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Journal articles on the topic 'Punic War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Moscovich, M. James, John Lazenby, Tim Cornell, Boris Rankov, and Philip Sabin. "The First Punic Punic War: A Military History." Phoenix 51, no. 2 (1997): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088500.

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2

Godfrey, A. W., and John Lazenby. "The First Punic War." Classical World 91, no. 5 (1998): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352112.

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3

Bailey, Colin. "Rome, Carthage, and Numidia: Diplomatic Favouritism before the Third Punic War." Antichthon 52 (2018): 43–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2018.4.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines Rome’s diplomatic relations with Carthage and Numidia in the period between the Second and Third Punic Wars. Polybius’ suggestion that Rome consistently decided against Carthage in territorial disputes with Numidia in the aftermath of the Second Punic War (Polyb. 31.21.5-6) has often been taken up in explanations of the origins of the Third Punic War. Many ancient and modern accounts accept the implication of a policy of hostility against Carthage, assuming that Rome permitted and even encouraged Masinissa to infringe upon and seize Carthaginian territory. This paper, however, argues that the results of Roman arbitration between Carthage and Numidia do not show a consistent policy intended to undermine Carthage. Rather, Rome sought to maintain the territorial division which was imposed at the end of the Second Punic War throughout the inter-war period; several of its decisions were actually in favour of Carthage. The Third Punic War should not be seen as a culmination of a half-century of Roman hostility towards Carthage.

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4

STEINBY, C. "War at Sea in the Second Punic War." Ancient Society 34 (January 1, 2004): 77–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.34.0.505236.

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5

Tipps, G. K., Tim Cornell, Boris Rankov, and Philip Sabin. "The Second Punic War: A Reappraisal." Journal of Military History 60, no. 4 (1996): 766. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944665.

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6

RANKOV, BORIS. "THE SECOND PUNIC WAR AT SEA." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41, S67 (1996): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1996.tb01913.x.

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7

Eckstein, Arthur M., and J. F. Lazenby. "The First Punic War: A Military History." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (1997): 1132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170651.

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8

Betlyon, John W. "The First Punic War: A Military History." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (1996): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952645.

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9

RICH, JOHN. "THE ORIGINS OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41, Supplement_67 (1996): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1996.tb01910.x.

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10

Hoyos, Dexter. "THE NOBILITY IN THE FIRST PUNIC WAR." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (2004): 487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.487.

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11

Hoyos, B. D. "The Rise of Hiero II: Chronology and Campaigns 275-264 B.C." Antichthon 19 (1985): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003221.

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In the 270’s and 260’s B.C. Syracuse found an energetic new leader, Hiero son of Hierocles, fought her last victorious war under his leadership and rewarded him with the title of king. How this came about has a more than Sicilian importance, for the same war indirectly and unexpectedly brought the Romans onto the scene and launched them on the First Punic War. But understanding Hiero’s first ten years is not easy. The sources are scrappy where they are not terse, and modern reconstructions vary widely, above all on the chronology — with crucial implications for his policies and position (not to mention for the run-up to the First Punic War) and for the reliability or the opposite of the main source, Polybius. The solutions in this paper will, I hope, help clarify a difficult period in Sicilian history, as well as throwing some light on the compositional method of Polybius.

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12

Rood, Tim. "Cato the Elder, Livy, and Xenophon’s Anabasis." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (2018): 823–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342352.

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AbstractThis article argues firstly that Cato the Elder’s account of a daring plan involving the tribune Caedicius in the First Punic War is modelled on a scene in Xenophon’s Anabasis. It then argues that Livy’s account of a heroic escape in the First Samnite War orchestrated by P. Decius Mus is modelled not just on the First Punic War episode described by Cato, as scholars have suggested, but on the same passage of Xenophon; it also proposes that Livy’s use of Xenophon may be mediated through Cato. The article then sets out other evidence for the use of Xenophon in Roman historiography and explores the implications of the proposed intertextuality for Roman self-positioning and for ideas of leadership and military hierarchy. The article as a whole suggests that the influence of Xenophon on Latin historiography is greater than has often been conceived.

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13

Miles, Richard. "Vandal North Africa and the Fourth Punic War." Classical Philology 112, no. 3 (2017): 384–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/692906.

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14

Walsh, P. G. "The Turning Point in the Second Punic War." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (1999): 407–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.407.

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15

Mosig, Yozan D., and Imene Belhassen. "Revision and Reconstruction in the Second Punic War." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 5, no. 9 (2007): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v05i09/42202.

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16

Pigoński, Łukasz. "Marek Wilczyński, Geiseric and the ‘Fourth Punic War’." Studia Ceranea 6 (December 30, 2016): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.06.27.

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17

Kim, Sangyeup. "Roman Naval Development before the First Punic War." Journal of Western History 69 (November 30, 2023): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16894/jowh.69.1.

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18

Amitay, Ory. "Alexander between Rome and Carthage in the Alexander Romance (A)." Phoenix 77, no. 1-2 (2023): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2023.a926362.

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Abstract: The Alexander Romance takes Alexander to Italy and to Carthage, synchronizing him with the First Punic War. It represents the Alexandrian perspective, commenting on Ptolemaic interests through Alexander's character. This interpretation adds to the recognized Ptolemaic elements in the AR and sheds new light on an event of the First Punic War. Réesumé: Le Roman d'Alexandre emmène Alexandre en Italie et à Carthage, ce qui le place dans le cadre de la première guerre punique. Les événements sont présentés du point de vue alexandrinà travers le personnage d'Alexandre, qui représente les intérêts ptolémaïques. Cette interprétation ajoute un élément ptolémaïque de plus à ceux déjà identifiés dans le Roman et éclaire sous un nouveau jour l'un des épisodes de la première guerre punique.

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19

Schwameis, Christoph. "„Die schönste griechische Stadt“. Syrakus bei Cicero und Silius Italicus." Millennium 17, no. 1 (2020): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2020-0003.

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AbstractBoth in the fourth book of Cicero’s De signis (Verr. 2,4) and in the fourteenth book of Silius Italicus’ Punica, there are descriptions of the city of Syracuse at important points of the texts. In this paper, both descriptions are combined and for the first time thoroughly related. I discuss form and content of the accounts, show their functions in their oratorical and epic contexts and consider their similarities. The most important facets, where the descriptions coincide in, seem to be their link to Marcellus’ conquest in the Second Punic War, the resulting precarious beauty of the city and the specifically Roman perspective on which these ekphraseis are based.

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20

Konrad, C. F. "AFTER DREPANA." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2015): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000032.

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The Battle of Drepana in 249 b.c. marks the most significant defeat of Roman naval forces at the hands of their Carthaginian opponents during the First Punic War. Attempting to take the Punic fleet in the harbour of Drepana by surprise, the consul P. Claudius Pulcher sailed with his ships from Lilybaeum (a Carthaginian stronghold under Roman siege since the previous year) about midnight, and reached Drepana at dawn. Yet, owing to swift and level-headed counter-measures taken by the Punic commander, Adherbal, the unfolding fight – partly in the harbour, mostly off the shore – turned into a fiasco for the Romans. The consul got away; he returned to Rome, where the Senate instructed him to appoint a dictator. How soon he returned, and by what route, is the question.

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21

Levick, B. M. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 60, no. 2 (2013): 331–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000156.

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Weighty tomes preponderate, but I put chronology before avoirdupois. First comes a stout Companion to the Punic Wars, edited by Dexter Hoyos. It is part of the book's comforts as a companion and one of its merits to treat not only what is named on the tin – five chapters for the first war, nine for the second, and three for the last half century of Carthage, with one chapter dealing directly with the siege of 148–146 – but other topics that are by no means peripheral. It is a bonus to have Nathan Rosenstein's revisionist views on ‘Italy: Economy and Demography after Hannibal's War’, or rather his demolition of long-held ones: positive arguments are briefly put. Whether Part V, ‘Conclusions’, lives up to its name is another matter: it consists of three papers on the aftermath, including ‘Carthage and Hannibal in Roman and Greek Memory’ (which I wish had been taken further). The editor's international team have satisfactorily marshalled the material in the main sections: ‘Roman Politics and Expansion’ between the first two wars is immediately followed by Hoyos’ own ‘Carthage in Africa and Spain’ during the same period; similarly, ‘Punic Politics, Economy, and Alliances, 218–201’ precedes ‘Roman Economy, Finance, and Politics in the Second Punic War’. Illustrations are not among the comforts of this volume: far from panoramas or even diagrams of famous battles, we have five plain maps.

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22

Cook, John Granger. "Roman Crucifixions: From the Second Punic War to Constantine." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 104, no. 1 (2013): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2013-0001.

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23

SABIN, PHILIP. "THE MECHANICS OF BATTLE IN THE SECOND PUNIC WAR." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41, Supplement_67 (1996): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1996.tb01914.x.

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24

Baronowski, Donald Walter. "Polybius on the Causes of the Third Punic War." Classical Philology 90, no. 1 (1995): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367442.

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25

STRECHIE, Mădălina. "HANNIBALʼS STRATAGEMS". BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 11, № 4 (2023): 85–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-98.

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Romeʼs fiercest enemy, the one who defeated Rome on its own in the Second Punic War, Hannibalus was one of the most special warriors of all time, so we can call the Second Punic War, his war. It was through all the actions he really took his war with Rome, both after all the outstanding theories about the war, but especially by the fact that the talented Carthaginian general defeated Rome at her home, shattering the myth of her invincibility, as a city of Mars. We are not wrong when we claim that Hannibal would have defeated the god of war in this conflict as well.From the beginning of military hostilities to their end, the perfect strategist of the Puns fully controlled the theatre of operations, even being its sole director, putting his enemy, Rome, in the most disastrous situation of all time. Basically, Hannibal eliminated the echelon of command of the Roman army, but also the Roman army that is shattered in three successive battles at Trebia, Trasimenus and Cannae, ending up threatening Rome itself through the famous ante portas episode. Even though Hannibalʼs war did not result in Hannibal’s peace, the intention of the brilliant general was to eliminate Rome as an armed force and economic strength, an objective fully accomplished during the military operations. The detail that eluded him was the Roman tenacity, the one that stole his peace, but Hannibal has entirely the paternity of the second war between the Puns and the Romans, being to this day a genius of the art of war, unmatched yet.

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26

Erdkamp, Paul. "Late-annalistic Battle Scenes in Livy." Mnemosyne 59, no. 4 (2006): 525–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506778881049.

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AbstractLivy's books 21-44 contain roughly ninety battles, about half of which are mentioned only briefly, though usually including figures on casualties, captives and booty. Livy's full-scale narratives show differences in style, nature and content, including technical matters like the terminology used for units of the Roman army. Comparison between Livy's and Polybius' narratives on the battles of Cynoscephalae, the Great Plain and Zama show that Livy closely adhered to the terminology of his sources. Differences in terminology therefore reflect Livy's use of different sources. One set of Livian battle scenes is characterised by the numbering of legions and by details concerning allied units. Various elements indicate a late-annalistic origin for these battle narratives, identified here as Valerius Antias. Battle narratives of this type are limited to particular periods and regions: Italy during the Second Punic War; Spain and Gaul from the end of the Second Punic War onwards. This shows that Livy decided on this particular source for these particular theatres of war. Outside these parts of his account, Livy briefly summarised the battle narratives he found in his predecessor's work.

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27

Prag, Jonathan R. W. "Auxilia and Gymnasia: A Sicilian Model of Roman Imperialism." Journal of Roman Studies 97 (November 2007): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016061.

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This paper examines the evidence for military activity in the Republican provincia of Sicily from the Punic Wars to the Civil Wars, and the implications of this for our understanding of Republican Sicily and Republican imperialism. After the Second Punic War there was very little use of Roman or Italian allied soldiers on the island, but extensive use, by Rome, of local Sicilian soldiers. The rich evidence for gymnasia suggests one way in which this use of local manpower was based upon existing civic structures and encouraged local civic culture and identity. These conclusions prompt a reassessment of the importance of auxilia externa under the Roman Republic and of models for Republican imperial control of provinciae.

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28

Marks, Raymond. "Getting Ahead: Decapitation as Political Metaphor in Silius Italicus' Punica." Mnemosyne 61, no. 1 (2008): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195394.

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AbstractIn Silius Italicus' Punica the Second Punic War is cast as a conflict fought over and between heads, and the decapitations in the epic thereby become ways of measuring the different trajectories and ultimate outcomes for each side in the war: the symbolic decapitation of Rome on the occasion of Paulus' death at Cannae in book 10 marks the low-ebb in the city's fortunes while the many decapitations perpetrated by Romans after Cannae reflect Carthage's own slide toward final defeat, an event that entails her symbolic decapitation too. Read in relation to this epic-wide program, Hannibal's abiding enmity toward Jupiter, the god of Rome's head, the Capitolium, gains greater clarity and purpose, as do his identification with Lucan's Pompey and Carthage's with Virgil's Priam toward the end of the epic. This concluding development is also succinctly recapitulated in the epic's final two lines, where an allusion to the final two lines of Bellum Civile 8 invites us to contrast Rome and Jupiter with Lucan's decapitated Pompey and to compare Carthage and Hannibal with him.

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29

Scheid, John. "Auspices et autres pratiques divinatoires des magistrats romains à l’époque médio-républicaine." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 26, no. 1 (2015): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1851.

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According the description of the Second Punic war by Livy the procedure of the auspicium outside Rome changes. A certain “standardization” of the ritual takes place. The auspicia are now taken auium gustu rather than auium gestu. Moreover the obligation to return to Rome to retake the auspicia in case of difficulties progressively made the conducting of war difficult if not dangerous. So the commanders used a piece of land in their prouincia to renew the auspicia.

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30

Delile, Hugo, Elisa Pleuger, Janne Blichert-Toft, et al. "Economic resilience of Carthage during the Punic Wars: Insights from sediments of the Medjerda delta around Utica (Tunisia)." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 20 (2019): 9764–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1821015116.

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While the Punic Wars (264–146 BC) have been the subject of numerous studies, generally focused on their most sensational aspects (major battles, techniques of warfare, geopolitical strategies, etc.), curiously, the exceptional economic resilience of the Carthaginians in the face of successive defeats, loss of mining territory, and the imposition of war reparations has attracted hardly any attention. Here, we address this issue using a newly developed powerful tracer in geoarchaeology, that of Pb isotopes applied to paleopollution. We measured the Pb isotopic compositions of a well-dated suite of eight deep cores taken in the Medjerda delta around the city of Utica. The data provide robust evidence of ancient lead–silver mining in Tunisia and lay out a chronology for its exploitation, which appears to follow the main periods of geopolitical instability at the time: the Greco-Punic Wars (480–307 BC) and the Punic Wars (264–146 BC). During the last conflict, the data further suggest that Carthage was still able to pay indemnities and fund armies despite the loss of its traditional silver sources in the Mediterranean. This work shows that the mining of Tunisian metalliferous ores between the second half of the fourth and the beginning of the third century BC contributed to the emergence of Punic coinage and the development of the Carthaginian economy.

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31

Ríos Longares, Rubén. "Textos de agricultura cartaginesa en la literatura latina: los otros tratados de agri cultura." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.40.

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All societies have shared the need to nourish themselves, as prosperity is hindered if there is famine. However, the ancient world isn’t an exception to this because its literature reliably reflects the need to sow crops and feed its people. This is clearly stated in the agricultural manuals which have been preserved. A thousand years separate Hesiod’s Works and Days from the Geoponica by Casiano Baso. In those 1000 years a multitude of agricultural texts were written, some of which are very well known, while others are less well known. Amongs those less fortunate agricultural texts are those which Magon, the Punic, signed in Carthage before the Second Punic War. This essay will focus on this text and its fate

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32

Franko, George F. "Incest and ridicule in the Poenulus of Plautus." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1995): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041902.

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Readers of Plautus’ Poenulus are struck by the generally ‘sympathetic’ portrayal of the title character Hanno, a portrayal somewhat surprising to us since the play was produced shortly after the Second Punic War.1 Contrary to what we might expect, Hanno the Carthaginian is neither villain nor scapegoat, and he even exhibits the Roman virtue of pietas.2 However, Hanno's portrayal is not wholly positive, for Plautus delineates his character principally by endowing him with the negative stereotypes of Punic physiognomy, dress, speech, and behaviour familiar to his Roman audience.3 Hanno's Punic ethnicity is not merely an incidental matter of fact, as it is with his relative Agorastocles, but an essential part of his characterization that serves to isolate him from all the other characters of the palliata. While some of Hanno's vices—deceit, licentiousness, and effeminacy—are not exclusive to Carthaginians and are shared by other Greek characters in the palliata, there is one vice peculiar to Hanno. In this paper I argue that Plautus ridicules Hanno through arecurrent insinuation of incest. The insinuation of incest has not, to my knowledge, been noted previously, but our text does imply it in three conspicuous places.

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33

Pitonzo, Rosa, Francesco Armetta, Maria Luisa Saladino, Francesca Oliveri, Sebastiano Tusa, and Eugenio Caponetti. "Application of Gas Chromatography coupled with Mass Spectroscopy (GC/MS) to the analysis of archeological ceramic amphorae belonging to the Carthaginian fleet that was defeated in the Egadi battle (241 B.C.)." ACTA IMEKO 6, no. 3 (2017): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21014/acta_imeko.v6i3.457.

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<p class="Abstract"><span lang="EN-US">The aim of this preliminary work was to identify characteristic compounds in 7 underwater marine ceramic amphorae sherds dating from the period of the battle of the Egadi Islands that decided the end of the First Punic War (241 B.C.) by Gas Chromatography coupled with Mass Spectroscopy (GC/MS).</span></p>

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34

Devereaux, Bret C. "Strategy and Cost: Carthaginian Naval Strategy in the First Punic War Reappraised." Historia 69, no. 4 (2020): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2020-0020.

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35

Biggs, Thomas. "Primus Romanorum: Origin Stories, Fictions of Primacy, and the First Punic War." Classical Philology 112, no. 3 (2017): 350–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/692606.

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36

Smith, C. "The Second Punic War: a Reappraisal. T Cornell, B Rankov, P Sabin." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (1998): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.1.109.

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37

Lazenby, J. F. "Book Review: Cannae: The Experience of Battle in the Second Punic War." War in History 11, no. 1 (2004): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450401100106.

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38

Bellón, Juan Pedro, Carmen Rueda, Miguel Ángel Lechuga, and María Isabel Moreno. "An archaeological analysis of a battlefield of the Second Punic War: the camps of the battle of Baecula." Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 73–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400072056.

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Since 2002, our team at the University of Jaén's Research Institute for Iberian Archaeology has been undertaking an archaeological research project focusing on the analysis of the site of a conflict that can indisputably be dated to the final phase of the Second Punic War. Based on the topography, descriptions in the ancient sources, and archaeological data, we present the hypothesis that the site we have located corresponds to that of the battle of Baecula. In that confrontation in 208 B.C., Scipio the Younger faced Hasdrubal Barca. It was a momentous battle, at least in terms of its subsequent outcome, given that it could be considered the event that triggered Hasdrubal's withdrawal to Italy.Our research project has yielded information which we believe to be paradigmatic in two respects. First, we have been able to ascertain the size of the area over which an armed confrontation of this type would have taken place, thanks to the identification of determining elements such as the different camps set up for the battle and their sizes. It covers the area where the armies clashed, where they were positioned and deployed, their movements on the battlefield, and so forth. Second, thanks to intensive sampling, we have recovered a corpus of finds that may be used in the future as a reference for the allocation of other sites to the period of the Second Punic War.

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39

Bescós, Pere. "Tècniques i mètodes de traducció de Francesc Alegre a La primera guerra púnica (1472)." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 10 (December 6, 2017): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.10.11075.

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Resum: L’any 1472 Francesc Alegre va traduir al català la versió italiana dels Commentarii tres de primo bello punico de Leonardo Bruni. En l’article s’ha comparat exhaustivament el català amb sis manuscrits italians i l’original llatí. Les divergències entre original i traducció s’han ordenat en tres categories: addicions, eliminacions i modificacions. La metodologia d’Alegre oscil·la des d’una traducció literal a una traducció del sentit de l’original. Els resultats seran comparats posteriorment amb els mètodes d’Alegre a les Transformacions d’Ovidi amb l’objectiu de definir Francesc Alegre com a traductor. Paraukes clau: Leonardo Bruni, Francesc Alegre, Història de la traducció, Primera guerra púnica, Crítica textual Abstract: In 1472 Francesc Alegre translated the Italian version of the Commentarii tres de primo bello punico of Leonardo Bruni. In this article we have compared thoroughly the Catalan with six Italian manuscripts and the original text in Latin. The divergences between original and translation have been ordered in three categories: additions, eliminations and modifications. Alegre’s methodology oscillates from a literal translation to a translation of original’s meaning. The results of this article will be compared later with Alegre’s methodology translating the Transformacions of Ovid. The ultimate objective is to define Francesc Alegre as a translator. Keywords: Leonardo Bruni, Francesc Alegre, Literary translation, First Punic war, Textual criticism

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40

Bulić, Nada, Maria Mariola Glavan, and Daniel Nečas Hraste. "Hannibal’s Elephants and the Liburnians." Tabula, no. 17 (November 16, 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.17.2020.2.

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The second Punic war is a relatively well-known episode from Roman history. Reliable, detailed ancient sources such as Livy and Polybius, however, don’t say much on the topic of Hannibal’s provisions from his native Carthage. One of the questions related to the provisions is where Hannibal’s elephants came from after the battle of Cannae, as after traversing the Etrurian swamp Hannibal only had one elephant left (Livy XXII 2). Immediately after the victory at Cannae Hannibal sends a delegation requesting logistics and the Carthaginian senate decides to send him military aid, among which were 4000 Numidians and 40 elephants (Livy XXIII 11-13). In the meantime, Hannibal penetrates Campania already accompanied by elephants at the Siege of Casilinum (Livy XXIII 18). The authors of this paper believe that Hannibal’s path to Cannae was part of a premeditated military plan, according to which the Carthaginian army needed to pick up supplies near Cannae, with the Liburnians playing an important role in opening channels of communication and supplies. Several facts support this theory, most importantly the following: – one of the few suitable ports that Hannibal could count upon to be less guarded by the Romans than more northern ports, such as Ariminum, is found near Cannae; – an enormous amount of money from Africa is in circulation in Liburnia right at the time of the war with Hannibal; It is known that political entities on the eastern coast of the Adriatic had an anti-Roman political agenda during the time of the second Punic war, coordinating themselves with Macedonia among others, which became an ally of Hannibal and with which Rome went to war in 214 B.C, with which the two Illyrian wars right before and right after the war with Hannibal are related. The authors believe that the sources point to a sort of coalition for transport, trade and communication between Hannibal, the Liburnians and Carthage, which should be viewed in the context of the operations of the anti-Roman coalition of political entities on the eastern shores of the Adriatic

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Ní Mheallaigh, Karen. "THE ‘PHOENICIAN LETTERS’ OF DICTYS OF CRETE AND DIONYSIUS SCYTOBRACHION." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000103.

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Dictys of Crete's Journal of the Trojan War seems to invite the reader to imagine two different versions of the imaginary ancient Ur-text: one that was written in Phoenician language and script, and another that was written using ‘Phoenician letters’ but whose language was Greek. What is the meaning of the text's different fantasies of its own origins? And how is the reader to understand the puzzlingly implausible Punico-Greek text that is envisaged in Septimius' prefatory letter? This article examines first why the Journal's fantasy Ur-text changed as the Dictys-text itself evolved, and what the text's fiction of its own origins can tell us, not only about its readers' contemporary context, but also about their fantasies about their own literary past – and future as well. Secondly, comparison with the work of Dionysius Skytobrachion, himself the author of a pseudo-documentary Troy-history, offers a new interpretation of what, precisely, Septimius' ‘Punic letters’ may have represented in ancient readers' minds, and opens up a new (imaginary) literary hinterland in the heroic past for the fictional author Dictys and his text.

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Forsythe (book author), Gary, and Michael P. Fronda (review author). "A Critical History of Early Rome: From Prehistory to the First Punic War." Aestimatio: Critical Reviews in the History of Science 2 (December 21, 2015): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v2i0.25748.

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López Gómez, José Carlos. "Gilbert-Charles Picard (1913-1998) and the Religions de l’Afrique Antique." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto), no. 36 (December 14, 2021): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2021.6559.

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This article analyses, from a historiographic perspective, the most important aspects of Charles-Gilbert Picard’s work on the religious world of the populations inhabiting the Maghreb during the Punic and Roman periods, with special emphasis on his magnum opus on the subject, Les religions de l’Afrique Antique. In doing so, I have attempted to explain the evolution in thought of an author who was one of the most prominent scholars of the ancient religions in North Africa between the end of the Second World War and the process of decolonisation of the Maghreb.

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Finlay, Robert. "Fabius Maximus in Venice: Doge Andrea Gritti, the War of Cambrai, and the Rise of Habsburg Hegemony, 1509-1530*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 4 (2000): 988–1031. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901454.

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As a consequence of its dismal experience in the War of Cambrai (1509-1517), the Venetian Republic adopted a military policy of avoiding battlefield encounters. As a commander in the war and as doge of Venice after 1523, Andrea Gritti was the foremost proponent of this strategy, earning for himself the appellation of "Fabius Maximus," the Roman general who opposed Hannibal by delay and defense in the Second Punic War. In the 1520s, the Republic aspired to play the role of a great power — or at least that of an independent, balancing force between France and the Spanish-Habsburg Empire; but its refusal to commit its troops to battle fatally weakened the political coalitions opposing Charles V and thereby significantly contributed to the rise of Habsburg hegemony in Italy. A major step toward Charles V's triumph was the infamous Sack of Rome in 1527, a calamity for which the Fabian policy of Venice bears some responsibility.

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Kazarov, S. S. "THE WAR WITH PYRRHUS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ROME IN III CENTURY BC." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(59) (2022): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-4-5-10.

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The war of the Romans with King Pyrrhus of Epirus was a kind of borderline that conditionally divided the history of Roman republic into two main periods. Many modern researchers follow the concept of the Greek historian Polybius, who considered the expulsion of the Epirus king from Italy as the start of the gradual establishment of Roman hegemony in the Mediterranean. The further expansion of Rome, first to the South of Italy, and then outside – to Sicily, was accompanied by an internal political struggle between two groups in Roman society, one of which defended the agrarian development of Rome and therefore was not interested in expanding to the South and leaving Italy, but the second, represented by trade and craft circles, strove for new conquests and the acquisition of new markets. The question of the exact time of minting silver coins in Rome is highly controversial, but there is no doubt that their issue began soon after the end of the war with Pyrrhus. Another consequence of the Pyrrhic War was the recognition by the Romans of their vulnerability due to the lack of their own navy, the construction of which began twenty years after the events mentioned – during the first Punic War. After the war, there was a change in the mentality of the Romans, who, on the one hand, began to realize themselves as the masters of Italy. On the other hand, the harsh customs of their ancestors went down in history and were replaced by the desire for enrichment, undermining the moral foundations of the Roman Republic: the Romans, who had previously rejected the gifts of the emissary of the Epirus king, after a few decades, became familiar with luxury goods, becoming an obligatory subject of their daily life. Over time, the attitude of the Romans to the personality of the Epirus king himself changed. In their eyes, he turned from a noble hero into an ordinary enemy like Hannibal or Philip V. In fact, the victory of the Romans over Pyrrhus was a harbinger of the Punic wars and, ultimately, the establishment of the hegemony of Rome in the Mediterranean. But, speaking of the Pyrrhic war itself, modern researchers for some reason forget about the role of the personality of the Epirus king himself, which in one way or another caused the changes that took place in the history of Rome.

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Ritaine, Eleanor Cashin. "Harmonising European Private International Law: A Replay of Hannibal's Crossing of the Alps?" International Journal of Legal Information 34, no. 2 (2006): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001542.

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In 218 BC, the Carthaginian general Hannibal (247-182) achieved a most extraordinary feat: he crossed both the Pyrenees Mountains and the Alps with an army of about 38.000 soldiers, 8.000 Cavalry and 37 elephants, aiming to win the Second Punic War by a bold invasion of Italy before the Romans were prepared. Even if his attempts to defeat the Roman legions failed in the end, common lore stills tells the story of the elephants crossing the Col du Mont Genevre in deep snow, setting thus an example of a near impossible achievement for generations to come.

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Mahaney, William C. "Cannae Battlefield: a geomorphic-geoarchaeologic perspective." Studia Quaternaria 41, no. 1 (2024): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24425/sq.2023.148037.

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The Cannae Battlefield (216 BC), a pivotal engagement during the Second Punic War, led to the destruction of one of the largest consular armies ever raised by the Republic. Historians have for centuries paid the utmost attention to unitby- unit dispositions and tactical maneuvers without studying the local geology and particularly the geomorphology of the battle site. A brief traverse over the battle site, adjacent to the museum in 2004, led to a hidden defile, heretofore not mentioned in the literature, one which may have helped turn the tide for the Carthaginians, and offering prospect of further geoarchaeological investigation.

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Roselaar, Saskia. "Between Rome and Carthage: Southern Italy during the Second Punic War by Michael Fronda." Phoenix 66, no. 1-2 (2012): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2012.0012.

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MYERS, MICKI. "Mayors of Rome and Tunis Sign Treaty Officially Ending Third Punic War: February 1985." Critical Quarterly 49, no. 3 (2007): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8705.2007.00791_1.x.

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Skutsch, O. "Book Vi Of Ennius′ Annals." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (1987): 512–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030731.

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The contents of the sixth book of Ennius' Annals have recently become a matter of dispute. Ever since Columna's edition (1585) it had been assumed that the book was entirely given over to the story of the war against king Pyrrhus (followed perhaps by mention of some events of the next few years; so my commentary, Oxford, 1985, p. 329). That view was based on the anecdote told by Quintilian 6.3.6, that Cicero, asked to say something de Sexto Annali, a witness in a law case, replied: ‘Quis potis ingentis oras euoluere belli’. It seems as good as certain that this was the first line of Book VI, and belli was taken by all as referring to the Pyrrhus war. According to Dr T. Cornell, however, ‘unrolling the mighty scroll of war’ means that the poet is now going to describe warfare on the grand scale, thus setting the sequence of the third Samnite War, the Pyrrhus War, and (the first and) the second Punic War against the minor wars described in the first five books. I doubt if Ennius would have felt that the early Latin war with the story of Lake Regillus, the capture of Veii, the Allia, the fall of Rome to the Gauls, and the second Samnite war (the Caudine forks!) were minor wars; but I am certain that bellum in the singular, except in contrast to the notion of pax, cannot refer to war in a general sense, covering a plurality of wars.

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