sin embargo, pronto se desvaneció; no sólo no se produjeron los cambios esperados, sino que se profundizaron y sofisticaron las prácticas anti-democráticas del viejo régimen; así como la marginación y exclusión económica a causa de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales que comenzaron con los últimos gobiernos del PRI. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas las acotadas reformas constitucionales del 2001, que les reconocieron derechos de libredeterminaciòn y autonomía, pronto mostraron sus límites al acompañarse de reglamentaciones que redujeron los alcances de los derechos reconocidos y que se acompañaron de políticas dirigidas a fomentar la privatización de las tierras indígenas y a facilitar la incursión del capital transnacional en zonas con recursos naturales atractivos a la demanda del capitalismo mundial.---INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE LAW IN NEOLIBERAL CONTEXT: Between strategic use, dispossession and criminalization.The year 2000 marked a time of great hope for many social sectors in Mexico. The electoral defeat, that happened this year, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled the country for over seventy years, seemed to herald new life to the stagnant Mexican state, an alleged opening to the construction of more egalitarian relationships with historically marginalized social sectors, especially with the Indians, and in general, with what some groups saw as the flourishment of a civic culture rooted in democratic practices and in a multiparty system.These expectations soon faded, however; not only did it not produce the expected changes but it sophisticated and deepened anti-democratic practices of the old regime; as well as helped economic exclusion and marginalization because of the radicalization of neoliberal policies that began with the previous PRI governments. For indigenous peoples the bounded constitutional reforms of 2001, which recognized their rights of free self determination and autonomy, soon showed its limits accompanied by regulations that reduced the scope of rights granted and which were accompanied by policies to promote privatization of indigenous lands and to facilitate the incursion of transnational capital in areas with attractive natural resources to the demand of world capitalism.keywords: indigenous people, neoliberalism, violence.

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Sánchez Lauro, Sixto. "La Organización Municipal en la América Hispana. Los “Pueblos de Indios”." Precedente. Revista Jurídica 10 (June 1, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18046/prec.v10.2446.

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El dominio español sobre los vastos territorios americanos exigió una poderosa acción poblacional y su efectiva fijación al territorio. Se crearon en los siglos XVI y XVII nuevos asentamientos que habían de urbanizarse y dotarse de una configuración jurídico-pública. El nacimiento del municipio, de claras raíces castellanas medievales, se adaptará a la variedad indiana, contemplándose un paralelismo institucional, fruto de la segregación de la república de los españoles y la república de los indios. Frente al intervencionismo regio, inmovilizador en los órganos concejiles de la metrópoli, la municipalización en los Reinos de Indias generó un Derecho local vivo, con una importante participación e implicación popular, tanto en los cabildos de las ciudades y villas de los españoles, como en los cabildos de los pueblos de indios. La reagrupación de la población indígena para facilitar su «civilización», a través de la figura de la reducción, había iniciado un proceso de constitucionalidad municipal, que le permitió adquirir naturaleza jurídica de pueblo, con su organización y gobierno propio.

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Schevlll, Margot Blum. "Books Noted:To Weave and Sing: Art, Symbol, and Narrative in the South American Rain Forest.;Life in the Pueblos.;The Zuni Man-Woman.;Shelter.;Ceremonial Costumes of the Pueblo Indians: Their Evolution, Fabrication, and Significance in the Prayer Drama." Museum Anthropology 16, no. 2 (June 1992): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mua.1992.16.2.65.

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Maszewski, Zbigniew. "“An Inner Comprehension of the Pueblo Indian’s Point of View”: Carl Gustav Jung’s 1925 Visit to Taos, New Mexico." Text Matters, no. 5 (November 17, 2015): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2015-0013.

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Carl Jung paid a short visit to Taos, New Mexico, in January 1925. A brief account of his stay at the Pueblo appeared in Memories, Dreams, Reflections, edited by Aniela Jaffe in 1963. Remembering his conversations with Mountain Lake (Antonio Mirabal), Jung wrote of the confrontation between the “European consciousness,” or the “European thought,” with the Indian “unconscious.” My article provides a reading of Jung’s text as a meeting ground of the aesthetic, emotional, visionary and of the analytical, rational, explanatory. Like many other European and Anglo-American visitors to Taos Pueblo, Jung rediscovers its capacity to mirror the inner needs of the visitor; he examines the significance of the encounter with the Southwestern landscape and with the Pueblo Indians’ religious views in terms of self-reflection and of the return to the mythical. As Carl Jung’s “inner comprehension” of the Pueblo Indian’s philosophy is mediated through language, aware both of its desire and its inability to become liberated from the European perspectives, Mountain Lake’s attitude towards his visitor from Switzerland remains ultimately unknown; Mountain Lake does, however, communicate his readiness to assume the archetypal role of a teacher and a spiritual guide whose insights reach beyond the confines and mystifications of language. According to Jung’s account, during this brief encounter of the two cultures, he and his Indian host experienced a sense of satisfaction and fulfillment, the sources of which, as they both understood them in their own individual ways, resided in the comprehension of universal sharing.

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Huebner, Karin L. "An Unexpected Alliance: Stella Atwood, the California Clubwomen, John Collier, and the Indians of the Southwest, 1917––1934." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 3 (August 1, 2009): 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.3.337.

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During the 1920s and 1930s, women's clubs in California and throughout the nation took up the cause of Indian reform. These clubwomen brought national attention to the conditions and repressive policies under which Indian peoples across the country lived. In alliance with John Collier and Pueblo Indians, California clubwomen waged effective political campaigns, agitating for Indian religious freedom, the protection of tribal lands, and Native self-determination. Commissioner of Indian Affairs under Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Collier has long been considered the major architect of reformist policies with regard to Indians, yet the clubwomen were the primary individuals motivating him to take up Indian reform. The unexpected alliance forged between John Collier, the clubwomen, and Native Americans was the effective force that brought Indian reform to the nation.

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Liang, Shiau Bo. "Una llamada por la justicia medioambiental en El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo de José María Arguedas // A Call for Environmental Justice in José María Arguedas's El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 9, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2018.9.2.2285.

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Resumen Este artículo muestra cómo en su novela El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo, José María Arguedas combina su voz de autor con la de figuras míticas antiguas para hacer un alegato más poderoso por la justicia ambiental a favor de los pueblos indígenas en el contexto de la industrialización del Perú moderno. A diferencia de sus anteriores novelas realistas Yawar fiesta, Los ríos profundos y Todas las sangres, que tienen una visión más antropológicamente descriptiva de los indios y sus relaciones con los pueblos colonizadores, esta novela se encuadra dentro del realismo mágico y se centra en el paraíso perdido de Chimbote, una ciudad costera. La imagen que Arguedas nos ofrece de la ciudad explotada como una mujer caída es una crítica profética, que confirma los principios del discurso de Val Plumwood y otras ecofeministas contemporáneas. Este narrador reinterpreta la figura mítica del héroe burlador (trickster) a través de una actualización literaria de los zorros míticos de la cultura Moche con el fin de crear una forma moderna de pensamiento mitológico. A través del diálogo entre dos zorros, el novelista es capaz de trascender el tiempo y el espacio para brindar a los lectores una amplia perspectiva ecocrítica del transcurso de la degradación ambiental y social que la industrialización desenfrenada produce en el Perú del siglo XX.Abstract This paper argues that in El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo, José María Arguedas combines his authorial voice with ancient mythical figures to make a powerful call for environmental justice for indigenous peoples in the context of the industrialization of modern Peru. Unlike his previous realistic novels Yawar fiesta, Los ríos profundos and Todas las sangres, which have a more anthropologically descriptive view of Indians and their relations to the colonizing peoples, this novel adopts magic realism and is about the lost paradise of Chimbote, a coastal city. Arguedas’ image of the exploited city as a fallen woman is a prescient critique, which confirms tenets of the discourse of Val Plumwood and other contemporary ecofeminists. Although the mythical “zorros” from the highlands and the lowlands are derived from Moche culture and other Peruvian legends, in his new myth recreated in their dialogue, the “zorros” become “trickster heroes” in a modern age with their mythic voices. Through their dialogue, Arguedas is able to transcend time and space to give the readers a broad eco-critical perspective of the course of environmental and social degradation under rampant industrialization in 20th century Peru.

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Kowii, Ariruma. "Sociedades diversas y educación." Revista Iberoamericana de Educación 26 (May 1, 2001): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35362/rie260978.

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Las sociedades, las culturas, en cualquier época, siempre tuvieron interés por el conocimiento. Los pueblos del continente Appia Yala (América), no fueron la excepción; nuestros pueblos, y en particular el pueblo kichwa, también se preocuparon por desarrollar su sistema de aprendizaje, su sistema educativo. Consolidada la invasión española en el Tawantinsuyu, se institucionaliza la estructura colonial. El sistema social, político, económico, educativo, etc, persigue los mismos fines de quienes lideraron la conquista: evangelizar, reproducir los parámetros culturales de España. El sistema se caracteriza por promover principios excluyentes, homogeneizantes; … nace de la negación del otro, con un sesgo segregacionista que precautela la hegemonía de los invasores, y para ello se institucionalizan conceptos que dejan marcada la distancia que debe existir entre el español, el mestizo, el indio y el negro. Cinco siglos de intentar imponer su hegemonía, de lograr la asimilación de las comunidades indias, y pese a que a su servicio estuvieron la iglesia, la ley y las armas, sus propósitos no se hicieron realidad y los pueblos indios han logrado zambullirse y salir a flote manteniendo su identidad cultural.

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Wessel, Thomas R., and James A. Vlasich. "Pueblo Indian Agriculture." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443385.

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Hurt, R. D. "Pueblo Indian Agriculture." Journal of American History 93, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486143.

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Ortiz, Simon J., Evelyn Dahl Reed, and Peter Blue Cloud (Arpmoawentate). "Coyote Tales from the Indian Pueblos." American Indian Quarterly 16, no. 4 (1992): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185336.

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Frost, Richard H., and Joe S. Sando. "Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History." Journal of American History 80, no. 3 (December 1993): 1046. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080429.

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Iverson, Peter, Joe S. Sando, and Regis Pecos. "Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History." American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (October 1993): 1309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166760.

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Garrett, David T. "“In Spite of Her Sex”: The Cacica and the Politics of the Pueblo in Late Colonial Cusco." Americas 64, no. 4 (April 2008): 547–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0045.

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In October, 1797, theindios principalesof the Andean pueblo of Muñani appealed to the royal court in Cusco to depose their governor, orcacica, Doña María Teresa Choquehuanca. Not challenging hereditary Choquehuanca rule, they instead focused on María Teresa's incompetence and her sex, complaining of “the miseries that we have suffered with [her] inappropriate entry into thecacicazgo,” adding that “on account of her distinct sex she should by justice be deposed, because she is not worthy of so estimable an office.” That office was central to the indigenous politics of colonial Peru, the legal and administrative ordering of which placed most of the Indian population in relatively autonomous, land-owning “pueblos de indios” over which the cacique, responsible for collecting the crown's tribute and maintaining order, presided as something between a chief and a lord. As the village leaders in a parallel, popular tradition that reserved its authority for men, Muñani's principales asserted that this bastion of elite indigenous authority ought not be held by a woman. But they made clear that it sometimes was: María Teresa had governed Muñani for five years. Nor was she alone. Cacicas governed pueblos andayllusthroughout the Andes, and it was quite common for the husbands of cacical heiresses to rule in their names.

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Komisaruk, Catherine. "All in a Day's Walk? The Gendered Geography of Native Migration in Colonial Chiapas and Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 423–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8349851.

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Abstract The census records of some Indian towns (pueblos de indios) in colonial Chiapas and Guatemala present a puzzle: remarkably uneven gender ratios. This article explores gendered migration as a possible explanation. Previous studies show that the labor markets of colonial Latin American cities attracted mainly female migrants, and this article hypothesizes that people were more likely to migrate if they could make the trip between dawn and dusk. I use Google Maps, as well as colonial writings, to estimate travel times between a sample of Indian pueblos and their closest colonial cities. I then analyze gender ratios in census records from those pueblos. The results suggest that Indian pueblos with large male majorities were generally within a day's walk of a colonial city. Presumably, the male majorities indicate high rates of female out-migration for work in the cities. The article's conclusion discusses impacts that gendered out-migration likely had on sending communities.

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Jafari, Jafar. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians." Annals of Tourism Research 13, no. 2 (January 1986): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(86)90050-2.

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Brown, Donald N., and Jill D. Sweet. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians." American Indian Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1988): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184428.

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Koehler, Lyle, Sylvio Acatos, and Barbara Fritzemeier. "Pueblos: Prehistoric Indian Cultures of the Southwest." American Indian Quarterly 18, no. 4 (1994): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185410.

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Creamer, Winifred, Maximilien Bruggmann, Sylvio Acatos, and Barbara Fritzemeier. "Pueblos: Prehistoric Indian Cultures of the Southwest." Ethnohistory 39, no. 3 (1992): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482309.

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King, J. C. H. "Clay People:Clay People: Pueblo Indian Figurative Traditions.;Clay People: Pueblo Indian Figurative Traditions." American Anthropologist 102, no. 2 (June 2000): 337–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2000.102.2.337.

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32

González Leyva, Alejandra. "Los centros de estudios y colegios dominicos de la época novohispana." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2013): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.353.

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Resumen:Este texto tiene como protagonistas a siete edificios novohispanos fundados en el siglo XVI que funcionaron como centros de estudios. Se trata de los conventos dedicados a Santo Domingo en las ciudades de españoles de México, Puebla y Oaxaca y los de Oaxtepec y Yanhuitlán, establecidos en pueblos de indios, así como los colegios de San Luis de la Puebla y de Portaçoeli de la ciudad de México. Palabras clave: colegios dominicos, época novohispana, siglo XVI, México, Puebla, Oaxaca, Oaxtepec, Yanhuitlán.**********************************************************The study centers and the Dominican schools in the novohispanic period Abstract:This text has as protagonists the seven novohispanic buildings founded in the 16th century which functioned as Study centers. It’s about the convents built to Saint Domingo in the Spanish cities of Mexico, Puebla and those of Oaxaca and Yanhuitlan; they were stablished in the Indian towns, as well as the colleges of Saint Louis of Puebla and of Portaçoeli of theMexico city. Key words: Dominican colleges, novohispanic period, 16th century, Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca, Oaxtepec, Yanhuitlan.**********************************************************Os centros de studos e colégios dominicos da época novohispanaResumo:O presente texto tem como protagonistas sete edifícios novo-hispanos fundados no século XVI que funcionaram como centros de estudos. Trata-se dos conventos dedicados a Santo Domingo nas cidades de espanhóis de México, Puebla e Oaxaca e os de Oaxtepec e Yanhuitlán, estabelecidos nos povos de índios, assim como os colégios de San Luis de la Puebla e de Portaçoeli da cidade do México. Palavras chave: colégios dominicos, época novo-hispana, século XVI, México, Puebla, Oaxaca, Oaxtepec, Yanhuitlán.

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Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, Richard V. N. Ahlstrom, and Nancy J. Parezo. "Dress and Adornment of the Pueblo Indians." KIVA 52, no. 4 (January 1987): 275–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.1987.11758079.

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Batkin, Jonathan, and Kate Peck Kent. "Pueblo Indian Textiles: A Living Tradition." American Indian Quarterly 9, no. 2 (1985): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184590.

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Welch, Peter, and Kate Peck Kent. "Pueblo Indian Textiles: A Living Tradition." African Arts 19, no. 2 (February 1986): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336335.

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36

Gerdes, Jeffrey S., and Shirley Murphy. "Cystic Fibrosis in Pueblo Indian Children." Clinical Pediatrics 24, no. 2 (February 1985): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000992288502400209.

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37

Chazin-Benahum, Judith. "Dances of the Tewa Pueblo Indians. Jill Sweet." Journal of Anthropological Research 41, no. 3 (October 1985): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.41.3.3630603.

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38

Schillaci, Michael A., Dejana Nikitovic, Nancy J. Akins, Lianne Tripp, and Ann M. Palkovich. "Infant and juvenile growth in ancestral Pueblo Indians." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 145, no. 2 (April 5, 2011): 318–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.21509.

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39

Gram, John Reynolds. "The Consequences of Competition: Federal Boarding Schools, Competing Institutions, Pueblo Communities, and the Fight to Control the Flow of Pueblo Students, 1881–1928." History of Education Quarterly 55, no. 4 (November 2015): 460–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12136.

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Samuel M. Cart, superintendent of the recently opened federal boarding school in Santa Fe, New Mexico, sat down at his desk in September 1891 to write the commissioner of Indian affairs regarding his recent recruiting tour through the pueblos under his jurisdiction. The recruiting trip was in preparation for the first full school year of Santa Fe Indian School's (SFIS's) existence. Though Cart had only recently arrived, his would-be pupils belonged to communities who had lived in the region for over millennia. The Pueblos among whom Cart had just traveled had established successful agricultural committees in the arid region and developed complex social and cultural means to order and influence the world that Cart's countryman now called the American Southwest. And for generations, they had educated their children in order that their communities would survive. Now Cart, and men and women like him, had traveled to the Southwest to convince the Pueblos (and other Native American groups) that their way of life was inferior, their social–cultural complex was immoral, and their methods for educating their children were insufficient.

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Warburg, Aby, and Sibylle Muller. "Images du territoire des indiens pueblos en Amérique du nord." Vacarme 18, no. 1 (2002): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vaca.018.0085.

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Jacobs, Margaret D. "Making Savages of Us All: White Women, Pueblo Indians, and the Controversy over Indian Dances in the 1920s." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 17, no. 3 (1996): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3346887.

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42

Acosta, Maria Luisa. "El Impacto de la Ley del Gran Canal Interoceánico de Nicaragua sobre Pueblos Indígenas y Afrodescendientes del País." Wani 71 (October 24, 2016): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/wani.v71i0.2941.

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Este artículo analiza el impacto de la Ley del Gran Canal Interoceánico de Nicaragua en torno a los derechos humanos de los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes, tomando en cuenta el contenido del régimen legal sui generis de los pueblos indígenas y afro descendientes. También presenta las acciones legales presentadas por estos pueblos ante la Corte Suprema de Justicia de Nicaragua y sus resultados. Finalmente analiza las consecuencias inmediatas, incluidas las afectaciones a los recursos naturales, para los pueblos y autoridades de los territorios rama y kriol y las acciones presentadas por éstos ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH).Wani Vol.71 2016 pp.13-22Nicaragua ra Gran Canal Interoceánico Laka Kahbanka taka bui kuntri bilara indian kiamka nani bara afro descendiente nani iwi ba mapara diara taki tanka ba Naha ulbanka piska na Nicaragua ra Gran Canal Interoceanico Laka kahbanka taka bui diara taki tanka ba laki kaikisa indian kiamka nani bara afro descendiente nani kaina pyua wina ban raitka bri nani lalka tanka ra. Baku sim naha kiamka nani na Nicaragua Corte Suprema de Justicia mawan ra La kahbanka daukan nani baku sim dia takan nani ba saki marikisa . Tnata last ra lika taura dia takan ba laki kaikisa naha tilara paskanka yuyaka ban bara nani sauhkanka yan ba .kiamka nani ra baku sim rama bara kriol nani tasbaya piska ta upla nani ra sauhkanka yaban ba dukiara baku sim Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) mawan ra la kahban nani ba.Nicaragua sauni pasyak indian sulani dawi sulani uk balna saunina munah sau sahwi was yamnin lâni niningkauh kalahna kidi Rawasna bin adika Nicaragua sauni pasyak sau sahwi was yamnin lâni niningkauh kalahna kidi indian dawak afro sulani balna ramhnina tanit dakwa kaluduhna kaupak, indian dawak Afro sulani yalahwa lâni karak laihwi talwi. Sulani balna adika Nicaragua sauni lâ laihwi talwa pâni Corte Suprema de Justicia yak wauhninataya ahana balna kidi dawak nangnitlana balna diyayana kidi bik duduwi. Witwa yak laih Rama dawi Kriol balna niningkauh dutnini kalahwarang kidi, kaput bik ritsni balna daukalwarang kidi dawak tunan muihni balna Comision Interamericana de Derecho Humano CIDH yak wauhnataya ahana balna kidi laihwi talwi.

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43

Hinsley, Curtis M., and Jerold S. Auerbach. "Explorers in Eden: Pueblo Indians and the Promised Land." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443575.

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Meyer, C. J. "Explorers in Eden: Pueblo Indians and the Promised Land." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094674.

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45

Snow, Janeanne T., and Mary B. Harris. "Disordered eating in South-western Pueblo Indians and Hispanics." Journal of Adolescence 12, no. 3 (September 1989): 329–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-1971(89)90083-3.

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46

Michele Suina. "Reflections of a Pueblo Indian Health Educator: Weaving Pueblo Worldview into Health Education." Journal of American Indian Education 55, no. 3 (2016): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/jamerindieduc.55.3.0072.

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47

De Marco, Barbara. "Voices from the Archives, Part 1: Testimony of the Pueblo Indians in the 1680 Pueblo Revolt." Romance Philology 53, no. 2 (January 2000): 375–448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rph.2.304354.

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48

Social ONU, Consejo Económico. "Proyecto de Declaración Universal sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas." Estudios Latinoamericanos 1, no. 2 (September 14, 1994): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cela.24484946e.1994.2.49694.

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El Consejo Económico y Social de la Organización de los Naciones Unidos autorizó en mayo de 1982 a la Subcomisión de Prevención de la Discriminación y Protección a las Minorías a formar el Grupo de Trabajo sobre Poblaciones Indígenas. Desde entonces dicho grupo se reúne anualmente en Ginebra Suiza, con distintas organizaciones indias, Organismos no Gubernamentales y otras instancias interesadas.

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Hodgson, Selvano Ervin. "Significado de la naturaleza desde la cosmovisión del pueblo Rama en las comunidades de Indian River y Punta de Águila del territorio Rama – Kriol." Ciencia e Interculturalidad 26, no. 01 (June 29, 2020): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rci.v26i01.9889.

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La investigación sobre el Significado de la naturaleza desde la cosmovisión del pueblo Rama en las comunidades de Indian River y Punta de Águila del territorio Rama – Kriol, para el fortalecimiento de la identidad cultural del pueblo rama fue realizada en el 2018 principalmente en las comunidades de Bangkukuk y Indian River , San Juan de Nicaragua. La investigación, ha identificado y documentado los conocimientos de las prácticas de la cultura, ha propuesto estrategias para la incorporación de estos valores culturales en el currículo de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe para el pueblo rama.La investigación socio-culturalmente y los saberes del pueblo rama como: los conocimientos ancestrales, cultura, costumbre, historia y tradiciones, su modo de entender el mundo y el sentido de su vida; entonces se procuran nuevas creencias y prácticas, que formarán con el tiempo la forma de vida del pueblo rama, de las nuevas experiencias y conocimientos de la sociedad, cambio dialecticos que los identifican a causa de sus necesidades de adaptación a la naturaleza y otro por la influencia de otros grupos sociales que establecen contacto con otras comunidades . Asimismo, la práctica de los mismos conocimientos ancestrales, de esta forma fortalecer la identidad cultural del pueblo rama en su territorio.

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Offutt, L. "Negotiation within Domination: New Spain's Indian Pueblos Confront the Spanish State." Ethnohistory 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 433–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-1537038.

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