Academic literature on the topic 'Puerto Rican tody'

Displacement has marked the individual and collective lives of Puerto Ricans in Chicago, especially those who migrated in the 1950s and 1960s. For these older persons, the arrival of the gentry and the yuppies of yesterday, the hipsters of today, and the disappearance of familiar faces in their current neighborhoods are not new phenomena, but rather parts of a profoundly familiar process. They came of age in displacement. Today some Puerto Rican older adults have achieved housing security and are able to age in place because they live in low-income senior housing. Yet a sense of displacement still looms large in their daily lives with the upscaling of and new-build gentrification in their current neighborhood. This work sheds light on the meaning of place for older adult Puerto Ricans who have experienced what psychiatrist and urban studies scholar Mindy T. Fullilove calls a history of “serial displacement.” Through life history narratives and ethnographic snapshots, this paper highlights the neglected reality of “aging in displacement,” or the experience of growing up and growing older in a context of repeated socio-spatial dislocation and how individual and collective life histories of community upheaval texture the spatial and social meanings of place.

It has been over a hundred years since the U.S. took control of Puerto Rico. In that time, the way in which the U.S. perceived Puerto Rico has changed from a colony requiring Americanisation to, in the 1950s, its showcase of democracy in the Caribbean, to today, an island that still retains geopolitical importance for the U.S., but represents an increasing economic burden. The failure of Operation Bootstrap, as the Puerto Rican industrialization program was known, resulted in permanent large-scale unemployment, with a population dependent on federal transfers for a living, and a constant source of migration to the mainland, where over half of Puerto Ricans now live. I shall trace the outline of these three stages in U.S. hegemony over Puerto Rico, and argue that throughout the U.S. Congress was reluctant to fully incorporate Puerto Rico, because its population was deemed racially and socially inferior to that of the mainland. Though the removal of Spain from Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines was considered part of the its ‘manifest destiny’, the United States never intended to incorporate these people so different from the U.S. as part of the American nation, as was done with its earlier acquisitions in Texas, Alaska or even Hawaii.

Gentrification today spreads and deepens in US cities. In this paper we examine the progentrification rhetoric and tactics confronted by the second largest Puerto Rican community in the United States, Chicago's Humboldt Park. Three points are documented in this current case. First, real-estate capital and the media now target and script Puerto Rican youth bodies to communicate a new gentrification-sanitizing theme: a disgust for ‘ghetto’ morals and social order. Second, this coding of bodies involves a key process, taking readers to imaginary spaces in discourse. Third, possibilities to thwart gentrification exist but organizing strategies are ineffective in that they fail to confront the politics of youth bodying. The results shed light on one of the ascendant strategies of capital to restructure Spanish-speaking neighborhoods and a subset of them, Puerto Rican communities.

This paper pulls from historical accounts of the activities of the Young Lords Organization and draws connections to theories on nationalism, community, and Black Radicalism in the 20th century. Addressing the development, triumphs, and limitations of the Young Lords Organization (also known in New York City as the Young Lords Party) in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the authors examines the assumptions that lead to the rise of the Young Lords, and the political environment that resisted their agenda. As Puerto Ricans living on the mainland, the Young Lords held a unique position as a colonized multiracial people, despite borrowing ideologically from the Black Panthers and contributing as members of the Rainbow Coalition. The author discusses the radical and nationalist social movement discourse the Young Lords engaged with, which was accessible to many disenfranchised groups but uniquely targeted for the Puerto Rican experience. Lastly, the authors explores how the Young Lords implemented community development techniques in order to navigate the political and social climate of the United States in the sixties and seventies, and the conditions that would need to exist today in order for their programs to succeed in our modern world.

Costa Rica, pequeño país ubicado en el extremo sur de la América Central, se suponeque debe su nombre a la riqueza natural que observaron los españoles a la llegada a sus costasdurante el cuarto viaje que Cristóbal Colón realizó a las Américas en 1502. Cuando el AlmiranteCristóbal Colón arribó a las costas del Caribe costarricense al mediodía del 25 de septiembrede 1502 fondeo en la isleta denominada por los nativos como Quiribirí frente a un pueblollamado Cariay. Por la frondosidad y rica flora de la isleta el Almirante la llamo la Huerta,pero posteriormente pasaría a llamarse La Uvita. El sitio ubicado frente a la isleta luego seríadenominado Limón en honor al único limonero que había en toda la zona. Este nombre apareceoficialmente a partir de octubre de 1852 cuando a través de un decreto se habilita el puerto,lugar que paso a denominarse oficialmente Puerto Limón (González, 1999:302-303; Azofeifa,1986:121). Sin embargo, en uno de los escritos de León Fernández, según Eduardo Azofeifa,aparece información interesante sobre un personaje llamado Miguel de Limón, hijo de un talPablo Limón, oriundo de Puerto Llano, quien emigra de España en 1575, lo cual a todas luces,pareciera ser, es mera coincidencia pues sería demasiada remota la posibilidad de que el nombredel cantón de esta región caribeña de Costa Rica proceda de ese personaje, lo que no desmerecehacer aquí su mención.

Amazon parrots (Amazona spp.) colonized the islands of the Greater Antilles from the Central American mainland, but there has not been a consensus as to how and when this happened. Today, most of the five remaining island species are listed as endangered, threatened, or vulnerable as a consequence of human activity. We sequenced and annotated full mitochondrial genomes of all the extant Amazon parrot species from the Greater Antillean (A. leucocephala (Cuba), A. agilis, A. collaria (both from Jamaica), A. ventralis (Hispaniola), and A. vittata (Puerto Rico)), A. albifrons from mainland Central America, and A. rhodocorytha from the Atlantic Forest in Brazil. The assembled and annotated mitogenome maps provide information on sequence organization, variation, population diversity, and evolutionary history for the Caribbean species including the critically endangered A. vittata. Despite the larger number of available samples from the Puerto Rican Parrot Recovery Program, the sequence diversity of the A. vittata population in Puerto Rico was the lowest among all parrot species analyzed. Our data support the stepping-stone dispersal and speciation hypothesis that has started approximately 3.47 MYA when the ancestral population arrived from mainland Central America and led to diversification across the Greater Antilles, ultimately reaching the island of Puerto Rico 0.67 MYA. The results are presented and discussed in light of the geological history of the Caribbean and in the context of recent parrot evolution, island biogeography, and conservation. This analysis contributes to understating evolutionary history and empowers subsequent assessments of sequence variation and helps design future conservation efforts in the Caribbean.

En Costa Rica los ecosistemas de manglar se distribuyen a lo largo de la costa pacífica desde Puerto Soley hasta la desembocadura del río Coto Colorado. En la península de Nicoya, el sector más importante lo constituyen los bosques de mangle del sistema estuarino del rio Tempisque y parte del golfo de Nicoya, abarcando una gran superficie que se extiende a lo largo de las márgenes de tal sistema estuarino: desde el río Bolsón hasta el estero Cabo Blanco, en el límite del sector interno del golfo, incluyendo una vasta franja que varía en anchura, desde pocos metros hasta cerca de seis kilómetros, como los manglares de estero Letras. Los impactos directos e indirectos sobre tales bosques anegados los lesiona: contaminación por agroquímicos, la transformación del uso del suelo en las zonas interiores aporta sedimentos y residuos químicos, y también es negativa la creciente actividad turística en la zona de litoral abierto de la península, basada en un desorde-nado uso de la zona marítimo-terrestre. A todo ello debe sumarse el efecto del cambio climático.

Este artículo se enfoca en un análisis de las transformaciones sociales y culturales que ha tenido el territorio del Centro Histórico de Puerto Limón, explorando los valores patrimoniales y simbólicos del mismo y reflexionando sobre el proceso de patrimonialización que ha tenido. Se analizan las razones por las cuales esta ciudad podría considerarse patrimonial, así como los procesos de su construcción social y discursiva. Además, se investiga sobre su valor histórico, social y simbólico, estético y paisajístico, y científico. El área de estudio comprende treinta cuadras que presentan veinte de los veintiocho patrimonios declarados en toda la provincia. Sin embargo, en este caso es toda la ciudad la que se analiza como “objeto patrimonial”, entendiendo patrimonio como un fenómeno, pues representa la significación simbólica que le da un grupo social a un objeto en diferentes temporalidades y no el objeto mismo. Se utiliza el enfoque hermenéutico, es decir, una metodología de análisis basada en el arte de la interpretación a través de las épocas históricas con base en documentos como mapas, planos y fotografías. Se delimitan cuatro diferentes periodos de construcción social que se dividen de la siguiente manera: resistencias y autonomía frente al poder hegemónico español (1502-1852); la construcción formal de Puerto Limón y consolidación de una nueva cultura multiétnica que reprodujo prácticas que marginaron a la provincia de Limón del resto de “Costa Rica” (1852-1938); la “apertura” de Puerto Limón y las luchas sociales (1938-1970) y; por último, se define un periodo de contradicciones, retos y de exaltación y distorsión de la multiculturalidad (1970-2019).

This book explores how Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critiques are delegitimized and obscured by U.S. imperialism and global power. Drawing on Raymond Williams's dual definitions of culture as both the experience of everyday life within a society and the cultural productions that circulate within society, the book analyzes the ways that Filipinos and Puerto Ricans have been represented to affirm narratives of U.S. exceptionalism in the early twentieth century and today. It considers how recent Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural productions across multiple genres critique these justifications, and how the U.S. cultural market contains these critiques to reaffirm revised narratives of U.S. exceptionalism. This introduction provides an overview of the institutionalized narrative of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, the politics and economics of Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural representation, and hegemonic narratives of racial stereotypes in the United States.

This chapter profiles the work of another key figure in Cuban dance music in New York, Puerto Rican conga player, bandleader, and arranger, Ray Barretto. Like Eddie Palmieri, Barretto embraced charanga and conjunto aesthetics, combining Cuban forms with jazz, soul, and blues inflection. Flute player José/Joe Canoura’s soloing style with Barretto’s Charanga Moderna is evaluated here. An evaluation of the US-based charangas and their respective flute soloists is then undertaken looking at the various current manifestations of the típico charanga sound in New York. The voices of female musicians are more in evidence here although the professional field remains male-dominated. Charanga flute players active on the New York scene today such as Karen Joseph, Joe de Jesus, and Connie Grossman contribute their perspectives on charanga performance past and present in the city.

Mexicans, tejanos, and braceros converged on Chicago in greater numbers in the World War II era and after. Most settled around St. Francis of Assisi Church, which anchored the city’s largest Mexican neighborhood, the Near West Side. Puerto Ricans joined other Spanish speakers. Priests and nuns aimed to meet immigrants’ religious and social needs. St. Francis offered a rich Catholic liturgical calendar of feast days, novenas, and Holy Hours. Parishioners avidly took part in personal and communal religious devotion. St. Francis became “el refugio de los mexicanos” and simultaneously grew into a very American parish. As the city’s Latino population dispersed, the faithful came from well beyond the Near West Side. The church’s cathedral-like reputation endures even today.

My name is Anna and I am a Puerto Rican. I am 15 years old—I have been singing since I could talk. I had a teacher when I was younger that told me that I was not good enough to be in the choir, and I almost gave up. Then I met a new teacher who believed in me and pushed me to do more. My dedication for music grew to what it is today. I wanted to prove my old teacher wrong, but I still worry that I am not good enough, so I joined an after-school program where I heard they were giving free lessons. I originally joined for guitar, but when the teachers heard me sing, they encouraged me to sing for the after-school band. I have been singing for five months now and I love it! It gives me joy, and my love for music is stronger!...

Warren Miller’s Siege of Harlem is a strange and vexing novel that draws on the “internal colony” thesis of black power thinkers and imagines Harlem’s secession from the United States. It is also a novel that marks the end of the era of urban renewal and the passing from the era of Robert Moses to that of Jane Jacobs. This concluding chapter suggests that Siege can help us refuse the forced choices between Moses and Jacobs, or the planners and the walkers, that dominate conversations about post-war planning. Siege does so, the conclusion argues, by offering a different trajectory of urban thinking and politics, one that stretches from the multicultural and often Communist-led left in the 1930s and 1940s, to the working class, Puerto Rican, and black urban revolts of the 1960s, which put forward a militantly socialist, internationalist, and anti-imperialist urban vision. It is this form of urbanism, the conclusion suggests, that we need to return to today.

The story of the Young Lords is intoxicating to many because it resonates with the suffering and aspirations of millions of young people who are outsiders in America. Like the children of NAFTA—migrants from Mexico, the Caribbean and Latin America during in the 1980s and 1990s— the Young Lords also underwent the crucible of migration as children. Their parents were the country’s superexploited workers, heavily concentrated in the lowest-paid, dirtiest, and most precarious and dangerous sectors of the economy. And Like migrants today, Puerto Ricans were blamed for America’s problems. As translators and cultural interlocutors between their parents and America’s hostile bureaucracies, the Young Lords gained a second sight. With it, they gave their generation the language and analysis to make sense of the trauma produced by the large-scale economic and political forces that massively displaced their parents from their homeland. They also helped their peers understand their place in American society as exploited, racialized, colonial people and the structural barriers they faced in an increasingly deindustrialized and dilapidated city. In struggle, they discovered who they were and asserted their place in America.

Colecciones fotográficas sobre el mar El Museu Marítim de Barcelona custodia más de 270.000 fotografías[i] especializadas en el mar. La rica variedad temática implica cierta complejidad en el momento de la documentación. El conocimiento del artefacto fotográfico (técnica, procesos), y también la especialización en la temática son imprescindibles para documentar las colecciones. La necesidad de aprender Los trabajos de documentación en la fotografía naval son apasionantes. Requieren unos conocimientos adquiridos con los años, fruto de la observación de miles de fotografías, leyendo de fuentes escritas y orales, y contrastando opiniones con los expertos. Este último aspecto ha sido el que, a inicios del nuevo siglo XXI, provocara la necesidad de invitar a la participación externa, apostando por una manera de trabajar transversal, que contaba con los propios recursos del museo, pero también con la generosa participación de un grupo de colaboradores integrado por especialistas de referencia en el país, y amantes de la fotografía marítima. La lagunas documentales en las propias colecciones fotográficas del museo y al mismo tiempo, el hecho de ofrecer un espacio de conocimiento a un colectivo muy especializado y comprometido, fueron los ingredientes básicos para formar el Laboratorio de expertos en fotografía naval. Un Laboratorio de expertos en fotografía naval Semanalmente el Laboratorio de expertos se reúne en el Museo para documentar, investigar y debatir sobre los temas de estudio. Por otro lado, se programan 4 sesiones anuales (abiertas al público en general) que recogen una selección de imágenes con cierta o mucha complejidad o que dan pie a contrastar información por la singularidad de los sujetos/objetos retratados. Las semanas previas a estas sesiones, se publica la selección de fotos con las preguntas en las redes sociales. El uso de las redes sociales nos permite “ampliar” nuestra aula (web corporativa, Newsletter, blog del archivo fotográfico, diferentes grupos de Facebook) invitando a un público muy interesado en el tema. Todas las anotaciones y referencias bibliográficas/documentales aprobadas por el Laboratorio se anotan en la ficha básica de catalogación del archivo fotográfico, que actualiza y mejora la eficacia. Sin duda, esta actividad ha adquirido tal impulso que está permitiendo que, no sólo se documenten fotografías del museo sino también, se van incorporando imágenes que provienen de colecciones particulares, enriqueciendo sin duda estos espacios de aprendizaje y conocimiento, al tiempo que los investigadores encuentran un lugar de debate y de respuesta a las dudas. El Laboratorio se ha convertido en un eficiente equipo de trabajo. Así pues, viendo el gran potencial del proyecto y las ganas de compartir y aprender, en estos momentos, estamos invitando a participar, por videoconferencia, a expertos/amantes de la foto naval de otras entidades y museos especializados, a fin de que se beneficien y enriquezcan estos espacios de conocimiento. Una aula sobre la fotografía de mar que sigue creciendo La variedad temática de esta fotografía tan especializada es muy amplia. Estamos trabajando temas sobre la fotografía de la marina militar, marina mercante, que es casi infinito (tipologías de barcos, navieras del país, etc), pero quedan temas tan importantes como la marina de vela, la pesca, los puertos, deportes náuticos, los trabajos en el mar, por citar algunos. Por ello, e igualmente importante, siendo conscientes de la necesidad de relevo generacional de los expertos, a corto/medio plazo, el Laboratorio invita a expertos y aficionados a la fotografía a colaborar y formarse en estas aulas de conocimiento[ii]. Confiamos que este Laboratorio sea útil por mucho más tiempo para los colectivos del sector marítimo y, en definitiva para la sociedad, pues en definitiva, aunque es una plataforma de intercambio de conocimiento sobre una fotografía muy especializada, está al servicio de toda la comunidad. [i] Dahl Termens, Silvia. Històries de mar. Les col·leccions fotogràfiques del Museu Marítim de Barcelona. Barcelona : Museu Marítim de Barcelona, 2012 [ii] Contactar con la coordinadora del proyecto: Silvia Dahl (dahlts@mmb.cat)