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Journal articles on the topic 'Qatari foreign policy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Putri, Alfredha Shinta, and Surwandono Surwandono. "Qatar's Clean Diplomacy Facing Regional Conflict." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 2 (2019): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i2.10035.

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Qatar is one of the richest countries in the Middle East region. Qatar is able to supply the third largest gas to the world and become the third largest exporter of liquid natural gas. This paper is interested in analyzing the behavior of the Qatari government amid various conflicts and tensions in the Middle East region. Qatar tends to position itself as a mediator of conflict. The Qatari government believes that by being a mediator in this conflict it can be a neutral position.Qatari governance is based on the basic norm structure that is used as a policy platform, and articulates it openly,

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2

Kamrava, Mehran. "Mediation and Qatari Foreign policy." Middle East Journal 65, no. 4 (2011): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/65.4.11.

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A. Bashir, Fadhl, and Elfatih Abdelsalam. "QATAR’S FOREIGN AID POLICY: EVOLUTION, MOTIVES AND VALUES." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.1.21a.

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This paper presents pertinent aspects of the foreign aid policy of the State of Qatar as a Muslim emerging donor with rising soft power. The study traces and explains the evolution of Qatar’s Foreign Aid Policy (QFAP) and identifies the various critical milestones of the policy that has been successfully transformed from a small Gulf Emirate into one of the leading players on both regional and global issues including aid giving. Although, Qatar’s motivation for aid giving is quite similar to the global setting, the country’s sociocultural background and values play a vital in shaping and inspi

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4

Kuznetsov, A. A. "Disagreements between Member States of the GCC as a Factor of the Political Situation in the Middle East Region." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-2-69-77.

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The paper deals with the phenomenon of the Qatari-Saudi rivalry in the Middle East in the context of dissimilarities between political programs and aspirations of the two states in the Middle East.The following research undertakings are realized in the article:• an explanation of the reasons of Qatar and the Saudi Kingdom’s domination in the Arab politics of the last 15 years;• an analysis of the Qatari foreign policy and the regional geopolitical agenda of Qatar;• an inquiry into the reasons and driving forces of the Saudi-Qatari conflict;• a study of the external actors’ influence on the Sau

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5

Kabalan. "Actors, Structures and Qatari Foreign Policy." AlMuntaqa 2, no. 2 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31430/almuntaqa.2.2.0061.

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6

Al-Kuwārī, ʿAlī Khalīfa. "The visions and strategies of the GCC countries from the perspective of reforms: the case of Qatar." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 1 (2012): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.647417.

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The countries of the Arab Gulf have witnessed a wave of production of ‘national’ strategies and ‘vision’ initiatives, most of which have been developed by foreign firms and consultants, and many of which were drafted in English. Two examples of these that form the basis of analysis of this article are the Qatar National Vision 2030 (QNV) issued in 2008 and followed up by the Qatar National Developmental Strategy 2011–2016 (QNDS) in 2011. Neither document was subjected to public referendum, and many of those directly involved in Qatar's central planning were unable even to obtain copies until a

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7

Ahmed, Walid M. A. "Cross-border equity flows and market volatility: the case of Qatar Exchange." International Journal of Emerging Markets 11, no. 3 (2016): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-11-2013-0177.

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Purpose – Extending the extant literature and using Qatar’s equity market as a case study, this paper aims to look into the potential impacts of foreign investor groups’ trading activities on market volatility in comparison with those of Qatar’s domestic investor counterparts. Design/methodology/approach – The dataset is comprised of daily aggregated values of stock purchases and sales made separately by four investor groups, namely, foreign individual investors, foreign institutional investors, domestic individual investors, and domestic institutional investors. An ex post measure of volatili

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8

Pourhamzavi, Karim, and Philip Pherguson. "Al Jazeera and Qatari Foreign Policy: A Critical Approach." Journal of Media Critiques 1, no. 2 (2015): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17349/jmc115301.

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Ganji, Sarath K. "Leveraging the World Cup: Mega Sporting Events, Human Rights Risk, and Worker Welfare Reform in Qatar." Journal on Migration and Human Security 4, no. 4 (2016): 221–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241600400403.

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Qatar will realize its decades-long drive to host a mega sporting event when, in 2022, the opening ceremony of the Fέdέration Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup commences. By that time, the Qatari government will have invested at least $200 billion in real estate and development projects, employing anywhere between 500,000 and 1.5 million foreign workers to do so. The scale of these preparations is staggering — and not necessarily positive. Between 2010 and 2013, more than 1,200 labor migrants working in Qatar's construction sector died, with another 4,000 deaths projected

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10

Saidy, Brahim. "Qatar and Rising China." China Report 53, no. 4 (2017): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727924.

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This article explores the Qatari perception of the partnership with China on the basis of three factors: globalisation, the absence of a legacy of colonialism and the principles of non-intervention and respect for state sovereignty professed in China’s foreign policy. China’s perception of its relations with Qatar is embedded within its understanding of the regional order in the Middle East and reflects its assessment of the geopolitical factors that are transforming Gulf countries. It emerges from this analysis that the diplomatic and economic aspects of Qatar–China relations are substantial

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11

O’Bright, Ben. "Conceptualizing the Qatari-African foreign policy and economic relations: the case of soft power." Journal of Sustainable Development Law and Policy (The) 8, no. 1 (2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jsdlp.v8i1.4.

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12

Pala, Özgür, and Bülent Aras. "Practical Geopolitical Reasoning in the Turkish and Qatari Foreign Policy on the Arab Spring." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 17, no. 3 (2015): 286–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2015.1063274.

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13

Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. "Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Qatar and dispute mediations: a critical investigation." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 4 (2015): 535–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1078073.

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This paper investigates the role played by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in mediating disputes since its creation in 1981 to 2011, the year of the outbreak of the ‘Arab Spring’. It analyzes the contributions of the GCC as a conflict mediator by cross-checking this sub-regional group's institutional structure and policy approach, and presents two major findings. Firstly, the GCC was hardly designed as a conflict mediator, given that the Gulf Arab states created it as a vehicle to respond to intra-Gulf and external security threats and challenges. Secondly, in order to promote its foreign p

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Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. "Qatar and the Arab Spring: down the foreign policy slope." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (2015): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1024034.

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Qatar, a backwater state in regional and international politics until 1995, has in recent years pursued a high-profile foreign policy in the areas of dispute mediations, maintaining balanced relations with allies and adversaries alike, adept use of soft power tools, and even military interventions in fellow Arab states, Libya in particular, to aid the Arab pro-democracy forces. This high-profile foreign policy has aimed at strengthening Qatar's national security in the Gulf neighbourhood and playing a more proactive role in the Arab world. This article examines Qatar's activist foreign policy

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15

Boyce, Sir Graham. "QATAR'S FOREIGN POLICY." Asian Affairs 44, no. 3 (2013): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.826003.

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16

Roberts, David B. "Understanding Qatar's Foreign Policy Objectives." Mediterranean Politics 17, no. 2 (2012): 233–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2012.695123.

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17

Abu Sulaib, Faisal Mukhyat. "Understanding Qatar's Foreign Policy, 1995-2017." Middle East Policy 24, no. 4 (2017): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12306.

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18

Maglas, Ioana Florina. "THE GCC DIPLOMATIC RIFT AND ITS REVERBERATIONS UPON ROMANIAN PRESENCE IN THE REGION." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 11, no. 2 (2018): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v11i2.3170.

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By virtue of their economic influence, the Arab States of the Gulf are highly interlinked within the global community. Dimensions of globalization (such as outward looking focus on international trade, openness, growing business opportunities and investment) are shifting their interests to a broad spectrum of partners leading to increased connectivity platforms and links. Apparent deteriorating ties seriously undermines relations among GCC[1] players and adversely affects its functioning. Current dispute, centered on allegations about Qatar’s foreign policy, caused much consternation, in fact,

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19

Dargin, Justin. "Qatar's Natural Gas: The Foreign-Policy Driver." Middle East Policy 14, no. 3 (2007): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2007.00318.x.

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20

KHATIB, LINA. "Qatar's foreign policy: the limits of pragmatism." International Affairs 89, no. 2 (2013): 417–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12025.

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21

Khvan, Maria Sergeyevna. "Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 11 (November 13, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.11.14.

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The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advoc

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22

Álvarez-Ossorio, Ignacio, and Leticia Rodríguez García. "The foreign policy of Qatar: From a mediating role to an active one." Revista Española de Ciencia Política 56 (July 26, 2021): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.04.

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23

Galal, Abdelraouf Mostafa. "External behavior of small states in light of theories of international relations." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 1 (2020): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-11-2018-0028.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine the hypotheses of main international theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism) and the development of these theories toward the behavior of foreign policy of small states in the developing world. The theories of international relations, especially the realistic theory, face a theoretical debate and a fundamental criticism. The hypotheses of these theories are not able to explain the external behavior of some small states, especially those in the developing world such as Qatar. In particular, these small states do not have the elements of physical powe

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Akpınar, Pınar. "Mediation as a Foreign Policy Tool in the Arab Spring: Turkey, Qatar and Iran." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 17, no. 3 (2015): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2015.1063270.

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25

Mohammadzadeh, Babak. "Status and Foreign Policy Change in Small States: Qatar’s Emergence in Perspective." International Spectator 52, no. 2 (2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2017.1298886.

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26

Khoma, Nataliya, and Yevhenija Voznyuk. "EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS”: THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-46-56.

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The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist

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27

Reiche, Danyel. "Investing in sporting success as a domestic and foreign policy tool: the case of Qatar." International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 7, no. 4 (2014): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19406940.2014.966135.

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28

Cengiz, Sinem. "An Assessment of Turkish and Saudi Policy towards the Gulf Crisis." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 2 (2019): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.122007.

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This paper investigates the policies of both Ankara and Riyadh toward the ongoing crisis between Qatar and the Saudi-led quartet since mid-2017. The crisis has shaken the balance in the region and laid the foundation for new understandings regarding Gulf unity and regional order. On these grounds, it is worth examining the stances of regional actors through different approaches of foreign policy. By using the “three-dimensional” methodology of Kenneth Waltz, this paper analyzes the rationale behind Turkish and Saudi policy toward the Gulf crisis on individual-, state-, and international-based

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Yousaf, Abida, and Fozia Bibi. "The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. I (2021): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-i).02.

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Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st cen

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30

Shved, V. "The Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf: Historic Development in the Context of Modern Qatar’s Crisis." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-9.

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The article is an attempt to analyze foreign policy, security and economic preconditions of creation of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and basic beginnings of its historicaldevelopment. Its appearance became the result of internal, regional and international processes during 70-80 years of the XX century which not only created necessary objective conditions ofappearance of the above-mentioned integration organization in the Arabian peninsula but also defined its main particularities, resistance ability and vulnerable points. The 1979 Iran Islamic revolution,signing of

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31

Nadir, Nadia. "SISTEM PEMERITAHAN DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI ARAB SAUDI." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 2 (2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i2.11.

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The focus of this paper is to discuss the Gulf Arab region, especially Saudi Arabia. This area is known as a region that has a very rich economic source from an abundance of petroleum. There are several countries in the Arab Gulf region, namely, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Kuwait, Iran and also Saudi Arabia. However, this paper is focused on Saudi Arabia. For the first reason, that Saudi Arabia is the center of the spread of Islam in which there are two holy cities of Mecca and Medina which are the center of the gathering of Muslims worldwide, especially during the Hajj

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32

Salem, Mohamed, and Andrew Baum. "Determinants of foreign direct real estate investment in selected MENA countries." Journal of Property Investment & Finance 34, no. 2 (2016): 116–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpif-06-2015-0042.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify the main determinants of foreign direct real estate investments (foreign direct investment (FDI)) in selected Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries. Design/methodology/approach – The empirical work of this study is an econometric analysis of FDI in the commercial real estate sector for eight MENA markets, namely Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Tunisia and the UAE during the period 2003-2009. The econometric analysis is carried out using the pooled Tobit model technique for panel data. Findings – The paper find

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Soubrier, Emma, Jessie Moritz, and Courtney Freer. "Introduction: new trends in Gulf international relations and transnational politics." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (2021): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab087.

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Abstract Arabian Peninsula politics are in a period of enormous transformation. In the context of a new generation of rulers seeking legitimacy through ambitious foreign policy regimes, shifting relations with Iran, the 2017–2021 Qatar crisis, and ongoing conflict in Yemen, this article introduces the July 2021 special section of International Affairs, which examines how the Arab states of the Gulf are adapting to these new realities. Questions addressed include: how have transnational identities been manipulated by states during regional disputes? How have oil and gas revenues been redirected

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34

Amini, Ansar, and Mehdi Akbarsefat. "Qatar's Modern Diplomacy and Al-Jazeera’s Role in Middle East’s Evolutions over the Recent Decades." Journal of Sociological Research 7, no. 1 (2016): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v7i1.9580.

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Development of information technology and internet today has given the concept of diplomacy a meaning broader than the past. Modern diplomacy is a mixture which has gained a specific position among academic topics. It is worth noting that the modern diplomacy was resulted from the world's changes after the World War II, where governments could no longer be the only players in the international system. The concept of modern diplomacy makes sense in relatively different ways; general diplomacy, real-time diplomacy,Nich diplomacy, etc. But our main focus in the paper is placed on the Jazeera's ro

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35

Alenezi, Adnan. "The regional challenges affecting Kuwait’s national security." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 1 (2020): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-06-2019-0088.

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Purpose This study aims to scrutinize and analyze the regional challenges facing Kuwait and their impact on Kuwait’s national security since the outbreak of Arab Spring revolutions in 2011. These challenges are as follows: the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the recent Gulf crisis with Qatar. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts national interest approach, which focuses on a state’s economic, military and cultural objectives. According to this approach, a state seeks to achieve its own national interests. There are multiple national interests, but the ultimate goal is t

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36

Bhagwati, Jagdish. "From Seattle to Hong Kong: Are We Getting Anywhere?" Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (2005): 1850063. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1150.

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With agricultural trade negotiations deadlocked, the Doha round of trade talks may appear dead in the water. But every round of trade talks in recent memory has oscillated between near breakthroughs and near breakdowns. Trade negotiations can be like a ride on a roller coaster but, while the roller coaster returns to where it started, multilateral trade negotiations have generally gone on to close successfully. Will this happen with the Doha round? Surprisingly, the answer is yes. Prospects for concluding the round in Hong Kong next month, at the World Trade Organization Ministerial meeting, a

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37

Berni, Hazal Muslu El. "The Perceptual Shock of Qatar Foreign Policy in 2017 Crisis: Systemic Factors, Regional Struggles Versus Domestic Variables." Contemporary Review of the Middle East, December 8, 2020, 234779892097629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920976290.

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The Qatar crisis of June 2017 commenced without a warning and restored overlooked regional security dynamics to the state, the political elite, and the Qatari society at large. Qatar was cautious about the diversions of its foreign policy from regional security perceptions of its neighbors, even before the crisis, despite its failure to predict imminent political consequences, emerging from some states within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In the aftermath of the crisis, critical narratives of the neighboring states on Qatar’s independent policies intimidated at the top leadership level a

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38

Naier, Taha, and Dr Ravza Altuntaş Çakır. "Qatar Soft Power: From Rising to the Crisis." International Journal of Business and Applied Social Science, August 30, 2021, 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33642/ijbass.v7n8p6.

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Qatar has recently become a regional power and an influential actor in international politics. Qatar has adopted a foreign policy of soft power, which played a prominent role in the rise of the international scene. On 5 June 2017, a diplomatic boycott crisis has erupted against Qatar. The Arab Quartet imposed a complete blockade on Qatar and stated 13 demands. The study explores Qatar’s soft power tools such as lobbying, international mediation, scholarships, foreign aids, Al Jazeera network, which has created a national brand for Qatar. With the non-coercive foreign policy, Qatar’s stance in

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39

Warren, David H. "The ʿUlamāʾ and the Arab Uprisings 2011-13: Considering Yusuf al-Qaradawi, the ‘Global Mufti,’ between the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Legal Tradition, and Qatari Foreign Policy". New Middle Eastern Studies 4 (18 березня 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/nmes.v4i0.2649.

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This article aims to explore emerging trends for the Sunni religious elite and the Islamic legal tradition in the new context of the Arab Uprisings by focusing on Yusuf al-Qaradawi, arguably the most prominent of these ʿulamāʾ alive today. The article will follow al-Qaradawi’s articulation, transmission and reconstruction of the Islamic legal tradition in his own discourse as he has attempted to negotiate the politically fraught contexts of the Arab Uprisings while also maintaining his horizontal commitments to a diverse base of supporters be they the wider Arab Muslim public, the Muslim Broth

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Ivanov, Stanislav Mikhailovich. "Will Biden could withdraw the US forces from Afghanistan?" Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 3 (March 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2103-02.

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The article analyzes the military operation of the United States and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, which lasted for 20 years, and the prospects for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from this country. The author states that the new US President D. Biden does not abandon the foreign policy course pursued by his predecessors earlier to reduce the US military presence in Afghanistan. Moreover, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the peace agreement between the United States and the opposition Taliban, reached in the Qatari capital of Doha in February 2020, which provides for the w

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41

Harb, Zahera. "Arab Revolutions and the Social Media Effect." M/C Journal 14, no. 2 (2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.364.

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The Arab world witnessed an influx of satellite channels during the 1990s and in the early years of the first decade of the new century. Many analysts in the Arab world applauded this influx as a potential tool for political change in the Arab countries. Two stations were at the heart of the new optimism: Al-Jazeera and Al Arabiya, the two most prominent 24-hour news channels in the region. Al-Jazeera proved to be more controversial because in its early years of broadcasting it managed to break taboos in the Arab media by tackling issues of human rights and hosting Arab dissidents. Also, its c

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42

Nuruzzaman, Mohammed. "Qatar and the Arab Spring: Down the Foreign Policy Slope." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2587593.

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43

Ridge, Natasha, Soha Shami, Susan Kippels, and Samar Farah. "Expatriate Teachers and Education Quality in the Gulf Cooperation Council." Al Qasimi Foundation, November 11, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/aqf.0029.

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"Gulf nations are described as blessed twice, firstly by the discovery of hydrocarbon resources and secondly by convenient access to the expatriate pipeline coming from nearby countries (Arnold & Shah, 1986). Throughout recent history, dependency on temporary foreign workers in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has steadily increased. In the education sector, Arab expatriate teachers account for a significant percentage of the teacher workforce, therefore playing a critical role in determining the quality of the national education systems. This policy paper presents results from a study e

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44

Aung Thin, Michelle Diane. "Hybridity, National Identity, and the Smartphone in the Contemporary Union of Myanmar." M/C Journal 23, no. 5 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1679.

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In 2014, telecommunications companies Ooredoo and Telenor introduced a 3G phone network to Myanmar, one of the last, great un-phoned territories of the world (“Mobile Mania”). Formerly accessible only to military and cultural elites, the smartphone was now available to virtually all. In 2020, just six years later, smartphones are commonplace, used by every class and walk of life. The introduction and mainstreaming of the smartphone in Myanmar coincided with the transition from military dictatorship to quasi democracy; from heavy censorship to relative liberalisation of culture and the media. T

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Gadelmola, Mona Soliman. "Determinants and dimensions of the shift in Turkish behavior towards northern Syria since 2016." Review of Economics and Political Science ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-07-2019-0096.

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Purpose The escalation of Turkish intervention in Arab internal affairs before and after the revolutions of the Arab Spring, particularly the military intervention. Sometimes Ankara threatens with military intervention and sometimes establishes large military bases in Arab countries: Qatar, Somalia and Iraq. Moreover, it carries out extensive military operations within the borders of some Arab countries such as Iraq and Syria. This type of behavior requires a study that takes into consideration the reasons of such behavior and future implications on the relations between the Arab and Turkish p

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Gusarov, Vladilen. "Unevenness of the Economic Development of the Arabic States as One of the Premises of the Conflicts in the Afro-Asian Region." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, December 20, 2018, 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-03-15.

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The socio-economic reasons of conflicts are numerous. Their premises are very different factors of the economic history of the arabic states. Among most important is the unevenness of their economic development both in the colonial and in the postcolonial periods. Until gaining independence the arabic states were on the different levels of the socio-economic development. One may explain this by many reasons of the political, geographic and socio-economic character. The most important among them are the level of development of the capitalism, the geographic proximity of the arabic states to Eur

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"Book Reviews." Journal of Economic Literature 49, no. 1 (2011): 129–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.49.1.129.

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Michael Watts of Purdue University reviews “Better Living through Economics” edited by John J. Siegfried. The EconLit Abstract of the reviewed work begins, “Twelve papers and fourteen comments explore the fundamental contributions of economic research to important public policy decisions over the past half century. Papers discuss the evolution of emissions trading; better living through improved price indexes; economics and the Earned Income Tax Credit;….” Arthur J. Robson of Simon Fraser University reviews “The Bounds of Reason: Game Theory and the Unification of the Behavioral Sciences” by H

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Howarth, Anita. "A Hunger Strike - The Ecology of a Protest: The Case of Bahraini Activist Abdulhad al-Khawaja." M/C Journal 15, no. 3 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.509.

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Introduction Since December 2010 the dramatic spectacle of the spread of mass uprisings, civil unrest, and protest across North Africa and the Middle East have been chronicled daily on mainstream media and new media. Broadly speaking, the Arab Spring—as it came to be known—is challenging repressive, corrupt governments and calling for democracy and human rights. The convulsive events linked with these debates have been striking not only because of the rapid spread of historically momentous mass protests but also because of the ways in which the media “have become inextricably infused inside th

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