Journal articles: 'Qumran community'

1

Emerton, J. A., and M. A. Knibb. "The Qumran Community." Vetus Testamentum 40, no. 2 (April 1990): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519006.

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Vermes, Geza. "The Qumran Community." Journal of Jewish Studies 39, no. 1 (April 1, 1988): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1390/jjs-1988.

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Wróbel, Mirosław Stanisław. "The Eschatological Spirituality of “the Sons of Light” in Qumran." Verbum Vitae 37, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.7949.

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One of the most important features of the members of the Qumran community, who referred to themselves by the name “the sons of light,” was aspiration to holiness by observing the Law, purity and cult. The spirituality of the Qumran community was founded on the New Covenant which would be fulfilled “at the end of the days”. This eschatological reality was stressed in the practical spirituality of the members of the Qumran community. In the present article, the spirituality of the Qumran community will be presented via three points: (1) The origin of the Qumran community; (2) The community of a New Covenant with God; and (3) Eschatological beliefs. Our accumulated knowledge about the spirituality of the Qumran community and its beliefs enables us to better understand many eschatological texts of the Old Testament and Intertestamental Literature. It also indicates to us certain similarities and differences with the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth.

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Panim Kim. "Jesus and Qumran Community." THEOLOGICAL THOUGHT ll, no. 137 (June 2007): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.35858/sinhak.2007..137.004.

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Holtz, Gudrun. "Inclusivism at Qumran." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 1 (2009): 22–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x395759.

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AbstractWithin Early Judaism the Qumran Community is widely perceived as a strictly exclusivist group. A thorough analysis of Qumran texts, however, reveals, apart from the dominant strand of exclusivism, remarkably clear inclusivist tendencies. In Qumran literature inclusivist tendencies can be seen both in eschatological texts and in materials dealing with the self-understanding of the Qumran Community in historical time. The legal texts discussed basically confirm this pattern: the Community is to separate from Gentiles and from members of those Jewish groups with whom it earlier entertained close relations. At the same time it is to support the poor and the proselytes. Strictly legal statements prohibiting contacts with non-Essene Judaism as such are missing. In the literature discussed inclusivist and exclusivist tendencies have diff erent weight. A pan-Israelite, e.g. inclusivist, perspective can be seen in 4QpNah, 4QFlor, 4QSM and especially in 4QMMT, 1QSa, and CD/4QD whereas in 1QS exclusivist tendencies predominate.

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RAINBOW, PAUL. "Melchizedek as a Messiah at Qumran." Bulletin for Biblical Research 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422326.

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Abstract Contrary to many scholars who argue or assume that the mysterious figure Melchizedek in 11QMelchizedek should be identified as an angel, perhaps as the angel Michael, this paper argues that he is a messianic figure perhaps even the Davidic Messiah. The angelic interpretation is problematic at several points, while the messianic interpretation coheres with Qumran's apparent expectation of a Messiah of Israel who would serve faithfully alongside an anointed priest. These two figures were perhaps thought of as counterparts to the "wicked king" (melki-resha) and the "wicked priest" (hak-kohen ha-rasha), arch enemies of the Qumran community.

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RAINBOW, PAUL. "Melchizedek as a Messiah at Qumran." Bulletin for Biblical Research 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.7.1.0179.

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Abstract Contrary to many scholars who argue or assume that the mysterious figure Melchizedek in 11QMelchizedek should be identified as an angel, perhaps as the angel Michael, this paper argues that he is a messianic figure perhaps even the Davidic Messiah. The angelic interpretation is problematic at several points, while the messianic interpretation coheres with Qumran's apparent expectation of a Messiah of Israel who would serve faithfully alongside an anointed priest. These two figures were perhaps thought of as counterparts to the "wicked king" (melki-resha) and the "wicked priest" (hak-kohen ha-rasha), arch enemies of the Qumran community.

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HURST, L. D. "Did Qumran Expect Two Messiahs?" Bulletin for Biblical Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422234.

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Abstract It has long been held that the Qumran community expected not one but two Messiahs. This assumption has often been accompanied by the act of translating the Hebrew term māšîaḥ in Qumran literature as "Messiah" (with or without the capital "m") rather than as "anointed." The Qumran texts themselves do not necessarily support this viewpoint. A careful examination of the most important literature reveals that the multiple messiahship of Qumran is a creation of modern scholars, not a fact required by the texts themselves.

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HURST, L. D. "Did Qumran Expect Two Messiahs?" Bulletin for Biblical Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.9.1.0157.

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Abstract It has long been held that the Qumran community expected not one but two Messiahs. This assumption has often been accompanied by the act of translating the Hebrew term māšîaḥ in Qumran literature as "Messiah" (with or without the capital "m") rather than as "anointed." The Qumran texts themselves do not necessarily support this viewpoint. A careful examination of the most important literature reveals that the multiple messiahship of Qumran is a creation of modern scholars, not a fact required by the texts themselves.

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Kuhn, Heinz-Wolfgang. "Zum 2. Korintherbrief: Drei wichtige Parallelen zur Qumrangemeinde (Gemeinde Gottes, neuer Bund und Neuschöpfung)." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 42–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0003.

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Abstract In the Second Epistle to the Corinthians Paul uses three concepts, which have very close parallels in contemporary non-Christian texts only in the writings of the Qumran community (“the community of God”, “new covenant” and the idea of new creation already in the present). Since the concept of new creation in the so-called Community Songs of 1QHa is under discussion, a thorough interpretation is of great importance, esp. of 1QHa XI 22. The “new covenant” in Paul’s letters is more than the “renewed covenant” of the Qumran community. The background of ἐκκλησία τοῦ θεοῦ is Jewish even though Hellenistic-Roman associations and political assemblies have to be discussed concerning ἐκκλησία. There is no direct acquaintance of Paul with texts of the Qumran community. The relevance of these texts for understanding Paul is found in several respects.

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11

Marks, Susan. "Reconsidering Reclining at Qumran." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 1 (May 14, 2016): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00701007.

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This article reexamines the default assumption that diners did not recline at Qumran. It not only investigates the sparseness of the evidence for meals eaten while sitting, but also considers what has been overlooked in ignoring the possibility of more elaborate celebratory dining in connection with the Qumran sectarians. Building on scholarship that offers parallels between Qumran and Hellenistic Voluntary Associations, as well as reconsidering the Community Rule and the archaeological evidence from the site, this article investigates new ways of looking at the evidence of Qumran. These nuances can challenge presumptions of homogeneous eating practices, allowing for other possibilities, such as that the community only “dined” on Shabbat, or once a month, in smaller dining spaces, while the largest dining space may have been used otherwise, by everyone, when they ate but did not dine.

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Ray, J. D., and I. D. Amusin. "Kumranskaya Obshchina [The Community of Qumran]." Vetus Testamentum 35, no. 3 (July 1985): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1517948.

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13

FITZMYER, JOSEPH A. "THE QUMRAN COMMUNITY: ESSENE OR SADDUCEAN?" Heythrop Journal 36, no. 4 (October 1995): 467–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.1995.tb01004.x.

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14

Wise, Michael O. "The Qumran Community. Michael A. Knibb." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49, no. 2 (April 1990): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373440.

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15

Murphy, Frederick J., and P. R. Callaway. "Callaway's "History of the Qumran Community"." Jewish Quarterly Review 81, no. 1/2 (July 1990): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455271.

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16

ATKINSON and MAGNESS. "Josephus's Essenes and the Qumran Community." Journal of Biblical Literature 129, no. 2 (2010): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27821022.

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17

Tantlevskij, Igor. "The Theological-Philosophical “School” of Qumran." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (2021): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-1-152-171.

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In the first part of the article the author tries to reconstruct the peculiarities of organizational-administrative basis and content of the educational process in Qumran, and to analyze the impact of the success in learning and intellectual development of community members on their position in the congregation, but, most importantly, on the state of their soul, its disposition in the global war of good with evil and, ultimately, on its receiving retribution in the otherworld. In the second part of the article the author makes an attempt to identify some features of the theological-philosophical “school” formed in Qumran and to summarise key aspects of the theological and philosophical doctrines of Qumran, primarily based on the “Treatise on the Two Spirits” (1QS 3:13–4:26): 1) Concept of the Creation of the universe through an intermediary “link” – “Knowledge” (dʽt) according to the “Design” (mḥšbh/mḥšbt) of God; the Qumran concept of mḥšbh/mḥšbt, probably implying the “Plan”/“Scheme”/“Project” of the universe, can be correlated with Plato’s concept of παράδειγμα. 2) Concept of predestination in correlation with the Essene doctrine of predestination in the context of the formation of Judaean “philosophical schools”. 3) Peculiarities of the Qumran dualistic doctrine of the two ways and two spirits and the origins of “nature of Truth” and “nature of Evil” in the framework of biblical monotheism; features of Qumran theodicy. 4) Correlation of the Qumran doctrine of “human nature” and “virtue” with the Essene ethical teaching according to Philo of Alexandria’s treatise “On Every Virtuous One Is Free”, XII, 80–84. The article also analyses the key designations of community leaders and self-designations of community members in an organizational and educational context.

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18

Collins, John J. "Beyond the Qumran Community: Social Organization in the Dead Sea Scrolls." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 3 (2009): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x473978.

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AbstractThe Dead Sea Scrolls refer to different kinds of communities. The Damascus Document speaks of people who live “in camps” throughout the land, and marry and have children. The Rule of the Community, in contrast, does not speak of women or children at all. It does, however, speak of small communities with a quorum of ten, as part of the yahad. The Rule of the Community also speaks enigmatically of twelve men and three priests, who are supposed to go into the wilderness to prepare the way of the Lord. It is possible but not certain that these were the founders of the Qumran settlement. Qumran was surely a sectarian settlement in Roman times. It is possible, but not proven, that it was a Hasmonean fort before the Romans came. It was never more than one of many sectarian settlements. The yahad should not be equated with “the Qumran community.”

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19

Schofield, Alison. "An Altar in the Desert?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 1 (May 14, 2016): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00701009.

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Jodi Magness’ proposal that an altar existed at Qumran leaves some unanswered questions; nevertheless, her conclusions are worthy of consideration. This study examines her claim that the residents at Qumran had an altar, modeled off of the Wilderness Tabernacle, through the lens of critical spatial theory. The conceptual spaces of some of the Dead Sea Scrolls, such as The Damascus Document and The Community Rule, as well as the spatial practices of the site of Qumran do not rule out – and even support – the idea that Qumran itself was highly delimited and therefore its spaces hierarchized in such a way that it could have supported a central cultic site.

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Kugler, Robert. "Whose Scripture? Whose Community? Reflections on the Dead Sea Scrolls Then and Now, By Way of Aramaic Levi." Dead Sea Discoveries 15, no. 1 (2008): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851708x263116.

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AbstractReexamination of the varieties of manuscripts testifying to Aramaic Levi suggests already that they reflect not a single, relatively consistent work as many have long thought, but a work that existed in diverse recensions, including more than one among the numerous manuscripts at Qumran. Examination of 4Q213b, line 1 and 4Q213a 3–4, 3a suggests even more, that the forms of the work found among the Dead Sea Scrolls were the result of a Qumran compositional strategy of deploying, revising, and supplementing existing texts and traditions in ways consistent with the interests of the community. This suggests not only that the Dead Sea Scrolls include "sectarian works" that we have not yet acknowledged as such; it also warns us against assuming that we can ever know the scope and nature of works only partially preserved at Qumran by comparing them with similar or even supposedly identical works attested outside of the Qumran Scrolls.

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Kim Harkins, Angela. "The Community Hymns Classification: A Proposal for Further Differentiation." Dead Sea Discoveries 15, no. 1 (2008): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851708x263170.

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AbstractThe hodayot scroll from Cave 1 is often cited as one of the classic examples of sectarian literature found at Qumran, yet this conceptualization ignores the great variety of language and style found throughout these compositions. Perhaps a refined understanding of the different literary types within the hodayot scroll can help lead scholars to a better understanding of the relationship between it and other writings from Qumran. This paper proposes that the specific group of hodayot known as the Community Hymns may be further differentiated into two types: those that show strong alignment with the yahad and those that do not show strong alignment.

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Bergsma, John. "Qumran Self-Identity: "Israel" or "Judah"?" Dead Sea Discoveries 15, no. 1 (2008): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851708x263198.

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AbstractA careful analysis of the Qumran "sectarian" texts reveals a consistent preference for self-identification as "Israel" rather than "Judah." In fact, they contain no unambiguous identifications of the community as "Judah" or its members as "Judeans". Like most biblical texts and unlike Josephus and the authors of 1–2 Maccabees, the Qumran community does not equate Israelite with Judean. They regard themselves as the vanguard of the eschatological restoration of the twelve tribes; for them, the Judean state is not the sole heir of biblical Israel.

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Schiffman, Lawrence H. "Qumran Temple?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 1 (May 14, 2016): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00701006.

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Study of the textual evidence preserved in the Dead Sea Scrolls makes it exceedingly unlikely that the sectarians would have conducted sacrificial worship at their desert retreat. They disagreed vehemently with the Jerusalem establishment and refused to worship at the Temple because the sacrificial ritual did not accord with their halakhic ideals. However, they still maintained that the Temple was the only proper place to worship: it just had to be renewed under their aegis at the End of Days, when they would control all its functions. In the meantime, the sectarians viewed their community as a substitute Temple; they conducted prayers at the times when the Temple sacrifices took place; their communal meals became ritualized as a replacement for the Temple offerings; they studied the laws of sacrifices. Priests and Levites were given preferential roles, the communal meals and study sessions substituted for Temple rituals, and the ritual purity that the sect maintained assured them that they would be ready for the soon-to-dawn eschaton that would restore the glory of the Temple to them. Thus, the literary evidence points to a longing for the Temple but also to a resignation that, until the End of Days, various modes of worship would have to substitute for its sacrifices.

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Jassen, Alex P. "Prophets and Prophecy in the Qumran Community." AJS Review 32, no. 2 (November 2008): 299–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408000147.

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It has long been axiomatic in the study of postbiblical Judaism that prophecy had become a dormant institution. For scholars studying Judaism in its many ancient manifestations, prophecy was a phenomenon closely related to the heritage of biblical Israel. It disappeared as biblical Israel gave way to Judaism in the aftermath of the Babylonian exile. This scholarly assumption has found support in several texts from ancient Judaism that indeed espouse such a position. In recent years, the dominance of this consensus has begun to wither away as scholars have become both more fully aware of the diverse forms of Judaism in the Second Temple and rabbinic periods and more sensitive to the multiple modes of religious piety in ancient Judaism. In this article, I would like to extend the contours of this conversation by mapping out some methodological rubrics for the study of prophecy in ancient Judaism and discuss one context for the application of this methodology—the Qumran community.

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VanderKam, James C. "Questions of Canon Viewed through the Dead Sea Scrolls." Bulletin for Biblical Research 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2001): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422274.

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Abstract The formation of the biblical canon was a gradual one. Questions concerning who, what, when, and how are obscure. The Dead Sea Scrolls indicate that clusters of writings were gathered into recognizable groupings, but that these clusters were not fixed during the time of the Dead Sea community. Indeed, the evidence of Qumran suggests that it was believed that revelation and inspiration continued, at least in the time of the Teacher of Righteousness. The MS evidence of the Scrolls suggests that the text of even the books of Torah was not finally settled. Therefore, it would better fit the ancient evidence from Qumran if we avoided using the words Bible and biblical for this period and this communíty.

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VanderKam, James C. "Questions of Canon Viewed through the Dead Sea Scrolls." Bulletin for Biblical Research 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2001): 269–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422274.

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Abstract The formation of the biblical canon was a gradual one. Questions concerning who, what, when, and how are obscure. The Dead Sea Scrolls indicate that clusters of writings were gathered into recognizable groupings, but that these clusters were not fixed during the time of the Dead Sea community. Indeed, the evidence of Qumran suggests that it was believed that revelation and inspiration continued, at least in the time of the Teacher of Righteousness. The MS evidence of the Scrolls suggests that the text of even the books of Torah was not finally settled. Therefore, it would better fit the ancient evidence from Qumran if we avoided using the words Bible and biblical for this period and this communíty.

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Tantlevskij, Igor. "Elements of the theological system of the Qumran community in correlation with the peculiarities of its “gnoseology”." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 17, no. 2 (2023): 822–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2023-17-2-822-841.

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The article attempts to identify the specifics of the ways in which the Qumran authors “know” God, based on an analysis of a number of their key works. The Qumranites’ acquisition of “theological” Knowledge was mainly of direct intuitive “spiritual” comprehension, including elements of “noethics”. This cognitive phenomenon has sometimes been described directly as insight (cf., e. g., 1QHa 12:5-6, 27-29; 15:24-25). On the other hand, the Qumran teaching that God “formed understanding (bynh) for all who seek knowledge (d‘t)” and that “all reason (śkl) is from eternity” (4Q299, fr. 8, 7–8) suggests that human mind is initially a partaker of the eternal Mind of God. As one consequence of this, one has the potential gift of directly accessing the elements of Knowledge contained within the Divine Mind (śkl, bynh). There was also a mystical-“gnostic” way of knowing. Thus, the Qumranites probably practised some kind of mystical heavenly “voyages” in a kind of ecstatic state — in fact, probably implying mystical “death” and subsequent “rebirth”, involving the acquisition of heavenly Knowledge. The author has also tried to reconstruct elements of the Qumranite theological system and identify some features of the Qumran creationist doctrine and the closely related doctrine of predestination; views of history, eschatology and the creation of a new world; dualistic concepts in correlation with soteriology; the Qumran theology of Light and Darkness in ethical, gnoseological and soteriological aspects.

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Valah, S. "Dualistic Qumran concept in the context of the Christian worldview." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 5 (May 6, 1997): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1997.5.96.

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The Qumran community of Essenes belongs to the religious sects of Palestine II. BC - 1st century BC not. It arose in the line of Judaism and was closely connected with the Jewish religion. This is evidenced by the spiritual library of the community and the strict observance of the law of Moses by its members. In order to get closer to the understanding of nature and the essence of spirituality, one should not only take into account the complete legal features of its similarity to official or normative Judaism, but to note the differences that existed between them. These differences were determined in the social and religious isolation of the Qumran community from the Jewish community and were reflected in a desert, similar to the monastic way of life, in rejection of participation in the temple cult, a specific ritual of washing, different from the established burial ceremony, in the use of a special solar calendar. All this testifies at the same time to the specificity of the ideological views of the members of the Qumran Brotherhood. It is difficult to say whether the theological system of the Qur'an outlook has survived to date, since its essential elements were transmitted orally and not recorded (in records, such records do not occur).

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Regev, Eyal. "Comparing Sectarian Practice and Organization: the Qumran Sects in Light of the Regulations of the Shakers, Hutterites, Mennonites and Amish." Numen 51, no. 2 (2004): 146–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852704323056652.

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AbstractThis article tries to demonstrate that the unique regulations of the Qumran (Dead Sea Scrolls) sect are derived from its social character as a sect, not from scriptural exegesis or Hellenistic influence. In order to achieve this goal, the article introduces practices that are typical of introversionist sects, and shows that they can also be found in Qumran. Thus the evidence from Qumran contributes to the understanding of the sectarian practices and organization in general. The article compares the regulations from Qumran to those of the Shakers, the Hutterites, the Mennonites and the Amish and also makes inferences concerning the practices of these different sects. The comparison pertains to the procedures of joining the sect, admission to adulthood, annual or semi-annual ceremonial communions, sanctions and punishments, confessions, economical organization and organizational patterns, especially the tendency of keeping the local community small, as well as gender relations and social hierarchy within the sect.

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Vermes, Geza. "Qumran Corner: Preliminary Remarks on Unpublished Fragments of the Community Rule from Qumran Cave 4." Journal of Jewish Studies 42, no. 2 (October 1, 1991): 250–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1606/jjs-1991.

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31

Emerton, J. A., and P. R. Callaway. "The History of the Qumran Community. An Investigation." Vetus Testamentum 40, no. 1 (January 1990): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519273.

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Vermes, Geza. "The History of the Qumran Community: An Investigation." Journal of Jewish Studies 40, no. 1 (April 1, 1989): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1449/jjs-1989.

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Fraade, Steven D. "Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran." Journal of Jewish Studies 44, no. 1 (April 1, 1993): 46–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1679/jjs-1993.

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34

Weitzman, Steve. "Why Did the Qumran Community Write in Hebrew?" Journal of the American Oriental Society 119, no. 1 (January 1999): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605539.

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Goff, M. "MARCUS K.M. TSO, Ethics in the Qumran Community." Journal of Semitic Studies 58, no. 1 (March 19, 2013): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgs053.

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36

Newsom, Carol A. "Apocalyptic and the Discourse of the Qumran Community." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49, no. 2 (April 1990): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373431.

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Popović, Mladen. "Qumran as Scroll Storehouse in Times of Crisis? A Comparative Perspective on Judaean Desert Manuscript Collections." Journal for the Study of Judaism 43, no. 4-5 (2012): 551–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12341239.

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Abstract This article takes a material and comparative approach to the Qumran collection. Distinctive features set the Qumran manuscripts apart from other Judaean Desert collections, suggesting a scholarly, school-like collection of predominantly literary texts. The few literary texts from other Judaean Desert sites reflect the valuable copies owned by wealthy individuals or families and are illustrative of the spread of these texts within various strata of ancient Jewish society. The historical context of most manuscript depositions in the Judaean Desert is characterized by violence and conflict, and such a context probably also typified the deposition of the Qumran manuscripts. In contrast to at least some of the other Judaean Desert sites where refugees hid with their manuscripts, the deposition evidence at Qumran may suggest an anticipation of such violence. The movement behind the Dead Sea Scrolls can be characterized as a textual community, reflecting a milieu of Jewish intellectuals who were engaged on various levels with their ancestral traditions. The collection of texts attracted people and shaped their thinking, while at the same time people shaped the collection, producing and gathering more texts. In this sense, the site of Qumran and its surrounding caves functioned like a storehouse for scrolls.

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Iatan, Cristinel. "The Gospel of Matthew and the Pesher Interpretation." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 68, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2023.2.01.

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This study explores the pesher interpretation, a method of biblical exegesis used by the Qumran community, and whether early Christians like the author of Matthew's Gospel employed similar techniques. Since the 1950s, scholars have analysed the so-called “formula quotations” in Matthew, finding parallels with the pesharim commentaries found among the Dead Sea Scrolls. Krister Stendahl argued Matthew comes from a “school” using pesher to radically reinterpret Old Testament passages as fulfilled in Jesus. Others like Richard Longenecker also find Matthew employing this Second Temple Jewish method, especially in texts with “fulfilment formulae”. However, objections have been raised. Joseph Fitzmyer notes the differences between Qumran pesharim and Matthew's use of scripture. Norman Hillyer wonders if the fulfilment formula indicates a distinct hermeneutic, not pesher. Ulrich Luz stresses Matthew proclaims fulfilment, not hidden meanings like pesharim. In conclusion, applying the ideas of pesher from Qumran to the New Testament raises problems. Similarities between pesher and Patristic exegesis are noted, but determining dependence requires examining the original historical meaning versus the contemporary application of prophecies. More analysis of whether early Christian use of scripture mirrors Qumran pesher or develops its fulfilment hermeneutic is needed. Keywords: pesher, fulfilment, formula quotations, Midrash, exegesis, Qumran, Eschatology, Second Temple, Matthew's Gospel, hermeneutics

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Elgvin, Torleif. "‘To Master his own Vessel’. 1 thess 4.4 in Light of new Qumran Evidence." New Testament Studies 43, no. 4 (October 1997): 604–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500023419.

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A parenetic text from Qumran, which is only unofficially published, refers to ‘the vessel of your bosom’. This passage might shed new light on the enigmatic σκη⋯оς of 1 Thess 4.4.The passage in question belongs to one of the admonition sections of Sapiential Work A from Qumran. Sap. Work A is a sapiential composition preserved in seven fragmentary copies, one from Cave 1 (1Q26) and six from Cave 4 (4Q415/416/417/418a/418b/423). Six copies display early Herodian script (30 BC – 20 AD), while one (4Q423) represents a late Herodian hand (1 – 50 AD). The high number of copies and the fact that this book was being copied even until a late stage in the history of the Qumran settlement shows that it was highly regarded within the Essene Community.

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Shirav, Anna. "The Social Context of 4QInstruction Reconsidered." Dead Sea Discoveries 29, no. 1 (December 8, 2021): 76–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-bja10022.

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Abstract The nature and the social context of Instruction were often discussed in the scholarship. Its relatively high number of copies that have been found in Qumran, and a series of shared literary, linguistic and ideological similarities to compositions often closely associated with the Qumran movement led scholars to debate the attribution of Instruction to this group of texts. This paper argues that the pericope in 4Q418 frg. 81, which uses extensively priestly language and metaphors, reflects similar social context and structure as the Community Rule, and therefore Instruction should be placed among the writings of the community. I will use two-stage analysis of the pericope, which will offer insight on the identity of the addressee, and try to bring some fresh insights on the literary unity of the composition.

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Kireeva, Natalya. "“A Third of All Nights”: Qumran Laws on the Night-Time Sacred Texts Studies." Slavic & Jewish Cultures: Dialogue, Similarities, Differences, no. 2018 (2018): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3356.2018.3.

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The article analyses a small fragment of the Community Rule (1QS VI:7) which postulates the need to devote part of the night time to the study of the Law. Usually this fragment is attended to as an illustration of ascetical trends in the Qumran community. However, it seems that 1QS VI:7 can be understood not as evidence of sleep deprivation during the hole night, but rather as a prescription concerning the regulation of one’s activity during the nocturnal wakefulness that was common for all people (not only for the members of the commu-nity) in the Second temple period. Reviewing 1QS VI:7 in the light of modern concepts of sleeping habits of preindustrial can give a new perspective on the Qumran laws concerning night-time behavior.

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VanderKam, James C. "The Oath and the Community." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 3 (2009): 416–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x474004.

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AbstractThe Serek and the Damascus Document describe aspects of the procedures by which a person joined the community, and Josephus explains the entry procedures for aspiring Essenes. An oath is included in all of these descriptions, but, it has been claimed, it is placed at different points in them. A close examination of the texts shows that all of the sources probably locate the oath at the same point in the process of entry into the community; as a result, this aspect of the entry procedures constitutes another close parallel between the communal texts found at Qumran and Josephus's description of the Essenes.

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Schofield, Alison. "Between Center and Periphery: The Yahad in Context." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 3 (2009): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x473969.

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AbstractScholars have long equated the Yahad with the inhabitants at Qumran, thereby establishing an unwieldy two-community model of those behind The Rule of the Community (S) and others of the Damascus Document (D), or Qumranite, bounded, and peripheral versus integrated and “normal.” Yet this two-fold paradigm does not account for both the shared and divergent material between S and D, and other Rule material now available. This article offers a new socio-anthropological model for understanding sectarian community formation, one that accounts for a dynamic relationship between both the Jewish codifying center at Jerusalem and the sectarian movement at large, as well as on a micro-level within the Yahad itself. For as the Yahad created its own, new authoritative center at Qumran, it generated new, divergent traditions, but ones which never developed in isolation. This “radial-dialogic” model of development proposes that communities, and their traditions, diversified in continuing conversation with their authoritative center(s).

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조명기. "The Predestination of Qumran Community in 1QH and CD." THEOLOGICAL THOUGHT ll, no. 139 (December 2007): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35858/sinhak.2007..139.002.

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Krause, Andrew R. "Community, Alterity, and Space in the Qumran Covenant Curses." Dead Sea Discoveries 25, no. 2 (September 10, 2018): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341453.

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Abstract 1QS 2 recounts a ritual in which the community convenes and shares in the annual recitation of blessings and curses for the purpose of reaffirming its communal, ritual boundaries as it is beset on all sides by darkness and transgressive ways. This group needs purifying through the ejection of the morally impure, those whose actions are judged to be ‘out of place.’ Conversely, in 4QBerakhot, the entirety of divinely ordered creation is cited in the blessing of God by the performative community in the heavenly throne room. This latter tradition understands those capable of this heavenly benediction as being sufficiently pure to stand in God’s presence, while Belial and those of his lot are already consigned to their fate in the pit. Thus, given the entirely different ideals and resultant construction of figural space in these two traditions, we are forced to question the equation of their performative contexts.

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MAGNESS, JODI. "The Community at Qumran in Light of Its Pottery." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 722, no. 1 (June 1994): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1994.tb30462.x.

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Chazon, Esther G. "Prayer and Identity in Varying Contexts: The Case of the Words of the Luminaries." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (November 25, 2015): 484–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340441.

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This article examines the ways in which a single liturgical text, the Words of the Luminaries, would be read by two diachronically and ideologically different audiences: the implied audience of the pre-Qumranic author and the actual audience of the Yaḥad community at Qumran, which preserved this text. The text’s first person plural rhetorical stance invites the implied audience to identify with its “we, Israel” voice and with the fundamental beliefs, ideas, and values encoded in the “we” discourse. These major ideological themes conjoined with the pan-Israelite rhetorical stance convey messages about identity and ideology that are dissonant with the Yaḥad’s deterministic, dualistic ideology and sectarian identity as the elect “Congregation of God.” Nonetheless, the common past, foundational narratives, and shared values, especially regarding the Torah, would facilitate the Yaḥad’s reception of this originally non-Qumranic text and enable it to be read through the lens of the Yaḥad’s sectarian identity.

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Knibb, Michael A. "The Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Introduction." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 3 (2009): 297–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x473923.

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AbstractThis article is intended to provide an introduction to the essays included in this special issue of Dead Sea Discoveries on the theme of the community of the Dead Sea Scrolls and to offer an assessment of some of the issues that they raise. Support is offered for the view that the S tradition was not intended for a single group, and that the yahad was not confined to Qumran, and it is argued that the communal organization of the Dead Sea Scrolls movement was more flexible and more complex than is sometimes imagined.

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Collins, John J. "The Community Rules from Qumran: A Commentary , by Charlotte Hempel." Dead Sea Discoveries 30, no. 1 (March 9, 2023): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-03001001.

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Thomas, Samuel. "'Riddled' with Guilt: The Mysteries of Transgression, the Sealed Vision, and the Art of Interpretation in 4Q300 and Related Texts." Dead Sea Discoveries 15, no. 1 (2008): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851708x263189.

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AbstractThis essay investigates the language of 4Q300, one of the manuscripts of the 'Mysteries' composition from caves 1 and 4 (1Q27, 4Q299–300[1]), for the way in which it participates in the 'prophetic-sapiential' dynamic of Qumran apocalypticism. Though 4Q300 may not have been authored by a member of the Qumran community, it expresses ideas and assumes social categories very much at home within a sectarian context. It presumes a dualistic framework in which the in-group possesses knowledge of 'mysteries' that derives from having access to a 'vision.' This vision is sealed to the opponents, the 'magicians' whose failed interpretations render them 'guilty' of not understanding the true 'root of wisdom.' The essay argues that this 'vision' is best understood to be a written source that is considered by the author/audience of 4Q300 to have prophetic implications.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Qumran community'

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