Relevant bibliographies by topics / Qatari foreign policy

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Qatari foreign policy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Qatari foreign policy"

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Putri, Alfredha Shinta, and Surwandono Surwandono. "Qatar's Clean Diplomacy Facing Regional Conflict." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i2.10035.

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Qatar is one of the richest countries in the Middle East region. Qatar is able to supply the third largest gas to the world and become the third largest exporter of liquid natural gas. This paper is interested in analyzing the behavior of the Qatari government amid various conflicts and tensions in the Middle East region. Qatar tends to position itself as a mediator of conflict. The Qatari government believes that by being a mediator in this conflict it can be a neutral position.Qatari governance is based on the basic norm structure that is used as a policy platform, and articulates it openly, with integrity, and is measurable. This is known as clean diplomacy. Qatar manages the crisis by remaining consistent with its image as a guardian of regional peace and stability. The image of Qatar as an 'honest broker' country is able to increase Qatar's legitimacy in the international public arena. This paper builds on arguments based on secondary document data, and interprets the data with a qualitative approach to understanding Qatar's foreign policy behavior. The analysis showed that the choice of governance of Qatar's clean diplomacy proved effective in managing the foreign political pressure of neighboring countries in the form of not escalating conflict, and Qatar's political and economic stability.
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Kamrava, Mehran. "Mediation and Qatari Foreign policy." Middle East Journal 65, no. 4 (October 15, 2011): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/65.4.11.

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A. Bashir, Fadhl, and Elfatih Abdelsalam. "QATAR’S FOREIGN AID POLICY: EVOLUTION, MOTIVES AND VALUES." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.1.21a.

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This paper presents pertinent aspects of the foreign aid policy of the State of Qatar as a Muslim emerging donor with rising soft power. The study traces and explains the evolution of Qatar’s Foreign Aid Policy (QFAP) and identifies the various critical milestones of the policy that has been successfully transformed from a small Gulf Emirate into one of the leading players on both regional and global issues including aid giving. Although, Qatar’s motivation for aid giving is quite similar to the global setting, the country’s sociocultural background and values play a vital in shaping and inspiring its aid policy. As QFAP is closely tied to the country’s active foreign policy agenda, political and security motives are heavily reflected in the country’s aid practices. In collecting both primary and secondary data this study used various qualitative methods such as face-to-face interviews with key Qatari officials and scrutinized official state documents and quoted speeches, particularly of past and present Emirs as well as other archival sources.
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Kuznetsov, A. A. "Disagreements between Member States of the GCC as a Factor of the Political Situation in the Middle East Region." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-2-69-77.

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The paper deals with the phenomenon of the Qatari-Saudi rivalry in the Middle East in the context of dissimilarities between political programs and aspirations of the two states in the Middle East.The following research undertakings are realized in the article:• an explanation of the reasons of Qatar and the Saudi Kingdom’s domination in the Arab politics of the last 15 years;• an analysis of the Qatari foreign policy and the regional geopolitical agenda of Qatar;• an inquiry into the reasons and driving forces of the Saudi-Qatari conflict;• a study of the external actors’ influence on the Saudi-Qatari conflict, taking into account the changers in the U.S. foreign policy;• investigation of the different political strategies of the Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen which may lead to disintegration of this country.The author emphasizes four main reasons for the Saudi-Qatari rivalry: support by the Qatari leadership of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood; tribal rivalry among the families of al-Saud and al-Thani; struggle for the ideological heritage of Muhammad Abdel Wahhab; different approaches to Iran, and its role in the region.
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Kabalan. "Actors, Structures and Qatari Foreign Policy." AlMuntaqa 2, no. 2 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31430/almuntaqa.2.2.0061.

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Al-Kuwārī, ʿAlī Khalīfa. "The visions and strategies of the GCC countries from the perspective of reforms: the case of Qatar." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.647417.

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The countries of the Arab Gulf have witnessed a wave of production of ‘national’ strategies and ‘vision’ initiatives, most of which have been developed by foreign firms and consultants, and many of which were drafted in English. Two examples of these that form the basis of analysis of this article are the Qatar National Vision 2030 (QNV) issued in 2008 and followed up by the Qatar National Developmental Strategy 2011–2016 (QNDS) in 2011. Neither document was subjected to public referendum, and many of those directly involved in Qatar's central planning were unable even to obtain copies until after publication in final form. Both are problematic for reason of vague or undefined terms, lack of concrete goals, as well as any explicit mention of political development in the country. Even more serious is the question of citizenship, where the huge expatriate populations and permanent residence concessions granted on the basis of ownership of real estate threaten to undermine Arab Qatari identity – a situation aggravated further when English was made the official language of instruction in education and a primary language of administration. This latter development also had the effect of dwindling participation of Qatari citizens in the labour force – already low at 14% in 2001 – to a mere 6% in 2009. The article examines four major deficiencies inherent in Qatar in light of the QNV and QNDS: economic–productive, labour force, political and security. Of these, mention of the political deficiency is conspicuously absent from both documents (where there is not a single mention of terms such as ‘democracy’, ‘citizenship’ or ‘elections’) and both the labour force and economic–productive deficiencies are addressed in terms more relevant and favourable to foreign concerns than those of native Qataris. In the final analysis, both the QNV and QNDS are reflective of Qatar's severe demographic anomaly where the number of Qatari citizens was estimated to be only 230,000 out of a total population of 1.64 million in 2010; and official policy in terms of both the labour market and the granting of permanent residence on the basis of unregulated foreign purchases of real estate and investment only serves to perpetuate an already precarious situation. If Qatar is unable to restructure and reform its policies to the benefit of the indigenous Arab population, the matter of identity and the future character of the country threaten to be matters of serious doubt by the end date of the QNV in 2030, if not well before then.
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Ahmed, Walid M. A. "Cross-border equity flows and market volatility: the case of Qatar Exchange." International Journal of Emerging Markets 11, no. 3 (July 18, 2016): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-11-2013-0177.

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Purpose – Extending the extant literature and using Qatar’s equity market as a case study, this paper aims to look into the potential impacts of foreign investor groups’ trading activities on market volatility in comparison with those of Qatar’s domestic investor counterparts. Design/methodology/approach – The dataset is comprised of daily aggregated values of stock purchases and sales made separately by four investor groups, namely, foreign individual investors, foreign institutional investors, domestic individual investors, and domestic institutional investors. An ex post measure of volatility introduced by Rogers and Satchell (1991) is employed. Four proxies for investor trading are considered separately in the analysis. The objective of the study is empirically addressed in the context of the Generalized Method of Moments estimation technique. Findings – In general, there exists substantial contemporaneous price impact associated with foreign equity investment in the Qatari capital market, despite the fact that foreigners’ buy and sell trades are not as large as those of their domestic counterparts. More specifically, foreign institutional sales (purchases) tend to increase (reduce) market volatility. Like those of foreign institutions, the sell trades by foreign individuals have a positive impact on volatility. On the other hand, domestic institutional purchases are significantly negatively related with market volatility, whereas the sell trades by the same category have no impact on volatility. Finally, surprises in foreigners’ trading volumes turn out to be responsible for adding to volatility. Practical implications – Although a sudden reversal of foreign capital flows can pose a real threat to the stability of the Qatari capital market, such capital flows are deemed to be an indispensable vehicle for enhancing the liquidity and efficiency of the market. Accordingly, policy makers in Qatar should overhaul the current foreign investment legislation to make it even more streamlined and better suited to achieving the country’s strategic vision for the market. Foremost in these reforms is relaxing the stringent 25 percent foreign ownership restriction. Such a relaxation process is highly recommended to be phased in only gradually, in order to weigh its pros and cons. In this regard, the authorities concerned should consider embarking on a range of procedures intended to ward off the adverse ramifications of foreign capital outflows. Originality/value – To the author’s best knowledge, no study about the impact of foreign equity flows on domestic markets has been so far conducted using trading data from the Qatari market. This work presents one such attempt.
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Pourhamzavi, Karim, and Philip Pherguson. "Al Jazeera and Qatari Foreign Policy: A Critical Approach." Journal of Media Critiques 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17349/jmc115301.

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Ganji, Sarath K. "Leveraging the World Cup: Mega Sporting Events, Human Rights Risk, and Worker Welfare Reform in Qatar." Journal on Migration and Human Security 4, no. 4 (December 2016): 221–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241600400403.

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Qatar will realize its decades-long drive to host a mega sporting event when, in 2022, the opening ceremony of the Fέdέration Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup commences. By that time, the Qatari government will have invested at least $200 billion in real estate and development projects, employing anywhere between 500,000 and 1.5 million foreign workers to do so. The scale of these preparations is staggering — and not necessarily positive. Between 2010 and 2013, more than 1,200 labor migrants working in Qatar's construction sector died, with another 4,000 deaths projected by the start of the event. Foreign workers are subject to conditions of forced labor, human trafficking, and indefinite detention. Advocacy groups cite deplorable living and working conditions, coupled with lax legal protections for workers, as the main culprits. Absent significant improvements in worker welfare, Qatar's World Cup will be remembered as a human rights tragedy. This article examines whether it is possible for Qatar's World Cup to forge a different legacy, as an agent of change on behalf of worker welfare reform. In examining the issue, the article takes a two-fold approach. First, it locates the policy problem of worker welfare abuses in the context of the migration life cycle. The migration life cycle represents the range of activities that mediate the relationship between an individual migrant and the labor migration system — from the time the migrant first considers working overseas to his employment abroad to his eventual return to the home country. An understanding of worker welfare abuses in Qatar does not begin or end with reports of migrant deaths. A much broader pattern of abuse exists that, if ignored, will undermine effective policy responses. Second, the article frames worker welfare as a matter that lies at the intersection of business and human rights. Mega events are large-scale, internationally recognized activities that aim to promote regional development and to advance universal values and principles. They also represent an important collaboration between stakeholders across sectors. The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, therefore, offer a framework for understanding how worker welfare reform might be in the interests of governmental and corporate actors alike. Ultimately, this paper outlines four policy proposals that may be undertaken by countries of origin, nongovernmental organizations, international organizations, and Qatari employers: (1) the development of a list of labor-supply agencies committed to ethical recruitment practices; (2) the devising of low-interest, preferential loans for migrants considering employment in Qatar; (3) the establishment of a resource center to serve as a one-stop shop for migrant information and services; and (4) the creation of training programs to aid migrants upon their return home. These options are not meant to diminish the role of the Qatari government in reform efforts, and indeed, the state can — and should — take steps to improve worker welfare, including strengthening worker welfare standards, closing labor law loopholes, and bolstering law enforcement capacity. But these measures are not enough. Therefore, the above four policy proposals put forward a process-specific, rather than actor-specific, approach to reform aimed at capitalizing on the spotlight of the World Cup to bring about lasting, positive change in Qatar's migrant labor practices.
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Saidy, Brahim. "Qatar and Rising China." China Report 53, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727924.

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This article explores the Qatari perception of the partnership with China on the basis of three factors: globalisation, the absence of a legacy of colonialism and the principles of non-intervention and respect for state sovereignty professed in China’s foreign policy. China’s perception of its relations with Qatar is embedded within its understanding of the regional order in the Middle East and reflects its assessment of the geopolitical factors that are transforming Gulf countries. It emerges from this analysis that the diplomatic and economic aspects of Qatar–China relations are substantial and well institutionalised. However, military cooperation is still underdeveloped despite the increase of military-to-military contacts.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Qatari foreign policy"

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Abunajela, Mohammed-Ali M. A. "Al-Jazeera (Arabic) satellite television : a platform for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/601085.

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The Qatari-funded channel, Al-Jazeera Arabic (AJA) has been subject to criticism as being in favour of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt. The approach taken by AJA Satellite Television to represent the MB, the Mubarak regime and other political actors in Egypt, during its coverage of four key electoral moments - before and after the 2011‘revolution’- is reviewed in this research. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is applied to study the constructive effects of AJA’s language in an interpretive way (Parker & Burman, 1993). The effect of the language used by two predominant AJA TV programmes, Without Borders بلا حدود and Opposite Direction الاتجاه المعاكس has been investigated and a number of current and former AJA journalists have been interviewed. Van Dijk’s Ideological Square and Pier Robinson’s Framing Model, in conjunction with Chouliaraki’s Three Rhetorical Strategies (Verbal Mode, Agency and Time Space) have been used as analysis tools to study the process of AJA’s representation of different political ideologies: the MB’s Islamic ideology and the Mubarak regime’s secular ideology. Van Dijk’s Ideological Square helps to identify the boundaries between ‘us’ (the good) and ‘them’ (the bad), and to classify people according to their support of specific ideology against another - the ‘in-group’ or the ‘outgroup’. AJA positively framed the Islamic MB movement on the basis that the group and its members were democratic, Islamic and victims, whereas it negatively framed the Mubarak regime and the Military Council in Egypt as repressive, secular and villains. The assigned role of different actors (including; the Egyptian people and opposition parties) in AJA TV programmes changed from one electoral moment to another. While the Mubarak regime, its supporters and the Military Council were represented as the ‘out-group’ at all times, the role allocated to the Egyptian people and the opposition shifted between the ‘in-group’ and the ‘out-group’, depending on the political mood they held towards the MB.
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Al, Thani Ahmed Nasser. "The Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign policy towards the Middle East peace process (1991-2005), with special reference to Qatar's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2017. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5388/.

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This study examines the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and its member states, in particular Qatar, towards the peace process in the Middle East between 1991 and 2005. The study aims to identify, and critically engage with, a set of internal and external determinants, which influenced the foreign policy orientations of the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process after the Madrid conference in 1991 and until 2005. This time frame was selected because significant changes took place in the patterns of alliances among leading Arab states after 2005. Moreover, the study focuses on the extent to which Qatar’s foreign policy has been consistent, or inconsistent, with the rest of GCC foreign policy, and the reasons for both consistencies and inconsistencies. The study posits three main questions. First, what are the main determinants, internal and external, facing the GCC states while formulating their foreign policies towards the Middle East peace process, particularly between 1991 and 2005? Second, what was the overall foreign policy agreed between the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process during the same period? Finally, to what extent was Qatari foreign policy convergent with, or divergent from, the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council with regard to the peace process? To explore these questions, the study adopts a qualitative research methodology and archival document analysis strategy. A wide range of documents was used throughout the study, including UN documents, media data, official statements made by GCC ministers of foreign affairs, closing statements of GCC summits, speeches by the Emir of Qatar, and statements by Qatari diplomats and officials. The data analyses revealed, first, that the foreign policies of the GCC states and Qatar have converged when it ultimately came to supporting Palestinian rights and the US efforts on the peace process, and, second, that the foreign policies of Qatar and the GCC states have diverged on two significant issues: first Qatar’s desire to normalize economic and diplomatic ties with Israel, and, second, US and Qatari initiatives to push political reform agenda (democratization came first, among other objectives) in the region as a possible policy to resolve the Middle East conflict.
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Valentini, Victor. "Le Qatar à l’épreuve des relations internationales : lecture théorique de la politique étrangère du micro-État sous le règne de l’émir Hamad Ben Khalifa Al Thani (1995-2013)." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne‎ (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAD017/document.

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La politique étrangère de l’émirat du Qatar a suscité beaucoup d’interrogations depuis la prise de pouvoir du cheikh Hamad ben Khalifa Al Thani le 27 juin 1995. Omniprésentes depuis quelques années dans le débat public français notamment, les approches peinent cependant à formuler un cadre théorique général sous lequel appréhender la diplomatie de cet émirat. De ce constat naît une question simple : de quoi la politique étrangère du Qatar est-elle le nom ? Loin des clichés réducteurs où elle demeure le rêve d’un émir orgueilleux du Golfe, la diplomatie qatarie s’inscrit dans le contexte d’une politique étrangère d’un micro-État, d’inspiration réaliste, qui tente de conjurer un rapport de force défavorable en usant des caractéristiques du micro-étatisme et des transformations de l’environnement global afin d’optimiser ses ressources et surtout, d’instaurer un autre rapport de force
Ever since the sheik Hamad ben Khalifa Al Thani seized power on June 27th, 1995, Qatar's foreign policy has sparked a lot of questionning. Although Qatar's policies have been commented extensively, especially in the french public debate, the various approaches on this matter have failed to formulate a general theoretical framework through which Qatar's diplomacy could be apprehended. A simple question arises from this observation : what truly lies behind Qatar's foreign policy ? Far from the carricatures depicting it as the grand dream of a vainglorious emir from the Gulf, we intend to show that Qatar's diplomacy can only be understood in the larger context of a realistic micro-state foreign policy that aims at warding off an unfavorable balance of power by using both the characteristics of micro-statism and changes in the global environment, in order to optimize its resources and ultimately, establish a different balance of power
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Nguyen, Kimthoa Thi. "How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments: a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15058.

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Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.
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Pereira, Francisco Maria Vilas-Boas Potes. "A política externa do Qatar enquanto instrumento de projecção internacional." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/17585.

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Constituindo-se a política externa qatari como objecto de investigação, esta dissertação propõe-se a efectuar a sua caracterização num período temporal definido entre a independência do Emirado do Qatar e, sensivelmente, até 2011, coincidindo com o início da designada ‘Primavera Árabe’. Assumem-se como objectivos centrais a identificação de alterações ao padrão de comportamento da política externa qatari, bem como a identificação das suas motivações. Para a concretização daquela linha de investigação e análise, serão analisados os casos da intervenção da política externa qatari na Tunísia, Egipto e Líbia, este último com particular relevo, na medida em que se constitui como um marco diferenciador no modus operandi da política externa qatari face à linha que vinha então sendo preconizada por Doha.
By setting up the qatari foreign policy as research topic, this dissertation proposes to perform its characterization in a time span defined between the independence of the Qatar Emirate to approximately 2011, coinciding with beginning of the commonly called 'Arab Spring'. As central objectives of the dissertation it stands out the identification of changes to the qatari foreign policy and also the effort in identifying the Emirates motivations. To carry out this research and analysis, there will be analyzed the cases of the Qatari foreign policy intervention in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, the latter of particular interest as it constitutes a distinctive landmark on Doha’s foreign policy.
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Books on the topic "Qatari foreign policy"

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British India's policy towards the Persian Gulf, 1873-1914: Special reference to Bahrain and Qatar. Delhi: Lenin Media, 2015.

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Djermoun, Soraya. Qatar(isme)?: Essai d'analyse du mode de fonctionnement d'un système. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2013.

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Verbiest, Jean-Pierre A. The Doha Round: A development perspective. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Finger, J. M. The Doha agenda and development: A view from the Uruguay Round. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Inc, Global Investment &. Business. Qatar Foreign Policy and Government Guide. International Business Publications, USA, 1999.

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Publications, USA International Business. Qatar Foreign Policy And Government Guide. International Business Publications, USA, 2004.

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Global Investment & Business Inc. Qatar Foreign Policy and Government Guide. International Business Publications, USA, 2000.

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Organization, World Trade. Trade Policy Review: Qatar 2005 (Trade Policy Review). World Trade Organization, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Qatari foreign policy"

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Kelkitli, Fatma Aslı. "American-Qatari partnership in the post-Gulf War era." In US Foreign Policy in the Middle East, 138–54. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351169646-9.

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Rosenberger, Leif. "Qatar." In Economic Statecraft and US Foreign Policy, 89–95. Other titles: Economic statecraft and United States foreign policy Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429026362-8.

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McGann, James G. "Qatar: An Overview." In Think Tanks, Foreign Policy and the Emerging Powers, 377–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60312-4_26.

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Alqashouti, Mirdef. "Qatar Mediation: From Soft Diplomacy to Foreign Policy." In Gulf Studies, 73–92. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1391-3_6.

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Eddin, Lubna Naser, and Eltigani Abdelgadir Rahma. "On Qatar’s Pragmatic Foreign Policy: The Palestinian Case." In Gulf Studies, 93–116. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1391-3_7.

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Smith, Simon C. "The Business of Decolonization: The Foreign Office, British Business, and the End of Empire in Kuwait and Qatar." In The Foreign Office, Commerce and British Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century, 381–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46581-8_17.

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Abdullah, Jamal. "Research Centers and the Challenges of Formulating State Security and Foreign Policies in Emerging States: The Case of Qatar." In Think Tanks, Foreign Policy and the Emerging Powers, 383–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60312-4_27.

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Piet, Remi, and Steven Wright. "The Dynamics of Energy Geopolitics in the Gulf and Qatar’s Foreign Relations with East Asia." In Energy Relations and Policy Making in Asia, 161–79. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1094-1_9.

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Haghirian, Mehran. "Iran’s Pragmatic Foreign Policy in Response to Regional Crises: The Case of the Blockade Against Qatar." In Gulf Studies, 271–86. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-8735-1_16.

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Al-Marri, Fahad. "To What Extent Has the Sovereign Wealth Fund Assisted Qatar’s Security and Foreign Policy in Resisting the Blockade?" In Gulf Studies, 303–24. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-8735-1_18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Qatari foreign policy"

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Diop, Abdoulaye, Semsia Al-Ali Mustafa, Michael Ewers, and Trung Kien Le. "Welfare Index of Migrant Workers: The Case of Qatar." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0256.

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In December 2010, Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. The announcement came with increasing pressure from international human rights organizations, media and other groups for Qatar to reform its labor laws, which governs the lives and working conditions of foreign workers in the country. Although Qatar continues to develop and implement major reforms to its labor laws, until now there was no one unique tool based on survey data to evaluate the impact of the government’s policies on guest workers. The objective of this paper is to present the Qatar Guest Workers’ Welfare Index (GWWI), a multi-dimensional comprehensive tool based on survey data of migrant workers developed by the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI). In addition to assessing and tracking the welfare of this population, the objective of the index is to identify areas of improvement to guide policy formulation.
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Al-Marri, Fahad Hussain M. A. "To What Extent Does the Development of the GCC Countries’ Sovereign Wealth Funds Provide an Evolving Instrument in their Security and Foreign Policy." In Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings. Hamad bin Khalifa University Press (HBKU Press), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/qfarc.2018.ssahpd599.

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