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Journal articles on the topic 'Puritans – England'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Horton, Shaun. "Of Pastors and Petticoats: Humor and Authority in Puritan New England." New England Quarterly 82, no. 4 (December 2009): 608–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2009.82.4.608.

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Early Puritan humor usually endorsed Puritanism at the expense of non-Puritans, but during the eighteenth century, Puritans made bolder jokes at the expense of their own ministers. This article examines how Puritans used humor to undermine social authority and how changes in New England society led to changes in Puritan humor.

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2

Roekminto, Fajar Setiawan. "WAJAH PURITANISME DALAM DRAMA MOURNING BECOMES ELECTRA KARYA EUGENE O’NEILL." Adabiyyāt: Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra 10, no. 1 (July 31, 2011): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajbs.2011.10106.

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It’s impossible to discuss American literature without mentioning Eugene O’Neill, including his renowned drama Mourning Becomes Electra (MBE). MBE is a drama that describes a Puritan family called the Mannons. The main characters in MBE live in a strict and severe Puritan society. Both the Mannons and Puritans establish a family and community on the same principles, the belief in covenant, a tenet that is taught by John Calvin. They also have the same dream about a new land, New Jerusalem for Puritans and Blessed Island for the Mannons. The article aims at disclosing the constricting Puritans society in New England and the cruelty of the central characters in MBE. In addition, the way in which Eugene O’Neill creates tragic characters at the end of the drama can be related to the decline of Puritanism. Goldmann’s sociology of literature is applied as an approach. The imaginary structure between an aesthetic and history—MBE and Puritan society—is discovered. The Mannons in MBE and Puritans in New England have similar attitudes. Both are cruel because they desire to be in power and control economic fields. The efforts to realize the dreams are challenged by other communities and it marks the beginning of puritanical decline in New England and the death of central character in MBE. The tragic visions of the Mannons and puritans guide them to death and fall.

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3

Sene, Birane. "The Puritans in Early American Society and the Premises of Religious Fundamentalism." Noble International Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 63 (April 20, 2021): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.51550/nijssr.63.24.29.

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Puritanism is historically a form of Protestantism, resulting from the movement of John Calvin affirmed in England, from the 1560s in reaction against official Anglicanism considered too close to idolatry. Puritans will leave England where they were persecuted and settle in the East of the United States later known as New England. This puritan community will serve as a model of a Protestant state based on religious principles. The rigor of the Calvinist doctrine determined social relations and guided the destiny of handpicked people for their moral rectitude. The principles that governed this Puritan society were already laying the foundations for a theocracy whose imprints are still visible in today’s American society. The puritans were pretending to be the light that should shine above the world and enlighten it with its values, and on this basis, they excluded any relationship of equality with others. Despite this theocratic ideal, the Protestant identity will gradually fade in favor of a secular state with a religious diversity and pluralism.

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Porterfield, Amanda. "Algonquian Shamans and Puritan Saints." Horizons 12, no. 2 (1985): 303–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900035003.

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AbstractThis paper compares the shamanism of seventeenth-century Indians in southern New England with the religion of the New England Puritans. The paper identifies shamanic elements within Puritan religion, focusing particular attention on the visionary experiences and social control the Puritans gained through praying, preaching, reading, and writing. Although the literacy and moralism essential to Puritan religion were absent in seventeenth-century Algonquian shamanism, the powers of Puritan literacy and moralism can be understood in shamanic terms.

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5

WINSHIP, MICHAEL P. "DEFINING PURITANISM IN RESTORATION ENGLAND: RICHARD BAXTER AND OTHERS RESPOND TO A FRIENDLY DEBATE." Historical Journal 54, no. 3 (July 29, 2011): 689–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000033.

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ABSTRACTAround 1670, a group of moderate Restoration puritans published extended explanations of their movement at a particularly tense and pregnant time, when the recently erected, unstable barriers between the institutional Church of England and puritanism were under extreme pressure. Their efforts are important and revealing for their analyses of Restoration puritanism's contemporary situation and its historical roots. These publications, however, have received little scholarly attention. Restoration scholars tend to use the term ‘puritan’ in a static even perfunctory way that bears little resemblance to the self-conscious, fluid approach of historians of earlier puritanism. This usage also bears little resemblance to how Restoration puritans understood themselves. A close examination of these treatises helps to locate Restoration puritanism as the latest evolution of a century-old movement and helps to evaluate and refine the analytical frameworks within which historians attempt to make sense of that movement.

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6

Carpenter, John B. "New England Puritans: The Grandparents of Modern Protestant Missions." Missiology: An International Review 30, no. 4 (October 2002): 519–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960203000406.

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New England Puritanism was decisive in preparing for the “Great Century of Missions.” Reaching the Native Americans was a leading rationale for the Puritans crossing the Atlantic in the first place. John Eliot established precedents that were looked to as models of missionary practice. David Brainerd joined Eliot as a model missionary, mostly through the writings of Jonathan Edwards, the last great Puritan. To that, Edwards added his emphasis on prayer and his theological struggles for an evangelistically minded Calvinism. His writings were key in teaching English Particular Baptists, among others, that God used means “for the conversion of the heathen.”

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7

LUTTMER, FRANK. "Persecutors, Tempters and Vassals of the Devil: The Unregenerate in Puritan Practical Divinity." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 1 (January 2000): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002882.

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During the late Tudor and early Stuart age, England's parish ministries were increasingly occupied by energetic Puritan preachers who sought to convert souls and build ‘godly’ communities. Together with ‘godly’ magistrates and lay supporters, these preachers laboured to replace a culture rooted in traditional festivals, ales, dances and games with a culture sustained by frequent sermons, Scripture-reading and a strict observance of the Sabbath. Not everyone, however, heeded the call of the preachers. Many people, in most places probably a significant majority, were unable or unwilling to embrace the Puritan theology of grace and were opposed to Puritans' interference in their lives. Resistance to Puritans surfaced in different forms and degrees, ranging from indifference and passivity to organised demonstrations and protests, to street fighting and violence. Verbal abuse seems to have been common; the preferred term of abuse, ‘Puritan’, remained a potent and wounding accusation in spite of its common currency. From about the 1570s and 80s, when Puritan evangelism emerged as a significant movement in England, to the period of the Civil War, tensions between Puritans and anti-Puritans periodically surfaced in towns and villages across the kingdom, with divisions in communities cutting across class lines.

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8

Okie, Laird. "Daniel Neal and the ‘Puritan Revolution’." Church History 55, no. 4 (December 1986): 456–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166368.

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Daniel Neal's The History of the Puritans was a standard eighteenth-century source for modern historians and, as will be shown, prefigured nineteenth-century Whig conceptions of Puritanism. Published in four volumes between 1732 and 1738, Neal's work went through at least twenty-one editions or reprints; the last one was done in 1863. New editions were printed in London, Bath, Dublin, New York, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and the History was twice expanded by continuators in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. The History of the Puritans was not a narrowly religious or sectarian study: Neal strove to elucidate the Puritan contribution to the state. A Congregationalist minister, Neal produced the closest thing we have to an official Dissenting history of England, one which glorified the role of Puritanism in fostering English liberty. To study Neal's History is to gain insight into the historical and political ideology of early eighteenth-century Dissent.

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9

HARKINS, ROBERT. "ELIZABETHAN PURITANISM AND THE POLITICS OF MEMORY IN POST-MARIAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 899–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000417.

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ABSTRACTThis article presents a new perspective on Elizabethan puritanism. In particular, it examines the ways in which the memory of Marian conformity continued to influence religious and political controversy during the reign of Elizabeth I. Drawing upon extensive archival evidence, it focuses on moments when the chequered pasts of Queen Elizabeth, William Cecil, and other chief officers of English church and state were called into question by puritan critics. In contrast to the prevailing narrative of Elizabethan triumphalism, it argues that late Tudor religion and politics were shaped by lingering puritan distrust of those who had revealed a propensity for idolatry by conforming during the Marian persecution. This fraught history of religious conformity meant that, for some puritans, the Church of England had been built on unstable foundations.

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Dugre, Neal T. "Repairing the Breach: Puritan Expansion, Commonwealth Formation, and the Origins of the United Colonies of New England, 1630–1643." New England Quarterly 91, no. 3 (August 2018): 382–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00684.

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“Repairing the Breach” interprets the United Colonies of New England as a Puritan innovation in polity formation. Beginning in the 1630s, New England Puritans overcame the problem of expansion by reinforcing church and colony government with a confederation of neighbor colonies designed to make their commonwealth viable on a regional scale.

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11

Buchanan, Daniel P. "Tares in the Wheat: Puritan Violence and Puritan Families in the Nineteenth-Century Liberal Imagination." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 8, no. 2 (1998): 205–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1998.8.2.03a00030.

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The New England tradition of violence is a curiously dual one. For more than a Century after their arrival in Boston, the Puritans of New England participated in the wave of genocidal violence that helped decimate Native communities throughout the Americas. To a lesser degree, they also turned their violent energies against members of their own Community by banishing, torturing, and killing those Puritans who embraced the Quaker doctrine of the inner light or who were accused by their neighbors of witchcraft. Yet, rarely has a community been so self-conscious about its own violence, so determined to find ultimate meaning in the midst of atrocity. What could it mean, New Englanders persistently asked, that their “city on a hill” was enmeshed in violence? For at least two of the theological traditions that took strongest hold in New England—Puritanism and liberalism—this question was an inescapable preoccupation.

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Drozdowicz, Zbigniew. "Portrayals and Appraisals of Puritans and Puritanism." Humaniora. Czasopismo Internetowe 29, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/h.2020.1.2.

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The aim of these deliberations is to introduce several substantially dissimilar portrayals of Puritans and Puritanism and assessments of their achievement, as well as point to at least some of the sources and circumstances from which the differences stemmed. A proportion of these discrepancies arise from a religious background, while others are rooted in non-religious factors. Still, these are not the only elements to shed light on the objectivity or its absence among the authors of those portrayals and appraisals, as interesting insights may also be obtained from the varied temporal perspectives they adopted and the references to such distinct locations where Puritans functioned as sixteenth- and seventeenth century England and America.

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13

Young, Ralph F. "Breathing the “Free Aire of the New World”: The Influence of the New England Way on the Gathering of Congregational Churches in Old England, 1640–1660." New England Quarterly 83, no. 1 (March 2010): 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2010.83.1.5.

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Puritans in England, although engaged in the struggle against Charles I and setting up the Commonwealth under Cromwell closely watched the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay. In demonstrating how the New England Way of church polity influenced the rise of Congregationalism in England, Young details the transatlantic flow of ideas from colony to motherland.

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14

Sozinova, K. A. "Marriage Ties in England in First Half of 17th Century: Sermons to Newlyweds by Thomas Gateaker." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 8 (August 24, 2021): 478–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-8-478-490.

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The author of the article examines the evolution of ideas about marriage and matrimonial duties in the 17th century in England. The study is based on sermons to newlyweds published in the 1620s by the famous moderate Puritan Thomas Gataker: “A Summary of Marital Responsibilities” (1620), “A Good Wife is a Gift of God” (1620/23), and “A Perfect Wife” (1623). It is emphasized that these sermons are a rich source of early modern marriage. Addressing them allows us to understand the origins of changes in traditional gender practices introduced by the Puritans in the 17th century. The author demonstrates that, unlike Anglicans and Catholics, Puritans put the friendship between a man and a woman in the first place for the purpose of marriage, which serves as a salvation from loneliness, and not the birth of children. The author also concludes that the Puritans relied on traditional ideas about the patriarchal foundations of the marriage union, but the place and role of women in it was actively revised and fe-male virtue began to take its rightful place in a pious community.

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Sommerville, C. John. "Puritan Humor, or Entertainment, for Children." Albion 21, no. 2 (1989): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049927.

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When Keith Thomas wrote “The Place of Laughter in Tudor and Stuart England,” he could not ignore the so-called Marprelate Tracts, which are famous lampoons on Queen Elizabeth's bishops. But they are a problem, because they are examples of what can only be termed Puritan humor. No one yet has described them as the work of a “funny Puritan.” Those words repel each other. So we usually say they were the work of a “Puritan sympathizer.” Funny Puritans don't exist, almost by definition. Professor Thomas searched for an acceptable expression and finally dismissed the episode—seven pamphlets which have been called “The best prose satires of Elizabeth's reign”—as “bizarre.” In his view, then, it is all simply inexplicable, and he hastens to assure readers that “not only the Church but also its Puritan opponents condemned Martin [the pseudonymous “Martin Marprelate”] for treating the matter with such levity.” Here we have the Puritans we know and love, the ones whom H. L. Mencken defined as those who live with the haunting fear that someone, somewhere may be happy.But English Puritan literature for children reveals other anomalies in this characterization. Puritans and (after 1660) “Dissenters” wrote a great deal for children, more than any other group in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Most of it is tedious if not downright grim, including some of their attempts at humor. But much of it was intended to give pleasure. The purpose of this article is to look into the strangely neglected subject of Puritan humor through the prism of their works for the entertainment of children.

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16

Lake, Peter. "William Bradshaw, Antichrist and the Community of the Godly." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (October 1985): 570–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900044006.

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Hatred of popery was hardly a puritan monopoly in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England. The conviction that the pope was Antichrist was something of a commonplace amongst Protestant Englishmen. Considerable attention has recently been paid to the terms in which the identification was established and asserted. The supposed link between such concerns and a ‘millenarian’ radicalism has quite rightly been challenged, most notably by Dr Bauckham. It remains true, of course, that sensitivity towards the extent and nature of the popish threat was a hallmark of puritanism. The consequences of this, however, were ambiguous. The conviction of the reality and pervasiveness of the popish threat undoubtedly prompted much of the puritan critique of the established Church. Certainly, the rhetoric of Antichrist played a crucial role in puritan denunciations of the corruptions of the English Church. But such denunciations drew much of their polemical force from the fact that the premise on which they were based – the antichristian nature of popery – was generally accepted by English Protestants. For the whole strength of the puritans’ case rested on their ability to present their position as but the logical extension to the area of church polity and ceremony of positions readily accepted in the realm of doctrine. Even the most committed Presbyterians accepted that the doctrine of the established Church was unequivocally Protestant. For the immediate polemical purposes of Presbyterians this provided a powerful argument for a parallel and equally thorough reformation of church polity and discipline. Taking a longer perspective and in the face of the threat from Rome, such considerations served to underline the ties of common interest and identity that bound puritans to the national Church.

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Little, David. "God v Caesar: Sir Edward Coke and the Struggles of His Time." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 18, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 291–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x16000521.

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In the 1580s at Temple Church, a youthful Edward Coke, recently admitted to the bar, most likely witnessed the ‘Battle of the Pulpit’ waged between the Anglican Richard Hooker, who preached on Sunday morning, and the Puritan Walter Travers, who answered him on Sunday afternoon. That contest symbolised a broader conflict between the Anglicans and the Puritans in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England over economic and political affairs that Coke would, in his own way, try to reconcile in both the theory and practice of English law. Embracing Hooker's emphasis on the past and the seamless continuity of the English legal tradition, Coke would endeavour to make it look as though the strong contemporary impulses in favour of economic freedom and parliamentary government, close to the hearts of many Puritans such as Travers, were but a normal expression of the ‘ancient constitution’ associated with the reign of Edward the Confessor in the first half of the eleventh century. Though Coke temporarily succeeded in conciliating some of the Puritans, the compromise would not satisfy everyone.

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18

Sommerville, C. John. "Anglican, Puritan, and Sectarian in Empirical Perspective." Social Science History 13, no. 2 (1989): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001631x.

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One of the persisting problems in the religious history of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England has been a question of taxonomy. Authors still puzzle over whether we should have a name for the moderate, conforming section of the Church of England, to distinguish it from those whom we call Puritans. Was there, in fact, an essential difference between those two groups? A second question is, How far to the “left” on the religious “continuum” can we go before Puritanism changes into something qualitatively different? This usually becomes the problem of whether the Quakers were the extreme fringe of Puritanism or something altogether different. This study will offer evidence, statistically expressed, that there were consistent and significant differences between these positions.

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Goodman, Glenda. "“The Tears I Shed at the Songs of Thy Church”: Seventeenth-Century Musical Piety in the English Atlantic World." Journal of the American Musicological Society 65, no. 3 (2012): 691–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2012.65.3.691.

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Abstract This essay reconsiders the role of seventeenth-century psalmody in Puritans' religious lives, drawing on a rich yet little-discussed cache of writings about music from New and Old England to show that, contrary to popular belief, Puritans were deeply invested in the affective power of psalm singing as an expression of personal piety. Importantly, treatises about music circulated transatlantically, thus imbricating psalmody in a broader Atlantic-world discourse about the significance of sacred singing. The essay first examines the nature of Puritans' personal piety, an interior and individual experience of faith and communion with God. Then it delves into the theological justification for singing psalms and the method for selecting tunes. Attuning to the importance of individual affective experience brings about a reevaluation of the significance of early American psalmody's “decline” in the early eighteenth century. By tracing the contours of puritan musical thought on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this essay also puts forth “Atlantic musicology” as an illuminating approach to early modern music and ultimately challenges the historiographical tendency to view psalmody as the departure point for an exceptional American music history.

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Atkins, Jonathan M. "Calvinist Bishops, Church Unity, and the Rise of Arminianism." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049982.

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According to Nicholas Tyacke, the doctrine of predestination worked as a “common and ameliorating bond” between conformists and nonconformists in the late Elizabethan and Jacobean Church of England. Anglicans and Puritans both accepted Calvin's teachings on predestination as a “crucial common assumption.” Puritans were stigmatized either because of their refusal to conform to the church's rites and ceremonies or because of their rejection of the church's episcopal government, but their agreement with the episcopacy on predestinarian Calvinism imposed “important limits” on the extent of persecution. The Synod of Dort, a Dutch conference held in 1619 which included several English representatives, repudiated Arminianism and affirmed the Calvinist view of salvation, Tyacke calls “an event which has never received the emphasis it deserves from students of English religious history,” because the Synod “served to emphasize afresh the theology binding conformist and nonconformist together, and the limits which that common bond imposed on persecution.” The rise of Arminianism broke this common bond and contributed to the causes of the Civil War. To the Arminians, Puritans were those who opposed the new religious policies of King Charles I and archbishop William Laud. The Arminians' elimination of Calvinist influence in the church and at court, along with intensified persecution of Puritans, “generated a Puritan militancy” that erupted in 1640. By that date, Tyacke concludes, predestinarian Calvinism had been “transformed with relative ease into a call for ‘root and branch’ remedies”; at the same time, presbyterianism emerged as “the cure of Arminian disease.”

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McGee, J. Sears. "On Misidentifying Puritans: The Case of Thomas Adams." Albion 30, no. 3 (1998): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000061081.

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On the titlepage of his collection of sermons, The Happinesse of the Church (1618), Thomas Adams styled himself “preacher” at St. Gregory’s, London. The term could indicate puritan leanings, and in the nineteenth century Robert Southey went so far as to call Adams “the prose Shakespeare of puritan theologians… scarcely inferior to Fuller in wit or to Taylor in fancy.” Adams often used the word “puritan” pejoratively. Historians, however, have classified as puritans people who rejected the term for themselves, just as political analysts-sometimes justly-classify as “liberals” or “conservatives” politicians who cavil at these terms. The problem, as always, is one of definition, and Adams affords an excellent opportunity to test the adequacy of our definitions. Like “humanist” or “republican,” “puritan” is one of those terms that have come to have a meaning that transcends the circumstances in which they originated. I argue that Adams was not a puritan; he was instead a mainstream Calvinist episcopalian of the kind so convincingly described by Patrick Collinson in his Ford lectures. Nevertheless, an attempt to place Adams in the spectrum of religious opinion has a value beyond merely getting one individual situated. Scholars have contradicted each other in their placing of Adams, and this analysis, by getting him right, will throw light on our understanding of the varieties of Calvinism in early Stuart England.

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Morris, M. Michelle Jarrett. "The Many Puritans of Early New England." Reviews in American History 42, no. 1 (2014): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2014.0026.

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Winship, Michael P. "Were There Any Puritans in New England?" New England Quarterly 74, no. 1 (March 2001): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185462.

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HEATH, WILLIAM. "Thomas Morton: From Merry Old England to New England." Journal of American Studies 41, no. 1 (April 2006): 135–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875806002787.

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Nathaniel Hawthorne claims, in his brief preface to “The May-pole of Merry Mount,” that “the facts, recorded on the grave pages of our New England annalists, have wrought themselves, almost spontaneously,” into a “philosophical romance” and “a sort of allegory.” He later refers to these “true” and “authentic passages from history” as “a poet's tale.” Yet to anyone familiar with the sources available to Hawthorne,1 nothing is more striking than how much authentic history he has left out – most notably Thomas Morton himself, whose version of what transpired at his fur-trading post on Massachusetts Bay (New English Canaan) is indeed a tale told by a poet, albeit a minor one. What do we know about the man who put up the maypole that so outraged his pious neighbors? Who was Thomas Morton and why were the Puritans so offended by him? If his maypole symbolized the festive culture of Merry Old England, Morton epitomized its spirit. No wonder he was a persona non grata among the Puritans of New England, although Falstaff would have welcomed him to the Boar's Head Tavern. Like many a man of the Elizabethan Renaissance, he was enamored of classical learning and the New World; three times he abandoned London's Bankside to seek his fortune in Massachusetts Bay, at the risk of his life.

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Anastasova, Maria. "Puritan Projections In Nathaniel Hawthorne’s "The Scarlet Letter" And Stephen King’s "Carrie"." English Studies at NBU 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/esnbu.21.1.5.

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It is considered that the Puritans that populated New England in the 17th century left a distinctive mark on the American culture. The article explores some projections of Puritan legacy in two American novels of different periods – Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter (1850) and Stephen King’s Carrie (1974). After establishing a connection between the Puritan writings and gothic literature, the two novels are analyzed in terms of some Puritan projections, among which are the problem of guilt and the acceptance of an individual in the society. Some references regarding the idea of the witch and the interpretations it bears, especially in terms of the female identity, are also identified. Despite the different approach of the authors in terms of building their characters, those references are mostly used in a negative way, as an instrument of criticism and exposing inconvenient truths.

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Thamrindinata, Hendra. "Preparation for Grace in Puritanism: An Evaluation from the Perspective of Reformed Anthropology." Diligentia: Journal of Theology and Christian Education 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/dil.v1i1.1899.

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<p class="abstracttextDILIGENTIA"><span lang="EN-ID">The Puritans’ doctrine on the preparation for grace, whose substance was an effort to find and to ascertain the true marks of conversion in a Christian through several preparatory steps which began with conviction or awakening, proceeded to humiliation caused by a sense of terror of God’s condemnation, and finally arrived into regeneration, introduced in the writings of such first Puritans as William Perkins (1558-1602) and William Ames (1576-1633), has much been debated by scholars. It was accused as teaching salvation by works, a denial of faith and assurance, and a divergence from Reformed teaching of human's total depravity. This paper, on the other hand, suggesting anthropology as theological presupposition behind this Puritan’s preparatory doctrine, through a historical-theological analysis and elaboration of the post-fall anthropology of Calvin as the most influential theologian in England during Elizabethan era will argue that this doctrine was fit well within Reformed system of believe.</span></p>

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Hirschman, Elizabeth C. "Challenging the Fundamental Premise of White Supremacy: DNA Documents the Jewish Origins of the New England Colony." Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (June 17, 2021): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10060232.

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The English Puritans of New England are a foundational element in the current racist ideology of White Supremacy. Depicted in history books as stalwart British Protestants who braved bitter winters and Native predations to establish a “City on the Hill”—a beacon to the world of freedom and liberty—the Puritans became ideals in the American consciousness. But what if this is a misrepresentation, created largely in the mid and late 1800s to serve as a political barrier against Catholic, East European, Jewish, and Asian immigrants who threatened the “American way of life”? The present research uses genealogical DNA data collected from descendants of the New England settlers to demonstrate that these original “Yankees” were of Jewish ancestry. The WASP origination of New England is shown to be a false narrative.

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Hochstetler, Laurie. "Making Ministerial Marriage: The Social and Religious Legacy of the Dominion of New England." New England Quarterly 86, no. 3 (September 2013): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00298.

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Religion permeated all aspects of New England Puritans’ lives, but it was curiously absent from their marriage ceremonies. In response to political changes brought about by the Dominion of New England, however, colonists increasingly shunned secular weddings, now performed by Crown appointees rather than elected Bay officers, and embraced religious ceremonies performed by local ministers.

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29

Scott, David. "Yorkshire’s Godly Incendiary: The Career of Henry Darley During the Reign of Charles I." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 435–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002611.

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The Puritans of northern England have been well served by modern historians. The work of J. T. Cliffe and R. C. Richardson has shed a considerable amount of light on the Yorkshire and Lancashire godly in the seventeenth century, while case-studies of prominent northern parliamentarians, such as Claire Cross’s recent biography of Alderman Hoyle of York, have contributed much to our understanding of how the region’s Puritans reacted to the Laudian ‘captivity’ of the Church and the endeavours after 1640 to build a new Jerusalem.

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Tutino, Stefania. "‘Makynge Recusancy Deathe Outrighte’? Thomas Pounde, Andrew Willet and The Catholic Question in Early Jacobean England." Recusant History 27, no. 1 (May 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031162.

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With the accession of James VI of Scotland to England’s throne as James I, many English Catholics began hoping that the vexing question of religion would soon be resolved in a manner not unfavourable to their faith. James, after all, was the son of the Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, and it seemed not impossible that he would convert to the Catholic faith. The diplomatic contact with Spain that would eventually produce the Treaty of 1604 was already in process and religious toleration was one element in the discussion. But the more significant grounds for Catholics’ hope came most certainly from the position on the English religious question enunciated by the King himself. As his reign began, James seemed to be demonstrating a more favourable attitude towards Catholics than towards Puritans. His Basilikon Down declared the Church of Rome and the Church of England ‘agree in the grounds’, while his first speech to Parliament in March 1604 characterized Catholicism as ‘a religion, falsely called Catholik, but trewly Papist’, while defining the Puritans, as ‘a sect rather than a Religion’.

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31

Bozeman, T. D. "The Glory of the ‘Third Time’: John Eaton as Contra-Puritan." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 4 (October 1996): 638–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014652.

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As Elizabeth's reign neared its end, the futility of Puritan efforts to restructure the Church of England finally became apparent. By the early 1590s, with a strong conservative shift in the ecclesiastical leadership, the death of powerful patrons and friends at court, and the decisive defeat of the Presbyterian movement, the effect upon Puritan fortunes was devastating. What conservative churchmen did not suspect, however, was that even as they savoured victory, a creative rechannelling of the quest for further reformation was underway. In some quarters, frustration over the failure to gain power had led in different directions, to more radical moves like separatism or the Martin Marprelate project; but non-separating Puritans, few of whom had tied their fortunes to dogmatic Presbyterianism or were prepared to abandon the national Church, improvised a quieter response. If the Church was unreformable, they would reach the citizenry at personal and local levels with a ‘more spiritual and interior religion’. Thus the paradox that ‘the miscarriage of the further reformation coincided with the birth of the great age of Puritan religious experience’: coincided, that is, with the rise of a new, introspective, pietist phase of Puritan initiative.

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32

Ha, Polly. "Religious Toleration and Ecclesiastical Independence in Revolutionary Britain, Bermuda and the Bahamas." Church History 84, no. 4 (November 13, 2015): 807–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000918.

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By the mid-seventeenth century, radical protestant tolerationists in Britain and the British Atlantic began to conceive of religious liberty as a civil liberty applicable to all subjects, in contrast to contemporary puritans who limited toleration to orthodox protestants. This essay seeks to explain why certain puritans, however small in number, came to adopt radical views on toleration in contrast to the religious mainstream in the Anglophone world. Drawing upon a longer history of ecclesiastical independence than considered in the existing scholarship on religious toleration, it identifies a hitherto unexplored relationship between ecclesiastical independence in England and the Atlantic World.

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33

Milder, Robert. "From Emerson to Edwards." New England Quarterly 80, no. 1 (March 2007): 96–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.1.96.

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Recasting Perry Miller's classic “From Edwards to Emerson,” the essay relocates Emerson in the New England spiritual tradition from the Puritans to William James. Even as he dismissed the theological doctrines of Calvinism, Emerson increasingly came to understand himself as replicating many of the psychospiritual truths at its core.

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34

Vinovskis, Maris A., and Bruce C. Daniels. "Puritans at Play: Leisure and Recreation in Colonial New England." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170755.

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35

Cross, Gary, and Bruce C. Daniels. "Puritans at Play: Leisure and Recreation in Colonial New England." Journal of American History 83, no. 1 (June 1996): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945495.

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36

Zuckerman, Michael, and Bruce C. Daniels. "Puritans at Play: Leisure and Recreation in Colonial New England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 4 (1997): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206569.

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37

Chung, Youngkwon. "Puritans, Godly Diversity, and Religious Liberty in Civil War England." Parergon 33, no. 1 (2016): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2016.0008.

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38

Tucker, Louis Leonard. "Puritans at Play: Leisure and Recreation in Colonial New England." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 3 (April 1996): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951258.

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39

Bremer, Francis J., and Bruce C. Daniels. "Puritans at Play: Leisure and Recreation in Colonial New England." New England Quarterly 69, no. 4 (December 1996): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/366575.

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40

Elliott, Emory, and Andrew Delbanco. "Writing New England: An Anthology from the Puritans to the Present." New England Quarterly 75, no. 4 (December 2002): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559865.

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41

Clements, Joyce M. "Sarah and the Puritans: Feminist Contributions to New England Historical Archaeology." Archaeologies 7, no. 1 (December 24, 2010): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11759-010-9155-3.

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42

Moots, G. A. "MICHAEL HOBERMAN. New Israel/New England: Jews and Puritans in Early America." American Historical Review 118, no. 3 (May 31, 2013): 837–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.3.837.

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43

Brown, Matthew P. "Abram C. Van Engen.Sympathetic Puritans: Calvinist Fellow Feeling in Early New England." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 555.2–556. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.555a.

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44

Gilchrist, Mary J. "Emerging Infectious Diseases in New England from the Puritans to the Present." Clinical Microbiology Newsletter 31, no. 10 (May 2009): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.clinmicnews.2009.04.004.

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45

Daniels, Bruce C. "Did the Puritans Have Fun? Leisure, Recreation and the Concept of Pleasure in Early New England." Journal of American Studies 25, no. 1 (April 1991): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800028085.

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As any parent or pet-owner knows, play seems to be a natural part of life. Dogs and cats wrestle, chase their tails, and scamper in races; monkeys, fish, and birds dance; children make toys out of any nearby prop. Play is older than man and seems to be one of the inevitable characteristics that evolution has built into all beings above the level of the most basic species. Both quiet play and active play – leisure and recreation – have a therapeutic effect that make creatures seek them. Play is ubiquitous psychologists say, because fun is essential in order to do the serious things of life – work, survive, reproduce, and live in social groups. Why then does it jar our sensibilities to think of Puritans playing and having fun? Why is it necessary to remind people – to persuade them against their instinctive reaction – that the religious settlers of colonial New England sought relaxation and pleasure in their lives? Many societies past and present have reputations for restrictive views of the pursuit of pleasure, but few peoples conjure up as strong an image of asceticism as the Puritans do.

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PETERSON, MARK. "WHY THEY MATTERED: THE RETURN OF POLITICS TO PURITAN NEW ENGLAND." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 3 (October 24, 2013): 683–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000267.

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Puritans had big stories to tell, and they cast themselves big parts to play in those stories. The fervent English Protestants who believed that the Elizabethan Church urgently needed further reformation, and the self-selecting band among them who went on to colonize New England, were sure that they could re-create the churches of the apostolic age, and eliminate centuries’ worth of Romish accretions. By instituting scriptural forms of worship, these purified churches might have a beneficial influence on the state as well, and bring about the rule of the godly. If a purified English church and state could inaugurate reformation across all of Christendom, spread the gospel to infidels around the globe, and usher in the millennium, then all the better. In 1641, an anonymous tract called A Glimpse of Sions Glory announced that the new puritan-controlled Parliament would bring on “Babylon's destruction . . . The work of the day [is] to give God no rest till he sets up Jerusalem in the praise of the whole world.” The leading minister of colonial Boston at the time, John Cotton, predicted that as soon as 1655, as Michael Winship summarizes Cotton: the states and Christian princes of Europe, under irresistible supernatural influence, would have instituted congregationalism [Massachusetts’ form of church polity] and overthrown Antichrist and Muslim Turkey. The example of their churches’ pure Christianity would have brought about the conversion of Jews and pagans across the globe. Thereafter, the churches of Christ would enjoy the millennium's thousand years of peace before the climactic battle with Gog and Magog at the end of time. Those are big stories.

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Hoberman, Michael. "Abram C. Van Engen, Sympathetic Puritans: Calvinist Fellow Feeling in Early New England." Britain and the World 9, no. 2 (September 2016): 290–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0250.

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48

Cooke, Kathy J. "Generations and Regeneration: “Sexceptionalism” and Group Identity among Puritans in Colonial New England." Journal of the History of Sexuality 23, no. 3 (September 2014): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/jhs23301.

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49

Leonard, Bill. "Book Review: III. Theological History: Founding Fathers: The Puritans in England and America." Review & Expositor 85, no. 2 (May 1988): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738808500234.

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50

MacLean, Sally-Beth. "Drama and ceremony in early modern England: the REED project." Urban History 16 (May 1989): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800009160.

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In 1976 a medieval and renaissance theatre history project was launched under the masthead Records of Early English Drama (now more familiarly known as REED). The official launch had taken two years of planning by scholars from Britain, Canada and the United States, and was given assurance for the future through a ten-year major Editorial Grant from the Canada Council. REED's stated goal – then as now – was to find, transcribe and publish evidence of dramatic, ceremonial and musical activity in Great Britain before the theatres were closed in 1642. The systematic survey undertaken would make available for analysis records relating to the evolution of English theatre from its origins in minstrelsy, through the flowering of drama in the renaissance, to the suppression first of local and then of professional entertainment under the Puritans.

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