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1

Henderson, Ian. "Planetary Lives: Edward Warrulan, Edward John Eyre, and Queen Victoria." English Studies in Africa 57, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138398.2014.916910.

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HUNT, ALICE. "THE MONARCHICAL REPUBLIC OF MARY I." Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990033.

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ABSTRACTIn his celebrated 1987 essay, ‘The monarchical republic of Queen Elizabeth I’, Patrick Collinson wrote that ‘Elizabethan England was a republic which also happened to be a monarchy: or vice versa.’ Since then, the idea of an Elizabethan ‘monarchical republic’ has been tested, challenged, and developed, with precedents found in Henry VIII's and Edward VI's reigns. Mary I's reign has not, however, been considered for its contribution to the debates. Yet, in 1553, the unique circumstances of Mary's accession as England's first queen regnant, who was also still legally a bastard, exacerbated sixteenth-century anxieties about monarchical authority, and about the correct relationship between a monarch and parliament. Prior to Mary's coronation, her council put forward an unprecedented proposal: they wanted parliament to sit before Mary was anointed and crowned queen. This article explores this proposal, in conjunction with two texts, Richard Taverner'sAn oration gratulatory made upon the joyfull proclayming of the moste noble Princes Quene Mary Quene of Englandeand the playRespublica, to argue that, at the beginning of her reign, significant pressure was put on Mary to rule her country as a ‘monarchical republic’.
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Jones, Michael. "Edward IV. Michael Hicks Elizabeth Wydeville: The Slandered Queen. Arlene Okerlund." Speculum 81, no. 4 (October 2006): 1207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400004620.

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Hinchliff, Peter. "Frederick Temple, Randall Davidson and the Coronation of Edward VII." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 1 (January 1997): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011982.

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Queen Victoria had been crowned on 28 June 1838. When she died in January 1901 there can have been very few people indeed who had even the vaguest memory of what her coronation had been like. There was an opportunity for scholarship to influence the shape which the ceremonies for the new monarch would take and there was both a liturgical interest and a liturgical expertise which had not existed in the 1820s and 1830s.
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Lavoie, Carlo. "Évangéline : le désir pudique de l’être-parmi de la communauté acadienne de l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard." Dialogues francophones 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/difra-2015-0022.

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Abstract The Prince Edward Island (Canada) Acadian culture allocates to the song the role traditionally played by literature. By opening an imaginary universe stigmatized by the Evangeline figure created in nineteenth century by the American Longfellow, Angèle Arsenault’s song “Évangéline, Acadian Queen” offers a possible cultural and community space specific to the Acdian and contributes to the promotion of a “being-among” whose modest desire is to speak French.
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Wahrman, Dror. "“Middle-Class” Domesticity Goes Public: Gender, Class, and Politics from Queen Caroline to Queen Victoria." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1993): 396–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386041.

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In early 1831, the novelist Edward Bulwer-Lytton contributed a comparative essay to the Edinburgh Review on “the spirit of society” in England and France. A key issue for discussion, of course, was that of fashion. “Our fashion,” stated Bulwer-Lytton, “may indeed be considered the aggregate of the opinions of our women.” The fundamental dichotomy which ran through these pages was that between public and private: “the proper sphere of woman,” Bulwer-Lytton continued, “is private life, and the proper limit to her virtues, the private affections.” And in antithesis to the aggregate opinions of “the domestic class of women”—in his view, the only virtuous kind of women—which constituted fashion, stood “public opinion”; that exclusive masculine realm, that should remain free of “feminine influence.”Some two years later, in his two-volume England and the English, Bulwer-Lytton restated the antithesis between fashion and public opinion, both repeating his earlier formulation and at the same time significantly modifying it. By 1833, his definitions of fashion and opinion ran as follows: “The middle classes interest themselves in grave matters: the aggregate of their sentiments is called OPINION. The great interest themselves in frivolities, and the aggregate of their sentiments is termed FASHION.” Here, Bulwer-Lytton no longer designated fashion as the aggregate of the opinions of women but, instead, as the aggregate of the opinions of the upper classes; and public opinion was no longer the domain of men but, instead, the aggregate of the opinions of the “middle class.”
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Kneidel, Gregory. "Coscus, Queen Elizabeth, and Law in John Donne’s“Satyre II”*." Renaissance Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2008): 92–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0085.

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AbstractThis essay argues that John Donne’s “Satyre II” (ca. 1595) has a greater topical relevance to the emergence of the Anglo-American common-law tradition than literary and legal scholars have previously recognized. It makes the case that the villain of Donne’s poem, the poet-turned-lawyer Coscus, may be Sir Edward Coke (1552–1634) and that two female figures in the poem may be Queen Elizabeth (r. 1558–1603). Donne attacks Coke and Elizabeth for their complicity in deploying an antiquated and backward-looking feudal ideal in order to lend prestige to the common law, to enrich the crown and its officers, and to frustrate the dynastic prospects of landholding gentry.
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Holt, Geoffrey. "Some Chaplains at the Stuart Court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031988.

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It was to be expected that at the court of a Catholic king and queen there would be from the beginning of the exile at Saint-Germain-en-Laye a royal chapel and an establishment of Catholic chaplains and that this would last as long as the court remained there. It continued in fact after the departure of James Edward to Lorraine in 1712 and Avignon in 1716 and for a while after the death of Queen Mary Beatrice in 1718. The priests of the English Jesuit Province—the subjects of this article—remained in office until 1720 or perhaps a year or two later. It may be presumed that they stayed on, after the court had ceased to be, to care for the Jacobite exiles who over the years had gathered round it.
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Wathey, Andrew. "The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England." Journal of the American Musicological Society 45, no. 1 (1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831488.

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This article describes the hitherto unsuspected transmission to England of the two motets in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS français 571 (also found in Chaillou de Pesstain's interpolated version of the Roman de Fauvel (MS français 146)) as a direct product of the period spent in France by Isabella, Queen of England, 1325-1326, and of the negotiations for the marriage of her son, the future Edward III of England. Isabella's expedition, both before and after the open break with her husband, Edward II, afforded numerous opportunities for the proximity of English and French musicians; new documentation presented here permits the charting in detail of English clerics' contacts with Gervais du Bus, one of the authors of the Roman de Fauvel, and with Philippe de Vitry. A new dating is advanced for MS français 571, compiled for the marriage of Prince Edward and Philippa of Hainault. Edward's proximity to the French royal line (and the residual English claim to the French throne) provided a rationale not only for the English diplomatic handling of the marriage, but also for the inclusion of the motet texts in MS français 571. The motets' topical texts, originally cast with other purposes in mind, are here subordinated to the broader political program of the Anglo-Hainault marriage. Thus, far from being monofunctional, fourteenth-century motets could be re-used in new contexts that made quite different uses of the messages promulgated in their texts: the adaptability of individual motets may, indeed, have been a fundamental cause in their transmission and even in their later survival.
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Abrams, Robert C. "The Abdication of King Edward VIII: a study of estrangement between an adult son and elderly mother." Medical Humanities 44, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medhum-2017-011279.

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In this article the Abdication of King Edward VIII of Great Britain and his estrangement from the dowager Queen Mary are reconsidered as prototypes of intergenerational conflict arising from a collision of values between an adult child and an elderly mother. Historical materials on the Abdication and other respected secondary sources, including biographies of key individuals, were consulted, and the limited sociological and clinical literature on estrangement between elderly parents and adult children was referenced. Although estrangement was perpetuated by the rigid and incompatible positions taken up by both the former king and his widowed mother, the elderly Queen Mary, it was the latter who suffered the greater emotional consequences of the permanent separation that followed the Abdication. Most accounts of the Abdication have put forward views of the conflict of values at its centre that emphasise the vulnerability of the elderly mother. The clinical narrative supports a characterisation of estrangement as a subtype of bereavement with particular relevance to the geriatric population.
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Preedy, C. K. "(De)Valuing the Crown in Tamburlaine, Dido Queen of Carthage, and Edward II." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 54, no. 2 (2014): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2014.0020.

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12

Hopkins, L. "Englishmen Abroad: Mobility and Nationhood in Dido, Queen of Carthage and Edward II." English 59, no. 227 (November 9, 2010): 324–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/efq019.

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13

Orofino, Anna Maria. "Sir Edward Carne of Ewenni, c.1496-1561." British Catholic History 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2018.21.

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The Tudor Welshman, Sir Edward Carne (c.1496-1561), gained a wide reputation as an outstanding diplomat and lawyer. Chosen by Cardinal Wolsey to enter the service of King Henry VIII, he was sent to Rome as excusator in the process of annulment of the king’s marriage to Queen Catherine of Aragon. After the Rota had refused to annul Henry’s marriage, Carne returned to Glamorgan, and continued his career as a civil servant. He was appointed justice of the peace, master of requests and was made a member of the Council in the Marches of Wales. His next main appointment was as English envoy to the Holy See during the reign of Mary I. Carne was entrusted with the difficult task of restoring diplomatic relations between England and Rome. He remained in Rome until his death in 1561. His attachment to Wales and his staunch Catholic faith are evident in the burial memorial erected to his memory in a church in Rome by two Welsh friends.
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Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.

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In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.
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OPITZ, DONALD L. "‘The sceptre of her pow'r’: nymphs, nobility, and nomenclature in early Victorian science." British Journal for the History of Science 47, no. 1 (June 21, 2013): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087413000319.

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AbstractOnly weeks following Queen Victoria's ascension to the throne on 20 June 1837, a controversy brewed over the naming of the ‘vegetable wonder’ known today as Victoria amazonica (Sowerby). This gargantuan lily was encountered by the Royal Geographical Society's explorer Robert Schomburgk in British Guyana on New Year's Day, 1837. Following Schomburgk's wishes, metropolitan naturalists sought Victoria's pleasure in naming the flower after her, but the involvement of multiple agents and obfuscation of their actions resulted in two royal names for the lily: Victoria regina (Gray) and Victoria regia (Lindley). To resolve the duplicity in names, the protagonists, John Edward Gray and John Lindley, made priority claims for their respective names, ultimately founding their authorities on conventions aligned with gentlemanly manners and deference to nobility. This article will analyse the controversy, hitherto unexamined by historians, and argue for its significance in repositioning Queen Victoria – and nobility generally – as central agents in the making of authority in early Victorian science.
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Graffius, Jan. "The Stuart Relics in the Stonyhurst Collections." Recusant History 31, no. 2 (October 2012): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013558.

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The Stuart artefacts described in this article have not previously been examined as an entity, and many are relatively unfamiliar to scholars. This paper will consider this unique collection of relics and discuss their significance within the personal as well as national and international contexts of their origins. That significance rests largely in their royal provenance, which was valued by the custodians at the English Jesuit College of St Omers, the predecessor of Stonyhurst College, founded to educate English Catholic boys in 1593. The Stuart cause, from Mary Queen of Scots to Charles Edward Stuart represented the best hope of English Catholics for a formal restoration of the faith. Relics, such as Mary Queen of Scots’ Thorn, were powerful symbols of tenacity and hope, providing an unbroken thread from the Passion of Christ to the martyred Queen, the more valued as the College gained its own seventeenth-century martyrs. Artefacts which arrived at Stonyhurst College after 1794 were valued for their romantic association with the failed Stuart cause. The creation of the Stuart Parlour in 1911and the adoption of the Borrodale tartan as part of the girls’ uniform in the 1990s demonstrate the significance these objects possess well into the twentieth century.
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MARTIN HAINES, ROY. "The Episcopate during the Reign of Edward II and the Regency of Mortimer and Isabella." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 4 (October 2005): 657–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905005270.

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This article combines prosopographical analysis of the episcopate between 1307 and 1330 with examination of its participation in the politics of the time – baronial unrest, the deposition of Edward II and a regency dominated by his queen and her paramour. Elevation to the episcopate brought status, an opportunity for career clerks. Nobles were not prominent among bishops, nor were regular clergy; curiales were, but more numerous were university men. The differing roles of archbishops Winchelsey, Reynolds, Mepham, and to a marginal extent Stratford, are reviewed. Crucial is the reaction of prelates to the crisis of 1326–7. Diagrams and tables help to quantify the conclusions reached.
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Dascăl, Reghina. "‘Dancing through the Minefield’: Canon Reinstatement Strategies for Women Authors." Gender Studies 14, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/genst-2016-0004.

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Abstract The paper explores the limiting and detrimental effects of biographical criticism and exceptionalism in the efforts of reinstating women authors into the Renaissance canon, by looking into the literary merits of Elizabeth Cary’s The Tragedy of Mariam, The Fair Queen of Jewry and The History of The Life, Reign and Death of Edward II. Whereas the conflation of biography and fiction is a successful recipe for canonization and for the production of feminist icons, it renders the text impotent because of its resulting inability to compete with or to be seen in correlation and interplay with other contemporary texts.
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Robison, William B. "The National and Local Significance of Wyatt's Rebellion in Surrey." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 769–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022317.

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Though much has been written about Wyatt's rebellion, it remains controversial. There is, first of all, lively debate about the rebels' motives in rising against Mary Tudor in January and February 1554. It is generally agreed that some rebels wished only to force changes in royal policy, while others sought to replace the queen with her sister Elizabeth and Edward Courtenay, the earl of Devon. But, while D. M. Loades and his adherents contend that the rising was caused almost entirely by opposition to Mary's proposed marriage to Prince Philip of Spain, others argue – to varying degrees – that religion was significant and that many rebels were protestants seeking to thwart a catholic restoration.
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Spencer, Andrew M. "Edward II: The Unconventional King, by Kathryn WarnerEleanor of Castile: The Shadow Queen, by Sara Cockerill." English Historical Review 131, no. 548 (February 2016): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev376.

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Bucholz, R. O. "“Nothing but Ceremony”: Queen Anne and the Limitations of Royal Ritual." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 3 (July 1991): 288–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385985.

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In recent years, historians of the Augustan period have done much to rehabilitate the posthumous reputation of Queen Anne, a monarch traditionally viewed as dull, weak, reactionary, and easily led. Beginning in the 1920s with the work of W. T. Morgan, continuing with that of G. M. Trevelyan and G. S. Holmes, and culminating in the definitive biography by Edward Gregg, Anne has gradually emerged as a figure to be reckoned with. We have come to see her as a tenacious and often skillful navigator, charting a middle course between the opposing shoals of the Whig and Tory parties, in an attempt to preserve freedom of maneuver for the postrevolutionary monarchy.This article will explore a heretofore neglected aspect of the queen's political helmsmanship: the attempt to make her person and crown a focus for national (i.e., English) unity through the revival and exploitation of royal ritual and symbol. It will be argued below that Anne—alone among the later Stuarts—made extensive use of the arsenal of ceremonial paraphernalia, what David Cannadine has called “the theatre of power,” which is normally associated with her Tudor and early Stuart predecessors. This essay is thus intended not only to contribute to the ongoing reassessment of Anne's political role but also to help fill a gap between the wealth of fine work on pageantry at those earlier courts and the work Linda Colley and others have done on the reign of George III.
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George E. Haggerty. "“The Queen was not shav’d yet”: Edward Kynaston and the Regendering of the Restoration Stage." Eighteenth Century 50, no. 4 (2009): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.0.0045.

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Gordon, Barrie. "Automated Facial Recognition in Law Enforcement: The Queen (On Application of Edward Bridges) v The Chief Constable of South Wales Police." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 24 (June 30, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2021/v24i0a8923.

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The use of automated facial recognition in law enforcement is still a novel practice and as a result the legislative framework for this technology is ill-defined. The judgement of The Queen (on application of Edward Bridges) v The Chief Constable of South Wales Police [2020] EWCA Civ 1058 is the first case in the world that examines pertinent legal questions pertaining to this new technology. Automatic facial recognition may be used in law enforcement, but to prevent massive human rights violations, operators should perform their duties within a well-defined legal framework where discretion is kept to the minimum, and strict data-retention policies are followed. Furthermore, human oversight should always be part of an automated facial recognition system to ensure accuracy, fairness, and compliance with the law.
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DeMolen, Rrichard L. "The birth of Edward VI and the death of Queen Jane: the arguments for and against Caesarean section." Renaissance Studies 4, no. 4 (December 1990): 359–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1990.tb00219.x.

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Sawicki, Malgorzata. "The Visit of the Queen of Sheba to King Solomon by Edward Poynter, 1884-1890. The Frame Revisited." AICCM Bulletin 25, no. 1 (December 2000): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bac.2000.25.1.004.

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DeMolen, Richard L. "The Birth of Edward VI and the Death of Queen Jane: The Arguments for and Against Caesarean Section." Renaissance Studies 4, no. 4 (December 1990): 359–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-4658.00093.

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Cortés Vieco, Francisco José. "A Changeling Becomes Titania: The Realm of the Fairies in Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre." Anglia 138, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2020-0001.

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AbstractJane Eyre never-endingly mesmerizes readers and scholars alike thanks to its fairy-tale echoes, but Charlotte Brontë also wrote this novel as a tale of her own myth-making about two fairies: Jane and Edward Rochester, because only fairylands of fantasy and daydreaming might empower an unprotected woman in Victorian times. This article explores Jane Eyre’s life journey and life-writing as if she were a fairy. She begins as a changeling child who torments malevolent adults and consoles herself in fairy tales. When Jane becomes a woman, whose fairy wings of rebelliousness and freedom cannot be torn by social rules or by any mortal, she is eventually crowned by her fairy godmother – Charlotte Brontë – with the diadem of love and gender equality as Titania, a queen in her own right, who chooses to marry her Oberon: Rochester.
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Longstaffe, Stephen. "Review: Play: Marlowe on Radio Three, Dido, Queen of Carthage, Edward II, Doctor Faustus, Tamburlaine, The Jew of Malta." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 48, no. 1 (October 1995): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/018476789504800111.

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Fritze, Ronald H. "Root or Link? Luther's Position in the Historical Debate over the Legitimacy of the Church of England, 1558–1625." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 2 (April 1986): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900033029.

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The beginning of Elizabeth i's reign was a happy and confident time for committed English Protestants in spite of their doubtful and precarious position in the world. They had almost miraculously survived both the death of their Protestant king, Edward vi, and the reign of the Catholic queen, Mary, and her foreign husband, Philip n of Spain. It seemed that God was testing Protestantism in England. Since he allowed Elizabeth to succeed to the throne, Protestantism, it seemed, had passed the test. As a result early English Protestants confidently began to formulate their place in both the world and history while attacking the established positions of their Catholic opponents. English Catholics defended themselves from these attacks and replied with some of their own. This debate over the historical situation of the Church of England continued through the reign of James i and beyond. During the course of the debate both sides commented frequently and necessarily on what they thought was Martin Luther's place in church history.
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Kaomea, Julie. "Education for Elimination in Nineteenth-Century Hawai‘i: Settler Colonialism and the Native Hawaiian Chiefs' Children's Boarding School." History of Education Quarterly 54, no. 2 (May 2014): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12054.

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On August 27, 1862, the much-loved crown prince and heir apparent to the throne of the Kingdom of Hawai'i died tragically and inexplicably at the tender age of four. Prince Albert Edward Kauikeaouli Kaleiopapa, the beloved child of a long line of chiefs, was the only son of Alexander Liholiho (Kamehameha IV) and Emma Na'ea (Queen Emma). He was believed to be the last child to be born to a reigning Hawaiian monarch and the last hope of the Kamehameha Dynasty. Adored by the Hawaiian public, his birth was celebrated for days throughout the islands. Likewise, his untimely death was mourned for years to come as it left his parents heartbroken and the Hawaiian nation without a constitutionally recognized heir. One of the Hawaiian newspapers is quoted as saying, “The death of no other person could have been so severe a blow to the King and his people.” The following year, the King himself died of grief and despair.
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YOUNGER, NEIL. "DRAMA, POLITICS, AND NEWS IN THE EARL OF SUSSEX'S ENTERTAINMENT OF ELIZABETH I AT NEW HALL, 1579." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000715.

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AbstractIn September 1579, at the height of an intense political debate over her prospective marriage to the duke of Anjou, Elizabeth I visited New Hall, the country seat of the match's greatest supporter within England, Thomas Radcliffe, third earl of Sussex. Her entertainment on that occasion, hitherto completely unknown, was described in a letter, printed here, from one Norfolk gentleman, Sir Edward Clere, to another, Bassingbourne Gawdy. The letter describes the dramatic performances and other entertainments provided for the queen, which included coded but unmistakeable encouragements for her to proceed with the marriage. This article discusses the ways in which this was done and their consequences for our knowledge of the Anjou marriage debate as a political episode, suggesting that Sussex sought to use the entertainment to boost the participation of more conservative members of the nobility in government. It also explores how this evidence affects our picture of Elizabethan courtly entertainments, and particularly their non-dramatic elements. Finally, it discusses Clere's letter itself as an insight into the nature of gentry news culture, particularly with regard to matters of high politics.
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MacGregor, Arthur. "The Royal Stables: a Seventeenth-Century Perspective." Antiquaries Journal 76 (March 1996): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500047466.

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When, at midday on 13 June 1842, Queen Victoria first boarded a train to carry her on the eighteen-mile journey from Slough to Paddington, she inaugurated a relationship between the court and the railways whose continuity is only now under threat. Less propitiously, that mechanical excursion heralded the decline of one of the most venerable departments of the Royal Household, the Stables. A further diminution in the live horse-power of the Stables was ushered in sixty years later with the acquisition by King Edward VII in 1901 of a Daimler motor car – the first such machine to cross the threshold of the Mews. Today the contribution of the Stables to ceremonial occasions is impressive, immaculate and professional, while transportation of the royal family remains the first duty of the Mews. However, while the scope of the department undoubtedly has broadened dramatically, with respect to their primary role, the Stables today present scarcely a shadow of what was once a pivotal element in the everyday life of the court.
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Lehman, Jeffrey S. "Seeing Tyranny in More’s History of King Richard III." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.8.

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As they embark upon a dialectical examination of justice in Plato’s Republic, Socrates admonishes his interlocutors that the pursuit of justice is for those who “see clearly”. Indeed, the dialogue itself is meant to bring about such clear-sightedness as the interlocutors dialectically winnow the various accounts of justice proposed. In like manner, Thomas More’s History of King Richard III helps his readers to see clearly the tyrant and tyranny. In the History, More presents a portrait of a tyrant and the conditions that make his tyranny possible. Crucial to this portrait is what the various characters see as well as when they see within the dramatic context. Why are so many blind to Richard’s machinations? Is their blindness willful? What internal and external factors contribute to their blindness? Who does see and how, if at all, do they respond? In answering these questions, we as readers come to see the nature of the tyrant and tyranny. Along the way, four characters are considered in detail: King Edward, Lord Hastings, Queen Elizabeth, and the people of London.
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Prior, Charles W. A. "Beaufort: The Duke and his Duchess, 1657–1715 by Molly McClain, and: Queen Anne by Edward Gregg, George I by Ragnhild Hatton." Scriblerian and the Kit-Cats 37, no. 1 (2004): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scb.2004.0035.

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Contreras Martín, Antonio, and Lourdes Soriano Robles. "«La Historia de Inglaterra de Rodrigo de Cuero: fuentes y elaboración»." Revista de Literatura Medieval 30 (December 31, 2018): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2018.30.0.74047.

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Resumen: La Crónica de Inglaterra de Rodrigo de Cuero es una traducción de la Cronycle of Englonde with the Fruyte of Tymes realizada a instancias de Catalina de Aragón, reina de Inglaterra, en 1509. Mandada completar por ésta hasta su llegada a Inglaterra, el traductor tuvo que echar mano de las fuentes más diversas. El trabajo analiza, en primer lugar, qué fuentes empleó Rodrigo de Cuero para la elaboración de su obra; en segundo lugar, se ocupa de cómo organizó el material y confeccionó las dos versiones conservadas (manuscritos Escorial y Salamanca); y, en tercer y último lugar, se centra en el tratamiento de los reyes ingleses anteriores a Enrique VIII y Catalina de Aragón (Enrique VI, Eduardo IV, Eduardo V, Ricardo III y Enrique VII).Palabras clave: Historia de Inglaterra, Rodrigo de Cuero, Cronycle of Englonde, Catalina de Aragón, 1509, Traducciones, Historiografía.Abstract: Rodrigo de Cuero’s Historia de Inglaterra is a translation into Castilian of the Cronycle of Englonde with the Fruyte of Tymes made at the request of Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England, in 1509. Asked with the responsibility of completing the chronicle until her arrival at England, the translator had to draw on the most diverse sources. The paper analyses, firstly, what sources Rodrigo de Cuero used for the elaboration of his work; secondly, it deals with how he organized the material and made the two preserved versions (Escorial and Salamanca manuscripts); and, thirdly and last, it focuses on the treatment of the English kings before Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon (Henry VI, Edward IV, Edward V, Richard III and Henry VII).Keywords: Historia de Inglaterra, Rodrigo de Cuero, Cronycle of Englonde, Catherine of Aragon, 1509, Translations, Historiography.
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Simões, Carlota. "The Astrological Chart of the Coronation of King Sebastião of Portugal." Culture and Cosmos 22, no. 2 (October 2018): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0222.0205.

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The presence of Jewish astrologers in the Portuguese court of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is frequently mentioned in the chronicles of the kings. In 1496, King Manuel I forced the Jews to choose between conversion to Catholicism and expulsion. Those noblemen had to leave the court, and many of them also left the kingdom. In 1529, King João III created the position of Royal Cosmographer, the mathematician Pedro Nunes being the first to occupy the position. Pedro Nunes was apparently a severe opponent of astrology except for one episode: a few days before the coronation of King Sebastião in 1568, Pedro Nunes allegedly suggested to the Queen-regent, that she should postpone the ceremony, claiming astrological reasons. Historians relate this episode to a similar one, more than a century earlier, featuring the coronation of King Duarte (Edward) in 1433, and some believe that the alleged incident with King Sebastião may be just one more legend about this charismatic king. In this text we discuss the possibility that Pedro Nunes had actually made and examined the astrological chart for the moment of the coronation of King Sebastião.
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Tong, Stephen. "An English Bishop Afloat in an Irish See: John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, 1552–3." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.9.

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The Reformation in Ireland has traditionally been seen as an unmitigated failure. This article contributes to current scholarship that is challenging this perception by conceiving the sixteenth-century Irish Church as part of the English Church. It does so by examining the episcopal career of John Bale, bishop of Ossory, County Kilkenny, 1552–3. Bale wrote an account of his Irish experience, known as theVocacyon, soon after fleeing his diocese upon the accession of Queen Mary to the English throne and the subsequent restoration of Roman Catholicism. The article considers Bale's episcopal career as an expression of the relationship between Church and state in mid-Tudor England and Ireland. It will be shown that ecclesiastical reform in Ireland was complemented by political subjugation, and vice versa. Having been appointed by Edward VI, Bale upheld the royal supremacy as justification for implementing ecclesiastical reform. The combination of preaching the gospel and enforcing the 1552 Prayer Book was, for Bale, the best method of evangelism. The double effect was to win converts and align the Irish Church with the English form of worship. Hence English reformers exploited the political dominance of England to export their evangelical faith into Ireland.
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McCarter, Stuart J., David B. Burkholder, James P. Klaas, and Christopher J. Boes. "Charles E. Beevor's lasting contributions to neurology." Neurology 90, no. 11 (March 12, 2018): 513–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000005127.

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Charles Edward Beevor (1854–1908) was a prominent English neurologist who served in a variety of positions at the National Hospital for the Paralysed and Epileptic, Queen Square, from 1883 until his sudden death due to coronary artery disease in 1908. Staunchly committed to the meticulous study of neuroanatomy and physiology and education of his fellow physicians, Beevor was an accomplished clinician-scientist. He is most well known for describing the Beevor sign (commonly known as “Beevor's sign”), which is the upward movement of the umbilicus with truncal flexion from a supine position, used to indicate a spinal cord lesion between the levels of T10 and T12. His sign has also been reported to be suggestive of facioscapulohumeral muscular dystrophy. While the initial description of the Beevor sign has traditionally been attributed to his 1903 Croonian Lectures, he actually first described his sign in his 1898 textbook Diseases of the Nervous System: A Handbook for Students and Practitioners. In addition to his eponymous sign, Beevor also made significant contributions to the understanding of the representation of motor movements in the cerebral cortex, and, of more importance, utilized a novel method to identify cerebral vascular territory maps that are still utilized by neurologists today.
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Rockett, William. "Britannia, Ralph Brooke, and the Representation of Privilege in Elizabethan England*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 2 (2000): 474–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901876.

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The fourth edition of Britannia (1594) contained a marked increase in the representation of the propertied classes. The names of landowners, new families as well as old, were increased by approximately three hundred over the third edition of 1590. The fourth edition also contained a new index — “Barones et lllustriores Familiae” — which, together with the new names, registered first Camden's awareness of the changing character of Elizabethan society and second his qualifications as heraldic historian. The significance of this is not entirely clear until it is seen that the changes in Britannia came at a time of controversy and declining esteem in the College of Arms. Camden's authority in heraldry, of which the 1594 Britannia provided convincing evidence, together with his association with the advocates of armorial reform (Fulke Greville, Sir Edward Hoby, and Baron Burghley as well as the queen) made him a logical choice, over Ralph Brooke, for elevation to Clarenceux King of Arms in October 1597. Brooke's quarrel with Camden was part and parcel of the College's troubles and was seen at the time as an instance of the jealous animosity for which Brooke was notorious. One of the ironies of Brooke's attack is that it was symptomatic of the conditions — rivalries and jurisdictional disputes among the heralds, for instance — that advocates of reform were attempting to remedy.
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SOLOMON, MELISSA. ""The Queen's Twin": Sarah Orne Jewett and Lesbian Symmetry." Nineteenth-Century Literature 60, no. 3 (December 1, 2005): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2005.60.3.355.

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Do some ideas "survive all changes of time and national vicissitude"? The question belongs to Sarah Orne Jewett (1849-1909), the South Berwick, Maine author whose fictions are spun from communities of widowed women living along the Maine seacoast after the death of the shipping industry in Maine. A regional author ever mindful of differences between individuals, regions, and nations, whose fictional sea-captains know "a hundred ports . . . and could see outside the battle for town clerk here in Dunnet,"Jewett nevertheless invents female characters who share uncanny, sexualized, exactly symmetrical understandings between them. This essay explores the concept of symmetry and the corresponding affects living in and around those figurations of lesbian desire. "The Queen's Twin" is the title of Jewett's most unusual section in her masterpiece,The Country of the Pointed Firs, and the moniker refers to Mis' Abby Martin, a Maine woman who is convinced that she and Queen Victoria are twins, despite the ocean between them. Throughout the stages of her life, Abby has tracked the similarities between them, including a shared birth date, marriage to men named Albert, sons named Edward, widowhood, and countless other shared realities. Abby's passionate interest in Victoria builds as much on the coincidence of their mutual birth and imagined twinship as on the differences in their stations. Abby's cognizance of their differences occasions the richness of these affective moments.
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Ellis, John S. "Reconciling the Celt: British National Identity, Empire, and the 1911 Investiture of the Prince of Wales." Journal of British Studies 37, no. 4 (October 1998): 391–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386173.

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With the notable exception of Scotland, Queen Victoria was never very enthusiastic about her kingdoms of the “Celtic fringe.” During the sixty-four years of her reign, Victoria spent a healthy seven years in Scotland, a mere seven weeks in Ireland, and a paltry seven nights in Wales. Although there was little overt hostility, the nonconformist Welsh often felt neglected by the monarch and embittered by the queen's position as the head of the Church of England. Her Irish visits, however, were subject to more open opposition by stalwart republicans. Her visit to Dublin in 1900 was accompanied by embarrassing incidents and coercive measures to ensure the pleasant reception and safety of the monarch.The reign of King Edward VII was notable for its warmer attitude toward Wales and Ireland, but this transformation in the relationship between the monarchy and the nations of the “Celtic fringe” reached its most clear expression with the 1911 investiture of the Prince of Wales during the reign of his son, King George V. The press considered the ceremony to be more important than any other royal visit to the Celtic nations and publicized it widely in the United Kingdom and British Empire. The organizers of the event erected telegraph offices at the site of the ceremony, and the railways established special express trains running from Caernarfon to London that were equipped with darkrooms in order to send stories and photographs of the event directly to the newspapers of Fleet Street.
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Stachyra, Grażyna. "Reflections upon the Privacy in the Converged Commercial Radio: A Case Study of Royal Prank." Media and Communication 8, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 280–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i2.2807.

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This article focuses on the problematic consequences of shifting boundaries of converged radio practices for individual privacies. Holding that privacy is constructed through the interrelated information practices of both individuals and their mediated surroundings, it addresses radio as a previously intimate and privacy friendly medium. The case of the <em>Royal Prank </em>call by the Australian 2DayFM radio station demonstrates how contemporary converged radio practices affect the privacies of unintended participants in their shows. In December 2012, Jacintha Saldanha, nurse of London’s Royal King Edward VII Hospital committed suicide after two Australian radio presenters had made a prank phone call pretending to be Queen Elizabeth and Prince Charles concerned about the state of Duchess Kate’s health, who was expecting her first child. The case identifies three conditions, each with implications on privacy. First, digitization renders radio content archivable and repeatable. There is a second life of radio programs keeping available information about any people involved. Secondly, the division of radio related labour leads to a lack of journalistic responsibility for respecting privacy standards. Broadcasters feel no need to be sensitive regarding the consequences of disseminated material, as commercial and legal staff decide on that. Finally, legal frameworks continue to apply legacy radio privacy measures and do not correspond to these new working conditions, as the reactions of the Australian supervisory authority show. In consequence, the case of the <em>Royal Prank </em>call demonstrates the impossibility to fight individual privacy when one is unintentionally involved in radio shows.
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ROBBINS, BRUCE. "IN PUBLIC, OR ELSEWHERE: STEFAN COLLINI ON INTELLECTUALS." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 1 (April 2008): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430700159x.

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The subject of Stefan Collini's Absent Minds is a “rich tradition of debate about the question of intellectuals” in twentieth-century Britain, in particular debate about “their absence or comparative insignificance” (1). The debate begins with the Dreyfus Affair and its unpredictable British reception (the queen, for example, was a believer in Dreyfus's innocence), simmers intriguingly through the 1920s and 1930s, and becomes positively effervescent in the 1950s, perhaps because of a new democratization of the public sphere. Collini is less interested in the possible historical causes than in the rhetorical structure that persists, swirling around figures as different as T. S. Eliot, R. G. Collingwood, George Orwell, A. J. P. Taylor, and A. J. Ayer, each of whom gets a full-length profile. Other chapters mix shorter profiles—for example, the devastatingly funny discussion of Colin Wilson and the authorities who briefly and embarrassingly made him a star in their firmament—with synthesis of the debate over intellectuals at different scales (for example, how it was shaped by particular periodicals and by the transition to electronic media) and in different national settings. Coming closer to the present, Collini admires Edward Said for what he did as an intellectual while disputing what he said about intellectuals—a celebration of rigorous exile from all social belonging, which could only leave the category of the intellectual looking almost totally uninhabited. The move turns out to be characteristic: it is as if Collini felt he could win a proper admiration for what intellectuals do only by rejecting most of their self-images, or evasion thereof.
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Storey, J. "In the South the Baptists Are the Center of Gravity, Southern Baptists and Social Change, 1930-1980. By Edward L. Queen II. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Carlson Publishing Inc., 1991. 210 pp. $50.00." Journal of Church and State 35, no. 2 (March 1, 1993): 421–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/35.2.421.

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Hartland, Beth. "King Edward II: His Life, His Reign, and Its Aftermath, 1284-1330, by Roy Martin HainesKing Edward II: His Life, His Reign, and Its Aftermath, 1284-1330, by Roy Martin Haines. Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003. xviii, 604 pp. $65.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 39, no. 3 (December 2004): 564–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.39.3.564.

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46

Dudley, Martin. "Unity, Uniformity and Diversity: the Anglican Liturgy in England and the United States, 1900-1940." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 465–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015576.

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‘Uniformity’, declared Sir John Nicholl, one of the greatest of Anglican ecclesiastical lawyers, ‘is one of the leading and distinguishing principles of the Church of England - nothing is left to the discretion and fancy of the individual.’ At the Reformation the English Church was distinguished not by the decisions of councils, confessional statements, or the writings of particular leaders, but by one uniform liturgy. This liturgy, ‘containing nothing contrary to the Word of God, or to sound Doctrine’ and consonant with the practice of the early Church, was intended to ‘preserve Peace and Unity in the Church’ and to edify the people. It was also opposed to the ‘great diversity in saying and singing in Churches within this Realm’ and, abolishing the liturgical uses of Salisbury, Hereford, Bangor, York, and Lincoln, it established that ‘now from henceforth all the whole Realm shall have but one Use’. This principle of liturgical uniformity was enshrined in the several Acts of Uniformity from that of the second year of King Edward VI to that of the fourteenth year of Charles II, amended, but not abolished, in the reign of Queen Victoria. It was a principle conveyed to the churches in the colonies so that, even if they revised or abandoned the Book of Common Prayer in use in England, as the Americans did in 1789, what was substituted was called ‘The Book of Common Prayer and declared to be ‘the Liturgy of this Church’ to be ‘received as such by all members of the same’. The principle of uniformity was modified during the Anglican Communion’s missionary expansion. The Lambeth Conference of 1920 considered that liturgical uniformity throughout the Churches of the Anglican Communion was not a necessity, but the 1930 Conference held that the Book of Common Prayer, as authorized in the several Churches of the Communion, was the place where faith and order were set forth, and so implied a degree of uniformity maintained by the use of a single book.
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Mears, N. "Mary I: England's Catholic Queen, by John Edwards." English Historical Review 128, no. 531 (March 26, 2013): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet037.

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O'Dell-Chaib, Courtney. "Biophilia's Queer Remnants." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 46, no. 3-4 (December 21, 2017): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.33167.

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Evolutionary biologist Edward O. Wilson’s biophilia hypothesis, that humans have a genetically influenced emotional affiliation with life and life-like processes, for some time has invigorated a prominent strain of scholarship within religion and ecology that taps into the affective dimensions of our evolutionary histories. Our biophilic tendencies coupled with the awe, wonder, and reverence evoked by these religiously resonant cosmologies, they argue, provide occasions for cultivating ethical investments rooted in genetic kinship. However, much of this work that adopts biophilia assumes a “healthy” animal-other and rarely affiliates with the ill, disabled, and mutated creatures impacted by ecological degradation. In conversation with Donovan Schaefer’s provocative new book Religious Affects: Animality, Evolution, and Power and his engagement with biophilia, this paper considers possibilities for addressing aversion to animals impacted by ecological collapse through Schaefer’s understanding of affects as not merely adaptive, but embedded within complex economies of embodiment and power.
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R. Walsh, Ian. "Commedia dell’arte and the Gate Theatre." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 4, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v4i1.2649.

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This essay reveals the centrality of commedia dell’arte in defining the Gate’s theatrical style in the first four decades of its existence. In its theatricality, as well as its emphasis on the international and the queer, Hilton Edwards and Micheál mac Liammóir found the commedia dell’arte to be an ideal theatrical precedent for their own ambitions and practice. Drawing on materials in the Gate Theatre Digital Archive, NUI Galway, newspaper archives, research by Christopher FitzSimons, David Clare and Nicola Morris and the books of Edwards and mac Liammóir this article charts the origins of their engagement with and conception of the commedia dell’arte and its manifestation in their writings and theatre productions. Building on the work of Eibhear Walshe and Richard Pine on mac Liammóir’s adoption of masks of identity, it is also argues that both Edwards and mac Liammóir assumed the masks of Harlequin and Pierrot, in their writing and performing in order to reveal and shape their queer identities. This examination confirms how embedded European theatrical practice was in the stagecraft of one of Ireland’s premiere theatres and in so doing allows for networks of international artistic influence to be traced in the development of contemporary Irish performance. Keywords: Gate Theatre Dublin, Irish theatre, commedia dell’arte, queer, Hilton Edwards, Micheál mac Liammóir, modernism.
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Braddock, Robert C. "The Duke of Northumberland's Army Reconsidered." Albion 19, no. 1 (1987): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049657.

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In the preceding article, Dr. William Tighe has drawn attention once again to a central mystery surrounding those ill-understood weeks between the death of Edward VI and Queen Mary's triumphal entry into London which I initially commented upon in this journal in 1974. The problem involves the rapidity with which Northumberland's army collapsed. The traditional interpretation has long been that the duke's forces consisted only of unreliable mercenaries and that he lacked support from the ruling elements which could have given him the means to carry out his coup. In my article I suggested that this was not the case. Gentlemen had been willing to risk their lives in his cause, and although it was impossible to know the relative strengths of the two sides with precision, I found no evidence that contemporaries found them to be unequal. Nor did I find support for Professor Jordan's contention that Northumberland was a reluctant conspirator who really wanted to surrender power and retire to his estates. Examination of accounts in the files of the great wardrobe also led me to conclude that so far as the gentlemen pensioners were concerned, military men had supported the coup while politicians had taken the side of legitimacy. Admittedly the definitions were not precise, but in the absence of other records, it seemed to enhance understanding of the deliberations taken in those fatal days.Since the publication of my article, other scholars have also pointed to the vigor and quality of Northumberland's leadership. Dale Hoak has recently extended the “rehabilitation” of the Duke of Northumberland begun by Barrett Beer. Hoak showed that Northumberland was far from reluctant to use force and political guile to achieve his purposes. He took control of the royal household in order to control access to the king. He also created a special household bodyguard, known as the gendarmes, to secure his coup and overawe potential troublemakers. To complete the picture of a man determined to hold on to power, Hoak showed how Northumberland had managed to manipulate the young king by planting suggestions which the boy then incorporated into his desires. Thus the alteration of the succession should be seen as Northumberland's own scheme to retain power, and not the dying king's. Although the gendarmes had proved too costly to maintain and had to be disbanded, Northumberland's plan was clear: maintain control of power by using the king's household in both its military and political aspects.
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