Relevant bibliographies by topics / Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Bhatti, Muhammad Nawaz. "Politics of Water Resource Management in the Indus River Basin: A Study of the Partition of Punjab." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (November 14, 2020): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.6.

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The British Government of India divided the Muslim majority province of Punjab into Eastern and Western Punjab. But the partition line was drawn in a manner that headworks remained in India and irrigated land in Pakistan. The partition of Punjab was not scheduled in the original plan of the division of India. Why was it partitioned? To answer this question, the study in the first instance tries to explore circumstances, reasons, and conspiracies which led to the partition of Punjab which led to the division of the canal irrigation system and secondly, the impact of partition on water resource management in the Indus River Basin. Descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of research have been used to draw a conclusion. The study highlights the mindset of Indian National Congress to cripple down the newly emerging state of Pakistan that became a root cause of the partition of Punjab. The paper also highlights why India stopped water flowing into Pakistan on 1st April 1948 and the analysis also covers details about the agreement of 4th May 1948 and its consequences for Pakistan.
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Chaudhry, M. Ghaffar. "Holly Sims. Political Regimes, Public Policy and Economic Development: Agricultural Performance and Rural Change in the Two Punjabs. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd., 1988. 206 pp. Rupees (Indian) 175.00. (Hardbond Edition)." Pakistan Development Review 29, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 190–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i2pp.190-196.

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The book under review is a comparative study of agricultural development in the Indian (East) and Pakistani (West) Punjab. Although the growth of agricultural output and productivity in the two Punjabs was about the same between 1950 and 1965, it became significantly higher in East Punjab than West Punjab in the period that followed, with the result that the Indian Punjab enjoyed productivity levels in 1985 which were double those of the Pakistani Punjab. As the two Punjabs offer a sort of laboratory to gauge the agro-ecological conditions as well as the language and cultural traditions, any differences in their development experience must be explained by reference to the divergent economic policies towards agriculture followed there. Sims thinks that development experiences of the two Punjabs can be attributed to a political dichotomy and the consequent role of the political leadership in the formulation of economic policies. In the case of Pakistan, the Muslim League lacked mass support in the rural areas. Its middle class forces and political institutions were weak, with a predominance of landed aristocracy and bureaucrats. As a consequence, there was hardly any zest for democratic rule. By contrast, the Congress Party, under the charismatic leadership of Nehru, enjoyed full support of the rural masses. At the national level, it was devoid oflanded interests and created a new administrative class to run government affairs.
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Hussain, Ejaz. "Will Change in Government Affect China–Pakistan Economic Corridor? The BRI, CPEC and the Khan Government: An Analysis." Chinese Journal of International Review 01, no. 02 (September 5, 2019): 1950004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2630531319500045.

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China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was formally launched in 2015. From the very outset, skeptics raised doubts about its sustainability and meaningfulness for particularly Pakistani society, economy and the state. Nevertheless, the Sharif government in strategic interaction with its Chinese counterpart ably thwarted such controversies and ensured execution of the CPEC projects in different parts of Pakistan. Though within Pakistan, political opposition and certain nationalist political and social forces voiced their related concerns, for instance, to the “route” alignment, the federal and Punjab government led by the Sharifs held ground and accorded priority to sustain the Corridor by engaging local and provincial stakeholders. However, this was not the case with the Khan government whose commerce advisor doubted the negotiated terms and conditions of the CPEC and, therefore, called for its revision to provide a fair deal to the Pakistani side. Why did the Khan government adopt such a policy? How does such a discourse affect China–Pakistan relation in general and CPEC and the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) in particular? What made the Khan government correct its path ultimately? In other words, does change in government impact CPEC negatively? This paper attempts to address these questions empirically.
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Rehman, Ashfaq U., Arif Khan, and Bakhtiar Khan. "Government-Opposition Relations during Benazir Bhutto’s Rule in Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/1.2.3.

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Democracy, transition to democracy and democratic consolidation have widely been debated across the world and have prominent position in third world countries. Democracy in developing countries particularly in Pakistan is confronting long standing problem of consolidation of power by civilians. In democracy the strength of the state institutions depends on the relationship among central government with opposition and with provincial governments. Pakistan consists of a centre and four federating units having mix nationalities. This paper investigates the factors which have provoked confrontational politics both within the parliament between ruling and opposition parties and with provincial governments especially Punjab during Benazir Bhutto’s rule. The paper focuses on the question whether it was the same follies which Benazir Bhutto played with during her second term with opposition in the centre and their governments in provinces. To find answers to these questions, secondary data has been used and to supplement newspapers have been consulted for obtaining first-hand information of public officials. The relationship among the ruling party in the centre with opposition and the provincial governments often remained unpleasant and unfriendly. It is argued that personal the national considerations augmented the confrontation and conflicts among national and regional level political parties.
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Malik, Iftikhar H. "Identity Formation and Muslim Party Politics in the Punjab, 1897-1936:." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 293–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012749.

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Ongoing volatile political activism in the Indian Punjab, embodying an armed guerrilla warfare, inter-religious dissensions and severe official retaliatory policies, is a microcosm of a pervasive governability crisis in entire South Asia. The dilemma, with all its intensity, is the culmination of various parallel political processes in currency for almost one century. While the state, both colonial and post-colonial, may conveniently and simplistically perceive it as a mere administrative prblem or, at the most, an enduring communal disharmony fostered by hazy ideas,1 its very endurance warrants a serious review of numerous crucial denominators. Politicized ethnicity, largely banking on religious and similar other primordial factors, has received added momentum from interaction with a sterilized and elitist state structure in the wake of vital demographic changes and diasporic quest for identity. Neighbouring Pakistani Punjab exhibited a profile in political defiance for the entire period of Benazir Bhutto's premiership when her Pakistan People's Party (PPP) confronted a formidable opposition from the provincial government of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (IDA/IJI). It eventually catapulted Mian Nawaz Sharif into premiership.2 Such an increased political activism in the grain basket of the sub-continent may pose a perplexing issue for those to whom the province since early times has been a conformist, centrist and pro-establishment area when it came to its relationship with Indiawide movements all the way from the stormy events of 1857 to the 1980s Quest
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Ali, Alia Hadi. "The role and impact of politics on the Art of Pakistan for undergraduates." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 6 (September 14, 2018): 01–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v5i6.3690.

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There was a quantitative research done on role and impact of politics on the Art of Pakistan. Art students have an introduction to political scenario affecting art. The target audience chosen were the undergraduates of Art and Design College Punjab University and National College of Arts in Lahore. This paper works as a parameter. The students are aware that Art can be influenced, moulded and reface with political influence. The selected audience is going to get affected by the policies and commandment of political structure which is present and affecting all professions of Pakistan. After the survey forms were filled by the student of bought institutions,the results of both institutions were compared. Furthermore, this paper helps in adding topics taught in the history of Art in graduate level in a way that what are the circumstances which can be requested by the government to look upon for the promotion of Art.Keywords: First keyword, second keyword, third keyword, forth keyword;
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Malik, Alia Razia. "Metaphors in political campaigning – An anthropological linguistics perspective." Global Journal of Sociology: Current Issues 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjs.v10i2.4753.

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Language is a means of communication in a society. According to linguistic anthropology, a speaker is a social actor who expresses certain ideologies through language. Concepts and ideas, transmitted through language, are part of larger cultural whole in the society. Linguistic anthropology deals with language from a cultural perspective. People represent their mental realities through language which in turn is shaped by culture. Politics is a field of power and dominance. In political discourse, power is exerted through language. Political discourse is to persuade or to motivate the masses. Hence, linguistic choices are important to achieve certain objectives. In Pakistan, the general elections of 2013 were unique in the aspect as it was the first time that one elected democratic government had completed its turn of 5 years and lead towards the next election. Otherwise, the history of Pakistan is marked by incomplete tenures of democratic government and dictatorship. The elections were held on 11 May 2013 in all constituencies of Pakistan. People from all four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Khayber Pakhtoon Khawah, Balochistan, federal area and tribal area had casted their votes. Keywords: First keyword, second keyword, third keyword, forth keyword;
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Ali, Ghulam, and Razia Musarrat. "Challenges for Federalism in Pakistan, Post Musharraf Era." Review of Economics and Development Studies 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/reads.v6i1.184.

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Federalism is a form of government that solves the challenges of diversity of a state. Many ethnic groups resides in Pakistan .Baluchistan is the biggest province having smallest number of population of the state ,Punjab the dominant province in terms of population and size has further divisions on linguistic and territorial grounds. Small provinces always raised their voices against the unjust sharing of resources, administrative posts and political positions. The study reveals that mostly resources and political and administrative positions are shared by the two dominant provinces, Punjab and Sindh and other federating units and regions are usually deprived from these prestigious positions that is causing unrest in those regions which is very harmful for the integration of the state. Post Musharraf era in Pakistan is witnessing a continuity of democratic regimes in the state and democratic government of Yousaf Raza Gailani shared maximum powers to the provinces in the form of 18th Amendment but still state of Pakistan has to do a lot more for solving the issues of the provinces.
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Dove, Michael R. "Bitter Shade: Throwing Light on Politics and Ecology in Contemporary Pakistan." Human Organization 62, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.62.3.dnbdu0c8km3ye4xc.

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Farmers in the rainfed tracts of Pakistan’s Punjab and North-West Frontier Provinces interpret the on-farm interaction between annual crops and trees in terms of sayah, “tree shade.” Tree shade is conceived as an emission that is thought to have density, temperature, taste, and size (which itself is thought to have length, width, height, and duration). Farmers believe the character of shade and its impact upon their crops varies by tree species and also by season and land type. This complex system of beliefs attests to the commitment of farmers to on-farm tree cultivation and contradicts government foresters’ beliefs that farmers are hostile to the presence of trees on farms. The farmers’ belief system collapses a dichotomy between tree and crop, forest and farm, forest department and farmer, and indeed nature and culture, that serves the interests of the Forest Department. This analysis suggests that the most mundane, quotidian resource practices may have profound political implications, that environmental knowledge is often (if not always) partisan knowledge, and that cultural meaning is not divorced from politicaleconomic dynamics.
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Batool, Hafsa, Mumtaz Anwar, Nabila Asghar, Hafeez Ur Rehman, and Asifa Kamal. "A NEXUS BETWEEN HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS AND WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT: A CASE STUDY OF PUNJAB, PAKISTAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (March 24, 2021): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9221.

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Purpose of the study: The empowerment of women is an important aim for them to be fully engaged in economic life and to achieve sustainable growth worldwide. One form of empowerment is to provide women with basic facilities. Methodology: The study also analyzed the impact on women's empowerment by primary data taken via multi-phase cluster sampling methods of household socio-economic and cultural characteristics in Punjab. Given the diversity of nature and context, the 6-dimensional empirical polychoric principles of empowering women generate a stringent cumulative index of women's autonomy. Main Findings: The empirical findings show that empowering women and their six-dimensional effects are positive for women's years and jobs, legal advertisements, health care institutions, social participation, safe, smooth surroundings, communication, politics and residential negative participation, unpaid housekeeping, and the fear of violence. The results show that women's empowerment is positive. Applications of this study: This study can be more effective in the manner that to offer women free advice about their rights through electronic media, the government should establish an integrated legal cell with the local government. Novelty/Originality of this study: This research contribution in the field of women empowerment that how women can deal with legal advisory, to get jobs, protection in health and institutions.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Osman, Newal. "Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.

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Piracha, Muhammad Mujtaba. "Sub-national government taxation : case of property taxes in Punjab, Pakistan." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65095/.

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Property taxes tend to be under-used globally, especially in developing countries. This is particularly true in Pakistan. To explore the reasons, I studied policymaking and administration in relation to the recurrent (annual) property tax in Punjab, Pakistan's most populous and urbanised province. I used a mix of research methods, including extensive field observations of how the lower level tax staff of the Excise and Taxation Department go about their work. I found three major probable explanations for the very low levels of property tax collections: • Especially after a major decentralisation reform in 2001, responsibilities for collecting the property tax and the revenues it produces are both divided in complex ways between three levels of subnational government. Each level has low incentives to perform its tax collection functions. • Each level of subnational government obtains most of its income either from transfers from higher levels of government or from loans. It generally seems easier for them to increase their incomes by putting more effort into tapping these sources, rather than trying to improve their own tax collection performance. The lack of strong political pressures to increase spending has a reinforcing effect. • It has become administratively difficult for senior policymakers to increase property tax revenue collections through mobilising the organisational resources of the Excise and Taxation Department. Property tax collection has become locked into a system that combines (a) a high degree of informality in routine practices, (b) exclusive control of detailed information about tax collection potential and performance by lower level staff and (c) modest rent-taking and responsiveness to local pressures for leniency in tax collection at these lower levels. When higher-level officials in the Department attempt periodically to enforce the achievement of higher tax collection targets, they are mostly frustrated by these informal working practices and relationships.
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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.

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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Amirali, Asha. "Market power : traders, farmers, and the politics of accumulation in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bb0c636a-2e2c-4a4b-9df8-d81c8ad129fa.

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This thesis examines traders' strategies of accumulation in agricultural commodity markets in Pakistani Punjab. It contributes to the literature on markets as social and political institutions as well as to broader debates on patronage, informality, urbanization, and class formation in South Asia. The principal aim of the thesis is to identify the institutions and ideologies facilitating exchange and study how they function in the market. It also aims to account for the increased political importance of traders, understood as members of Pakistan's intermediate classes, and reflect on the nature of their political participation. Non-programmatic, functional alignments are shown to be the norm and compatible with both military and democratic regimes. Through a close look at activities in one agricultural commodity market - or mandi, as it is known in Punjab - the present work explores the practices and linkages traders cultivate to bolster their economic and political power. Plunging into everyday mandi life in small-town Punjab, it illustrates how customary institutions articulate with the state and capital to co-regulate economic activity and create conditions for durable domination. Enmeshment in patron-client relations, links with the local state, associational activity, ownership and control of capital, and thick social ties are demonstrated to be key means by which wealth and power are accumulated. Class is shown to articulate closely with caste and kinship while being irreducible to them, and the role of dominant social institutions is demonstrated to be highly variable across the many processes ongoing in the market.
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Rathore, Kashif. "Leadership and participatory development in post-reform (2001-2010) District Governments of Punjab, Pakistan : the cases of Attock and Sahiwal districts." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4721/.

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This thesis explored whether, why and how leadership or other factors in Punjab’s District Governments were related to participatory development programme introduced in Pakistan’s local governments in 2001. Networking/Partnering and transformational styles were found to be significantly correlated with participatory programme utilization levels in sixteen districts. Qualitative analysis in two districts concluded that leadership; local socioeconomic and power patterns; public awareness, trust and confidence; institutional-legal design of participatory development; policy-orientation of higher-level government(s); and local group politics were important factors affecting participatory development programme. Charismatic leadership is highly conductive to change when it builds integrity and trust in a novel public programme, but strong charisma could also lead to discouragement or even suppression of a poorly designed change when leaders intellectualize it in an unfavourable way. Participative leadership led to building follower ownership in participatory policy. Individualized consideration sub-style led to building follower capability for participatory development while intellectual stimulation was the most important leadership sub-style for checking elite-capture. The extent of participatory programme utilization was determined by Networking/Partnering leadership style. ‘Deliverance’ leadership behaviour was idealized by followers under conditions of poor citizen-rights. An ongoing uninterrupted participatory programme was found to be generally empowering for the communities in the long-term.
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Tanwir, Maryam. "Bureaucratic perceptions of governance : intersections of merit, gender and politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609137.

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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.

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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Tarin, Ehsanullah Khan. "Health sector reforms : factors influencing the policy process for government initiatives in the Punjab (Pakistan) health sector 1993-2000." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/372/.

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The health sector in the Punjab (Pakistan) suffers from many shortcomings and to combat these, successive governments undertook different reform interventions. The most critical of these took place during the period 1993-2000, when the Punjab government introduced seven reforms in rapid succession, with decentralisation as a strategy common to all. Substantial inputs were made, but some of these were abandoned, others forgotten and yet others remained. Nonetheless, like many countries, where few governments have initiated any planned evaluation of reform efforts, there is also no evidence of any study having been undertaken in the Punjab. This study aims to explore factors that influenced the policy process for the health sector reforms undertaken by the government and to draw lessons for contributing to ongoing and future initiatives. In preparing to achieve this aim, frameworks were developed for the health system and the policy process for health sector reform. This is a qualitative research study, which employs a case study approach. Four cases were selected for study and, based on a framework for analysing the policy process, data was collected using interviews, focus group discussions and document reviews. With the help of a tailor-made computer-assisted data processing system, the qualitative data was analysed and findings are presented as four single-case studies. The cross-case analysis led to generating discussion and developing a multiple-case study and identifying factors influencing the policy process for the Punjab health sector reforms. The study revealed that six factors principally influenced the policy process in terms of their origin, design and implementation. These are: (1) the absence of clearly defined principles and purposes; (2) the insufficient involvement of the stakeholders; (3) the lack of a holistic view of context, focusing on the health sector; (4) the shortcomings of the policy machine-, (5) the need for a proper implementation structure; and (6) the administrative fatigue of donors. Given these findings, there are certain implications for the Punjab health sector, particularly overhauling the policy machine, developing the capacity of policyrnakers for policy analysis, and broadening the stakeholders' base.
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Malik, Anushay. "Narrowing politics : the labour movement in Lahore, 1947-1974." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675413.

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Karim, Jena. "Polarization of political culture : Islam and Pakistan, 1958-1988." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83114.

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This study examines the relationship between Islam and political culture in Pakistan in the four decades following its naissance. It assesses the validity of the argument that a polarity has emerged in the Pakistani political culture, consisting of Islamism and Islamic modernism. In the case of Pakistan, Islamism refers to the use of the primary sources of Islam law, the Qur'an, hadith, and sunnah, in crafting both policy and political institutions. Islamic modernism refers to the systematized use of these primary sources as well as other (external) sources, adjusted for contemporary circumstances. These ideologies, as defined here, are gleaned from the discourse of a Pakistani ideologues, Sayyid Abu'l A 'la Mawdudi and Fazlur Rahman. It examines the thought of Mawdudi and Rahman as the discursive backdrop to the polarity of political culture. It then provides analysis of three regimes which exacerbate this polarity. They include the Islamic modernist regime of Ayub Khan, from 1958 to 1969, the quasi-Islamist regime of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, from 1971 to 1977, and finally the Islamist regime of General Zia ul-Haq, from 1977 to 1988.
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Books on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Chand, Attar. Pakistan terrorism in Punjab & Kashmir. Delhi: Amar Prakashan, 1991.

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Score card of the 15th provincial assembly of the Punjab: The first two years, April 09, 2008 - April 08, 2010. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2010.

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Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan. London: Tauris, 1988.

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Empire and Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.

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Craig, Baxter, and Mahmud Ali 1919-, eds. From martial law to martial law: Politics in the Punjab, 1919-1958. Boulder: Westview Press, 1985.

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Authoritarianism and underdevelopment in Pakistan, 1947-1958, the role of the Punjab. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Punjabi Taliban: Driving extremism in Pakistan. New Delhi: Pentagon Security International, an imprint of Pentagon Press, 2012.

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The Pakistani voter, electoral politics and voting behaviour in the Punjab. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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Political Islam in colonial Punjab: Majlis-i Ahrar 1929-1949. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Mirza, Sarfaraz Hussain. The Punjab Muslim Students Federation, 1937-1947: A study of the formation, growth, and participation in the Pakistan movement. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Hayes, Louis D. "Constitutional Problems: Government in Concept." In Politics in Pakistan, 59–80. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429302435-4.

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Hayes, Louis D. "Institutional Problems: Government in Action." In Politics in Pakistan, 81–103. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429302435-5.

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Iob, Elisabetta. "Punjab Assembly, party seats, electoral boxes." In Refugees and the Politics of the Everyday State in Pakistan, 105–32. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203729700-5.

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Taylor, David. "19. Pakistan." In Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0019.

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This chapter examines Pakistan’s history of regime change and the military’s persistent influence on the country’s political process. Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has struggled to develop a system of sustainable democratic government. It has experienced a succession of regime changes, alternating between qualified or electoral democracy and either military or quasi-military rule. Underlying apparent instability and regime change in Pakistan is the dominance of the military in domestic politics. Ironically, the reintroduction of military rule has often been welcomed in Pakistan as a relief from the factional disputes among the civilian political leaders and accompanying high levels of corruption. The chapter first traces the history of Pakistan from independence to its breakup in 1971 before discussing government instability from 1971 to 1999. It then describes General Pervez Musharraf ’s rule from 1999 to 2008 and concludes with an assessment of the armed forces’ continuing involvement in Pakistani politics.
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Arshad, Mehak, and Youshib Matthew John. "Pakistan." In Christianity in South and Central Asia, 107–18. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0010.

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Pakistan culminated from the concept that religion is the main denominator identifying and unifying Muslims in the subcontinent, and therefore Hindus and Muslims are two distinct nations. Christians strongly supported the Muslim League in its pursuit of a separate homeland. Through the historical influence of Christian missions there were 3,912 ‘native’ Christians by 1881, and by 1941 this number had increased to 511,299 in Central Punjab. The largest church in the country is the Catholic Church (Latin rite). In 1970 the Church of Pakistan brought together Anglicans, Methodists and some Presbyterians, each with an extensive network providing education, healthcare and pastoral care. Other denominations in Pakistan include the Salvation Army, Pentecostals, Full Gospel Assemblies, Adventists, among others. However, Christians in Pakistan today are maligned, regarded as part of the lowly ‘sweeper community’, with a small number of seats reserved for them in politics. Christians are threatened by the Blasphemy Law, meant to safeguard Islam. At least 700 girls are kidnapped annually and forced to marry Muslims. Nevertheless, the Christian community has demonstrated vitality; with thousands studying in Christian schools and many receiving medical care from Christian hospitals, the Christian community remains committed to engage positively in inter-faith dialogue.
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Iob, Elisabetta. "Patronage, bureaucratic unruliness and the resettling of Partition refugees in everyday Pakistani Punjab 1." In Refugees and the Politics of the Everyday State in Pakistan, 79–104. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203729700-4.

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Abou Zahab, Mariam. "The Politicization of the Shia Community in Pakistan in the 1970s and 1980s." In Pakistan, 41–52. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197534595.003.0003.

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This chapter points out the prominent role the Shias played in the struggle for Pakistan. It highlights how most of the leaders from Paskistan were westernized and saw politics as a collective secular activity separate from religion. Before 1977, Pakistan was neutral and had no sectarian agenda. Shias were well represented in the army and the federal and local bureaucracy, and there were Shia ministers in each successive government. The chapter focuses on the reign of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto from 1971 to 1977, during which communal disturbances erupted occasionally during the month of Muharram that sometimes led to riots. It also talks about the Islamization policy of General Zia-ul Haq's rule from 1977 to 1988 that was based on narrow Sunni interpretations of Islam.
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Yadav, Vineeta. "Resilience and Decline: Civil Liberties in Pakistan." In Religious Parties and the Politics of Civil Liberties, 273–301. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197545362.003.0009.

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This chapter continues the analysis of the Pakistani case by testing whether the two conditions stated in Hypothesis 2—religious parties in government, and highly institutionalized religious organizations—predict a decline in civil liberties in Pakistan. It identifies two distinct periods corresponding to the presence of religious parties in government in the (i) absence and (ii) presence of highly institutionalized religious organizations in Pakistan. According to the argument articulated in Hypothesis 2, civil liberties should only decline for religious reasons starting in 2009, when the religious Jamaat-e-Ulema-Fazlur party joined the ruling coalition and religious organizations finally achieved moderate levels of socioeconomic institutionalization. In this context, Hypothesis 2 predicts a moderate decline in de facto civil liberties. The chapter uses additional evidence from the survey of 150 Pakistani politicians, analytical narratives from Pakistani political history, and quantitative data to test support for Hypothesis 2 and its corollaries in Pakistan and finds strong support for them.
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Elangovan, Arvind. "Rau’s Constitutional Solutions to the Political Conundrum." In Norms and Politics, 122–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199491445.003.0004.

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In 1945, Viceroy Wavell requested Rau to return to the Reforms Office and help the process of transitioning power from Britain to India. Aware and working with the knowledge of the political problems between the Congress, which wanted a united India, and the Muslim League, which wanted a divided subcontinent by establishing Pakistan, Rau put forward several constitutional solutions. In drafting these constitutional ideas, Rau drew heavily from his experience of working with the Government of India Act, 1935, which, as in a decade before, brought his ideas into conflict with both the British colonial government as well as the main Indian political parties—the Congress and the League.
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Mohséni, Chirine. "The Instrumentalization of Ethnic Conflict by the State." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Françoise Gillespie, 217–32. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0013.

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This chapter examines the ethnic tensions between Kurds and Azeris in and around the city of Naqadeh in Western Azerbaijan shortly after the Iranian Revolution. Favored by the Iranian state, the Azeris held dominant social and political positions in comparison to the Kurds, adding to the tensions between these populations. The shift to violence is the result of several elements: first, the collapse of the old regime brought into question the hitherto legitimate ethnic hierarchy. Being Shi'ite became a key element in the relationship with the state and Sunni Kurds were marginalized. Second, Kurdish political demands were a source of concern for the region's Azeri population. Finally, the new government, freshly installed, had yet to establish its authority over Kurdish areas. Ethnic violence among different groups only served to justify government intervention and strengthen state influence.
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Conference papers on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Rehman, Maria, and Shafay Shamail. "Enterprise architecture and e-government projects in Punjab, Pakistan." In ICEGOV2014: 8th International Conference on Theory and Practice of Electronic Governance. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2691195.2691215.

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"Effectiveness of Performance Appraisal System: A Proposed Model with Empirical Evidence from the Government Employees of Punjab, Pakistan." In International Conference on Trends in Economics, Humanities and Management. International Centre of Economics, Humanities and Management, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15242/icehm.ed0814070.

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Reports on the topic "Punjab (Pakistan) – Politics and government"

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Rana, Abdul Wajid. Institutional assessment and change: Department of agriculture, government of the Punjab, Pakistan. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.134314.

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