Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Quote right'

Trough this thesis, it is aimed to study "
the conservative-democratic"
identity of the Justice and Development Party(AKP), which was established just before the November 3, 2002 elections and has still been running the country as the single party, in the context of the Turkish center-right tradition. Although the AKP comes from the political legancy of the National View Tradition (MG), it has presented itself as a new political formation at least aspiring to a centrist location in the political spectrum.Thus, the AKP puts itself in the political tradition inherited from the Progressive Republican Party, the Democratic Party, the Justice Party, and Turgut Ö
zal'
s Motherland Party with an attempt to forge a synthesis between liberal and conservative trends within Turkey around a new social consensus. In this thesis, the components of the "
conservative-democratic"
rhetoric of the AKP is analyzed to shed light over its conceptualization of democracy, pluralism, social change and secularism.This thesis is presented through an over its rhetoric of "
change"
. It is argued that the conservative-democratic rhetoric of the party is characterized by ambivalent points, if not contradictions, which reflect the party'
s ongoing search for a distinct position and identity and its aim of appealing to broader sections of the conservative electorate.

How "social change organizations" balance organizational imperatives with progressive, or "principled," values is a dilemma commonly addressed in the sociological literature (cf. Minkoff, 2002; Ostrander, 2004). This challenge is particularly important where organizations are undergoing a process of change (Kelley et al., 2005). However, few studies have used internal working conditions as a dynamic on which to measure this balance. Thus, using the internal dynamics of two contemporary human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as a means of understanding these challenges, the broadest objective of this dissertation is to understand how organizations with principled values do or do not construct "exemplary" workplaces (Lofland, 1996). Changes to the gendered nature of the organizations are examined as a specific indicator of this exemplary behaviour. Using new institutionalist literature as a guide, I demonstrate the ways in which isomorphic pressures shaped human rights organizations throughout the 1990s. Specifically, I show that Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch shared a shifting institutional environment, including political climate favourable toward the human rights discourse, increased attention from media, increased pressure to professionalize, the need to present themselves as legitimate and accountable, and the need to respond to competitive pressures. I found that as both organizations responded to these pressures and opportunities in their institutional environment, they adapted internal structures, strategies, and behaviours. The result was increased hierarchy, competition between employees, performance pressures, and emotionally repressive workplace norms. Moreover, men and women often experienced these changes differently. The investigation of two organizations, however, revealed that this connective chain was also shaped by the specific histories, structures, and cultures of each organization.

The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.

My dissertation discusses refugee rights and post-repatriation integration in South Asia in the context of debates over "citizenship." Postcolonial state-formation processes in South Asia have profoundly shaped questions of belonging and membership. As a result, official citizenship has become an important marker of group inclusion and exclusion in South Asian states. Using the literature on citizenship, I discuss the "belonging" claims of non-citizens (refugees) and argue that in practice this "belonging" extends beyond the state-centric "citizenship" view of membership. In doing so, I address two sets of interrelated questions: what factors determine whether or not refugees will be repatriated in South Asia, and why do some repatriated groups re-integrate more successfully than others in "post-peace" South Asian states? I answer these questions through a study of refugees from Sri Lanka and Bangladesh who sought asylum in India and were later repatriated to their countries of origin. The politics of postcolonial state-formation and subsequent discriminatory policies on language in Sri Lanka and non-recognition of the Jumma people in Bangladesh encouraged many citizens to flee to India as refugees. I argue, first, that India's state-centric politics of non-recognition of the two refugee groups contributed to their later repatriation. In the absence of rights and status in exile, refugees turned to "home" as a place to belong. I then analyze the post-repatriation variations in accommodation in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh as most refugees attempted to reclaim the lost identity and "citizenship" at "home" through the process of repatriation. However these countries pursued strategies of limited accommodation, which led to the minimal or partial re-integration of the two returnee-refugee groups.

Thesis: Ph. D. in Urban and Regional Planning, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2014.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 257-267).
This dissertation investigates China's land quota markets, a recent land policy innovation that virtually transfers urbanization permission from the countryside to cities. To circumvent national government's quota restrictions on converting agricultural land to urban land, local governments have created new land quotas by demolishing sparsely located farmhouses, and resettling peasants into high-density apartments. These quotas are then sold in new land quota markets to real estate developers. I find that China's land quota markets alter the traditional calculus of location and land use theory: the rural hinterlands have suddenly become valuable to urban land markets, particularly for industrial projects. In fact, the more distant a village is, the more likely it will be involved in land quota markets. Remoteness becomes a spatial advantage. These dramatic changes are the result of reconstructing property rights in land. The quotas traded on the market are a right to convert land use from rural to urban, separate from development rights to invest in specific properties. These institutional changes were initiated by recalibration of inter-governmental relationships: the Central Government delegates more autonomy to local governments and the municipality centralizes control over land from subordinating district and county governments. The implications of the new land quota markets are profound and many. The quota markets further draw land resources away from the rural areas to urban areas, and reinforces the imbalances between big and small cities. Since these institutional changes are driven by public finance at its core, the scale of our analysis needs to be regional rather than at the scale of the city. Lastly, quota markets have mixed welfare impact on different types of peasants. For peasants on the urban fringe, the scale of land taking is likely to increase, displacing more peasants than without the quota markets. For peasants in the deep rural areas, their housing conditions and access to infrastructure and public services are improved. However, their transition to urban lifestyle takes place before their transition to urban mode of production, therefore their long-term economic prospect is dismal.
by Yuan Xiao.
Ph. D. in Urban and Regional Planning

Notion protéiforme, le principe de transparence compte, au nombre de ses composantes, le droit d’accès aux documents, qui en constitue l’aspect le plus saillant. Dans l’absolu, ce droit s’apparente également aux principes d’ouverture et de bonne administration, avec lesquels il entretient un rapport étroit. Historiquement, l’accès aux documents plonge ses racines dans les traditions constitutionnelles communes aux États membres. À cet égard, il convient de garder à l’esprit que les réglementations qui se sont succédées au sein de l’UE, lesquelles visaient à aménager l’accès aux documents détenus par les institutions, étaient toutes, sans exception, calquées sur les prescriptions nationales équivalentes, en vigueur dans les États membres. De manière atypique, l’évolution du droit d’accès s’articule autour d’un phénomène singulier : si ce droit a fait son entrée sur la scène juridique par le truchement du principe de transparence, il s’est graduellement émancipé de son aîné pour devenir un droit subjectif à part entière. Le champ heuristique décrit s’accompagne d’un second volet. L’autonomisation de l’accès aux documents se double en effet d’un constat : le droit d’accès fait désormais partie des attributs du citoyen de l’Union. Cet élément transparaît authentiquement de l’interprétation des exceptions au droit d’accès qui s’avère éminemment restrictive, conformément à la règle du « plus large accès possible aux documents ». En outre, l’accès aux documents génère, comme tel, des droits et des obligations : les bénéficiaires (« créanciers ») ont été toujours plus nombreux tandis que dans le même temps, on a assisté à la multiplication des acteurs assujettis au droit d’accès (« débiteurs »). En définitive, on s’achemine progressivement vers un nouveau droit fondamental
The principle of transparency is a multifaceted notion. The most salient of its components is the right of access to documents. This right can be compared to the principles of open government and good administration, with which it is closely related. Historically, the roots of access to documents lie in the constitutional traditions common to the Member States. The regulations implemented over time within the EU, which were designed to grant access to the documents held by the institutions, were all modelled on existing national standards. Atypically, the development of the right of access is built around a peculiar phenomenon: while this right made its debut on the legal stage through the principle of transparency, it gradually became a subjective self-standing right. As the right of access to documents becomes an autonomous concept it has a further effect; the right of access to documents henceforth becomes part of the attributes of the citizen of the European Union. This leads to a narrow interpretation of the exceptions to the rights of access, conforming to the rule “the greatest access possible to documents”. The access to documents generates rights and obligations; the beneficiaries (“creditors”) have been numerous, but at the same time there has been an increase in the number of actors subject to the right of access (“debtors”). We are progressing to a new fundamental right

Bien que le caractère fondamental du droit de vote ne soit plus contesté dans les pays démocratiques, il semble néanmoins subsister un fort a priori quant aux qualités morales requises pour pouvoir disposer de la capacité électorale. En effet, dans de nombreux États, on considère que les détenus doivent systématiquement être privés de leur droit de vote, car indignes de participer à la vie démocratique. Néanmoins, tant la Cour constitutionnelle d’Afrique du Sud que la Cour suprême du Canada et la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme ont invalidé des dispositions législatives qui allaient en ce sens. L’analyse comparative de ces décisions, doublée d’une étude de l’évolution historique du droit de vote, révèle que ce droit, autrefois conçu comme un droit fonctionnel – soit un droit de vote ayant d’abord pour objectif la protection de la démocratie en tant qu’institution – est aujourd’hui perçu essentiellement comme un droit individuel - soit un droit de vote avant tout défini comme un droit fondamental attaché à l’individu et à sa dignité. Or, outre le fait que cette sacralisation de l’aspect individuel du droit de vote laisse désormais peu de place aux limitations étatiques, elle a aussi pour effet d’occulter les valeurs collectives qui sont, autant que la participation individuelle au suffrage, au cœur de la démocratie. Cette thèse propose ainsi certaines pistes de solutions qui visent à rétablir un équilibre entre les deux pôles du droit de vote, en cherchant à la fois à préserver la dignité individuelle attachée à l’acte électoral et à valoriser la dignité de la fonction électorale comme élément essentiel de l’intégrité du processus démocratique
While the fundamental and universal nature of a citizen’s right to participate in the electoral process through voting is no longer disputed in democracies, the degree of morality required for electoral capacity is still up for debate. Indeed, in many countries, felons are thought unworthy of participation in the democratic process and are thus systematically disenfranchised. However, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, the Supreme Court of Canada and the European Court of Human Rights have all, in recent years, invalidated legislation that provided for general and automatic disqualification of convicted felons. A comparative analysis of these rulings, paired with a study of historical evolution of the right to vote, reveals that what was once designed as a functional right, one primarily aimed at protecting democracy as an institution, is now perceived strictly as an individual right attached to one’s personal dignity. The shift from a right focused on its “subject” rather than its “object” has had unexpected consequences. The sanctification of the individual’s right has not only encroached on the government’s ability to limit the franchise, it has also undermined the collective values that are, as much as is the individual right to participate in the election, at the heart of democracy. This thesis proposes a number of solutions to the current imbalance between the two aspects of the right to vote, all aimed at preserving the individual dignity tied to the right to cast a ballot but also at promoting the electoral function, crucial to the integrity of the democratic process

The Peruvian anchoveta fishery was for nearly 60 years characterized by the unsustainable dynamics of open access resource pools. This thesis investigates whether the 2009 Peruvian Legislative Decree 1084 on Individual Vessel Quotas (IVQ's) is an effective response to the industrial overcapacity and race-to-fish problems that threatened the environment before its implementation. It employs Common-Pool Resource theory to assess the impact of the new IVQ scheme on collective dynamics, and Ribot and Peluso's access theory (2009) to elucidate evolving power relations in the fishery. In this framework, DL1084 is evaluated as a regulatory instrument, as a lens on fisheries governance in Peru, and as a source of insight into how environmental impact serves in developing regulations of natural resource exploitation. A triangulated mixed-method design is employed: (1) a two-stream literature review of fisheries management and of the fishery's political ecology; (2) a quantitative analysis of daily state-published landings reports; and (3) seven in-depth intensive interviews with key actors in the fishery, conducted in Peru over two field-trips of approximately 2 months in total. Results indicate that although IVQ's supported existing trends towards large-scale economic efficiency and altered extreme competitive strategies previously associated with open access, fishing companies have built larger ships, favour bigger catches and still concentrate fishing effort around a given annual peak. Meanwhile, capacity has again increased in the unregulated artisanal fishery sector. DL1084 appears to reflect a broader process of growing private sector involvement in managing the fishery, made official by its institutionalization of market self-regulation. Ultimately, it evidences deep structure and capacity limitations in the state's ability to govern marine resources. The law was nevertheless seen as a landmark for the environmental legal process in Peru and an opportunity for reform. This thesis suggests that studying such legislations can provide insight into state identity and the evolving relationship between a nation and its geography.
Durante casi 60 años, la pesquería peruana de anchoveta estaba caracterizada por las dinámicas insostenibles de la explotación de recursos de propiedad común en situación de acceso abierto. Esta tesis investiga si el Decreto Legislativo Peruano 1084 (DL1084) sobre Límites Máximos de Captura por Embarcación (LMCE) es una respuesta efectiva a los problemas de sobrecapacidad industrial y de carrera por el recurso que amenazaban el ambiente antes de su aplicación en 2009. Se basa en la teoría de los Recursos de Propiedad Común (Common-Pool Resource theory) para evaluar el impacto del nuevo modelo de gestión por LMCE sobre las dinámicas colectivas, y en la teoría del Acceso de Ribot y Peluso (2009) para trazar la evolución de las relaciones de poder en la pesquería. En este marco, el DL1084 es evaluado como herramienta regulatoria, como lente sobre la gobernanza pesquera en el Perú y como reflejo del proceso por el cual el impacto ambiental sirve como base para el desarrollo de regulaciones sobre el acceso a recursos naturales. Sigue un diseño triangulado de métodos combinados: (1) una revisión de literatura en dos ramas de la gestión de pesquería como campo general y de la ecología política de la pesquería de anchoveta; (2) un análisis cuantitativo de los informes diarios de desembarques publicados por el estado (IMARPE); y (3) siete entrevistas intensivas de fondo con actores claves en la pesquería, realizadas en Perú durante dos visitas de aproximadamente dos meses en total. Los resultados indican que a pesar de que los LMCE soportaron una tendencia existente hacia una eficiencia económica de mayor escala y alteraron las estrategias competitivas extremas asociadas con el acceso abierto, las empresas pesqueras han construido embarcaciones más grandes, favorecen capturas de mayor tamaño y todavía concentran su esfuerzo pesquero alrededor de un pico anual de abundancia. En paralelo, ha aumentado la capacidad de captura en el sector artesanal, el cual no cuenta con límites de captura. El DL1084 aparece como parte de un proceso más general de creciente involucramiento del sector privado en el manejo de la pesquería, haciéndolo oficial por su misma institucionalización de la autorregulación del mercado. Por último, pone en evidencia profundas limitaciones de estructura y de capacidad en el estado en cuanto a cómo gobierna los recursos marinos. La ley ha sin embargo sido vista como un precedente importante para el proceso legislativo ambiental en el Perú así como una oportunidad para impulsar otras reformas. Esta tesis sugiere que el estudio de tales legislaciones puede ofrecer una mirada sobre los procesos de formación de la identidad de un estado y sobre la evolución de la relación entre una nación y su geografía.

Les années 1948-55 sont décisives pour le regain de la souveraineté ouest-allemande et l’intégration de la République fédérale à l’Ouest. Au cours de cette période, on observe la transformation des trois zones placées sous l’autorité suprême des alliés occidentaux en un Etat (quasi) souverain, membre de l’OTAN. Wilhelm Grewe, professeur de droit international, s’engage dès la première heure en faveur d’une base juridique pour les relations avec les Alliés sous forme d’un statut d’occupation (en rédigeant notamment Ein Besatzungsstatut für Deutschland en 1948).En 1951, Konrad Adenauer lui confie la direction de la délégation chargée de négocier le Traité Général sur l’Allemagne (« Deutschlandvertrag »). Wilhelm Grewe use d’astuces juridiques et de pragmatisme politique afin de réaliser les objectifs du chancelier. Les discussions portent essentiellement sur les questions de la souveraineté allemande, de l’autorité suprême, des droits réservés des Alliés, ainsi que sur une garantie de sécurité pour la République fédérale. Le traité, intrinsèquement lié à celui de la CED, est signé en mai 1952.La ratification des deux traités mène à des débats houleux au « Bundestag », notamment sur les questions de la nation allemande et du réarmement. Wilhelm Grewe est alors chargé de la défense juridique des traités devant le parlement et la Cour constitutionnelle. Il joue de nouveau un rôle important lors de la renégociation du Traité Général à la suite de l’échec de la CED. En mai 1955, un « Deutschlandvertrag » remodelé entre en vigueur, le statut d’occupation est aboli, et la République Fédérale rejoint les rangs de l’OTAN et de l’UEO
The period from 1948 to 1955 was crucial for West Germany's attempts to regain her sovereignty and to achieve her integration into the West. During that time the three zones placed under the Supreme Authority of the Western Allies gradually progressed to becoming a (quasi) sovereign state and a full member of NATO.Wilhelm Grewe, a German professor of international law, was one of those who at a very early stage pleaded for a Statute of Occupation (in 1948, he published Ein Besatzungsstatut für Deutschland) in order to create a legal framework for the relations between the Allies and Germany.In 1951 Konrad Adenauer appointed him Head of delegation for the negotiation of the General Treaty on Germany (“Deutschlandvertrag”). With his legal expertise and his political pragmatism Wilhelm Grewe tried to fulfill the Chancellor’s objectives. The negotiations focused on German sovereignty, supreme authority, the reserved rights of the Allies and a security guarantee for the Federal Republic. This treaty, which was coupled with the EDC, was signed in May 1952.The ratification of both treaties gave rise to stormy debates in the “Bundestag”, concentrating especially on the questions of German reunification and rearmament. Grewe was then entrusted with the legal defence of the treaties vis-à-vis Parliament and the Constitutional Court.He was again called to play an important role when the General Treaty had to be renegotiated after the EDC had failed. In May 1955 a revised “Deutschlandvertrag” entered into force, the Statute of Occupation was abolished and the Federal Republic of Germany became a member of NATO and of the WEU

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This research was conceived under the perspective of many legal institutes. Despite their distinctive nature, all of them have a main tonic, the human being. Its intention is to show a person with disabilities as a pro-active individual amongst social community, being able to participate and deserving the fundamental right of labor so that he or she may glimpse at the possibility of a quantitative-qualitative insertion in the social-economical conviviality. The article 93 of act 8.213/ 1991 Act of Labor Market Reservation Quota System is examined in order to celebrate the access of people with disabilities in the market as a way of achieving the principle of human dignity. However, first the fundamental human rights are examined through a historical research, leading us to the importance of its historical evolution and its different classification, being placed in the Brazilian legal-constitutional system. In the second part of the process, the principle of human dignity is explored, from its very beginning, examining its formation as doctrinal concepts and, finally, leading to an interrelation with the fundamental human rights. This step discusses the solidification of dignity and its inseparable relation regarding fundamental rights. It also reveals a search for a new perspective related to the legal knowledge, the study of Living Law . As a third step, indications referring to labor law and its function as a social justice mechanism were made. All of these digressions are made in order to assert the importance of the human dignity principle and of the fundamental rights, especially regarding the Fundamental Labor Rights, so that, in the end, they may be seen under the perspective of people with disabilities. This is where the animus of this paper resides their access to the fundamental labor rights as a way of achieving human dignity. This project is elaborated in a way that regards the value of human beings and the legal-social institutes capable of carrying out social promotion.
Esta pesquisa é concebida sob a ótica de vários institutos jurídicos. Embora distintos, todos se aglutinam em uma tônica central, o ser humano. Visa a demonstrar a pessoa portadora de deficiência como sujeito pró-ativo no seio da comunidade social, participante e merecedora do direito fundamental do trabalho para, enfim, vislumbrar sua inserção quantitativo-qualitativa no convívio sócio-econômico. Verifica-se o art. 93 da lei 8.213/ 1991 Lei de Reserva de Mercado (Sistema de Cotas) a fim de celebrar o acesso ao mercado de trabalho à pessoa portadora de deficiência como forma de realização do princípio da dignidade humana. Entretanto, primeiramente, examinam-se os direitos humanos fundamentais, faz-se uma viagem histórica, remetendo-nos à importância de sua evolução histórica e suas diferentes classificações, posicionando-os no ordenamento jurídico- constitucional brasileiro. Num segundo momento, envereda-se pela seara do princípio da dignidade humana, percorre desde a gênese à sua conceituação doutrinária, até, por fim, desembocar na inter-relação com os direitos humanos fundamentais. Nessa fase, aduz sobre a concretude da dignidade e sua indissociável relação no respeito aos direitos fundamentais. Revela, também, a busca por uma nova perspectiva quanto ao saber jurídico, o estudo do direito vivo . E, num terceiro instante, realizam-se apontamentos concernentes ao direito do trabalho e sua função de mecanismo de justiça social. Todas essas digressões serão realizadas para asseverar a importância do princípio da dignidade humana e dos direitos fundamentais, mais precisamente no que toca ao Direito fundamental do Trabalho, para então, demonstrá-los sob a ótica da pessoa portadora de deficiência. Nesse ponto reside o animus do ensaio o acesso ao direito fundamental do trabalho pela pessoa com deficiência como forma de consecução da dignidade humana. O presente trabalho desenvolve-se com os olhos voltados para a valorização do ser humano e para os institutos jurídico-sociais capazes de efetivar a promoção social.

Le conjoint survivant a, très souvent, été considéré comme un parent pauvre en matière successorale. Généralement défini, dans les pays d’Afrique francophone, comme l’époux non divorcé et contre lequel il n’existe pas de jugement de séparation passé en force de chose jugée, ses droits y ont connu une évolution significative.Les législations de ces pays ont été fortement inspirées des textes de la France, ex-puissance colonisatrice, principalement du Code civil de 1804 et des réformes subséquentes.Originellement, ces droits, caractérisés par leur hétérogénéité, ont, d’une part, coexisté entre eux, sous l’empire d’institutions traditionnelles hétéroclites, générant des droits inégalitaires, fondées notamment sur les privilèges de masculinité et de primogéniture. Cette coexistence s’est réalisée, d’autre part, avec les droits exogènes, en l’occurrence le droit français et le droit musulman, lesquels ont contribué à la mise en place générale d’un pluralisme juridique et d’un pluralisme successoral spécifique, dans un contexte partagé entre opposition et coordination des règles en présence.Aujourd’hui, le caractère homogène desdits droits est affirmé sur l’étendue du territoire de chacun des pays en revue. Ces droits sont dès lors octroyés par la loi, tout comme ils peuvent l’être par la volonté, sous réserve du respect des prohibitions relatives au contrat de mariage, et de la réserve des héritiers réservataires. En marge de cette consécration qui met surtout en évidence la vocation successorale du conjoint survivant, ces droits sont pour autant malmenés. Par conséquent, ils en appellent d’abord à une protection davantage fondée sur des règles de dévolution favorables au resserrement du noyau familial autour du foyer conjugal. Aussi, fort de l’espace communautaire et linguistique dans lequel ils évoluent, serait-il intéressant et adéquat d’envisager l’harmonisation des droits du conjoint survivant dans les pays d’Afrique francophone
The surviving spouse has very often been considered a poor relation in matters of inheritance. Generally defined, in French-speaking African countries, as the non-divorced spouse and against whom there is no final judgment of separation, his rights have undergone significant development. The laws of these countries were strongly inspired by the texts of France, the former colonizing power, mainly from the civil Code of 1804 and subsequent reforms.Originally, these rights, characterized by their heterogeneity, have, on the one hand, coexisted among themselves, under the influence of heterogeneous traditional institutions, generating unequal rights, based in particular on the privileges of masculinity and primogeniture. This coexistence was achieved, on the other hand, with the exogenous laws, in this case French law and Muslim law, which contributed to the general establishment of legal pluralism and specific inheritance pluralism, in a context shared between opposition and coordination of existing rules.Today, the homogeneous nature of these rights is affirmed throughout the territory of each of the countries under review. These rights are therefore granted by law, just as they can be by will, subject to compliance with the prohibitions relating to the marriage contract, and the reservation of reserved heirs. In addition to this consecration which above all highlights the inheritance vocation of the surviving spouse, these rights are nevertheless abused. Consequently, they first call for protection based more on devolution rules favorable to the tightening of the family nucleus around the matrimonial home. Also, on the strength of the community and linguistic space in which they operate, it would be interesting and appropriate to consider the harmonization of the rights of the surviving spouse in French-speaking African countries

Feministische Rechtswissenschaft beschäftigt sich mit der Vergeschlechtlichung des Rechts und seiner Diskurse. Sie benennt und analysiert Ungleichheiten aufgrund des Geschlechts, die durch das Recht legitimiert oder hergestellt werden. Feministische Rechtswissenschaft setzt sich mit dem Potenzial von Recht als feministischem und emanzipatorischem Instrument auseinander. Anhand des ‚Dilemmas der Differenz‘ wird deutlich, wie ambivalent rechtliche Bemühungen um Gleichstellung ausfallen. Feministische Rechtswissenschaft knüpft an die Lebenswirklichkeiten von Frauen* an und ist in allen Rechtsgebieten – vom Verfassungsrecht über die Rechtsgeschichte bis hin zu Familien-, Arbeits- und Strafrecht – vertreten.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This present work was done to ascertain concepts, chains and doctrines concerning the Principle of Equality and Discrimination; having the fundamental right to educations main capacity turned to Superior Education and the System of Quotas. Analyzing the Principle of Equality and Discrimination in all Brazilian Constitution, from the Empire until the actual valid Federative; accepting the starting point of doctrines and the home land legislations, always, the equality in the presence of the law. Inside the Fundamental Right of Education, an historical analyzes of past Constitutions. We present the pros and cons of the program that inserts the system of quotas on the, public and private universities, further analyzing the temporary measures, the actual laws and the jurisprudences. We defend the acceptance on an university thru a meritocratic system, thru the governmental politics of elementary and middle schools of public education, that would prepare an individual since childhood, so one have the intellectual condition to dispute a place in a public or private university, in equality and condition of the candidate that had attended a private elementary and middle schools. At last, we have to improve our public elementary and middle schools, so that the students will get to a superior education, thru their own merits, without depending on palliatives or discriminatory measures
O presente trabalho visa averiguar conceitos, correntes e doutrinas acerca do princípio da igualdade e a discriminação; tendo o direito fundamental à educação como aporte principal voltado para o ensino superior e ao sistema de cotas. Analisamos o princípio da igualdade e a discriminação em todas as Constituições brasileiras, do Império até a Federativa vigente; partindo do ponto aceito pela doutrina e legislação pátria, desde sempre, que é o da igualdade perante a lei. Adentramos ao Direito Fundamental à Educação fazendo uma análise histórica das Constituições passadas. Apresentamos os prós e os contras do programa que insere o sistema de cotas nas universidades públicas e privadas, além de analisarmos as medidas provisórias, as leis vigentes e as jurisprudências. Defendemos o ingresso na universidade por um sistema meritocrático, através de políticas governamentais de ensino público fundamental e médio, que prepare o indivíduo desde a sua infância, para que este tenha condições intelectuais de disputar uma vaga em universidade pública ou privada em igualdade de condições com o candidato que tenha cursado o ensino fundamental e médio em escola particular. Enfim, precisamos melhorar o ensino público fundamental e médio para que o aluno ingresse no superior, por seus próprios méritos, sem depender de medidas paliativas entendidas por nós, como discriminatórias

My current area of exploration questions how objects and materials can come together to create fences or barriers. I am attempting to address ideas of boundaries, divisions, and borders, and how areas and spaces are defined. I am interested in how we build them around ourselves, physically and emotionally, as a method of delineation and defence. Through considerations of boundaries the work expands to explore notions of the everyday, materiality and process.

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito das Crianças, Família e Sucessões
O objeto de estudo da presente dissertação centra-se na sucessão legitimária e respetiva legítima, limitadora da livre disposição de bens pelo de cuius. O Código Civil que atualmente se encontra em vigor, foi redigido e entrou em vigor em 1966, tendo sido poucas as alterações operadas no livro do Direito das Sucessões. Assim, encontram-se previstas quatro espécies de sucessão: a sucessão legítima, sucessão legitimária, sucessão testamentária e sucessão contratual. É a legitimária sobre a qual mais nos vamos debruçar, segundo o legalmente estabelecido para esta espécie de sucessão, o autor da sucessão vê-se obrigado a reservar determinada parte do seu património aos herdeiros legitimários, designados no artigo 2157.º do Código Civil. Esses herdeiros, ou seja, cônjuge, descendentes e ascendentes encontram-se salvaguardados por esta reserva, em nome da comunhão familiar e da continuidade dos bens que compõe a herança na família, concebendo ainda esta atribuição como sendo um benefício dado ao herdeiro pelo autor da sucessão. Contudo, à data da elaboração do Código, o conceito de família de que se partia não se adequa à realidade social da atualidade, pelo que determinadas normas e princípios orientadores das sucessões parecem já não fazer sentido. Esta alteração social reflete-se noutros campos, surgindo novos fenómenos ou difundindo-se outros já existentes, geradores de comportamentos negligentes ou de violência para os idosos que mais tarde serão os falecidos. Partindo da análise de vários regimes sucessórios vigentes em outros países conclui-se que apesar de não se prever, autonomamente, a sucessão legitimária, constatase esta imposição de reservar parte do património em benefício dos herdeiros forçados ou necessários. Da conjugação de todos estes elementos mostra-se imprescindível formar opinião sobre o que se considera não estar mais adequado à realidade atual, tentando criar outros caminhos a com a finalidade de resolver ou atenuar a problemática.
In the present dissertation the main object of study focuses on reserved succession and the respective legal right, limiting the de cuius´ free disposition of property. The Civil Code currently in force, was redacted and entered into force in 1966, the book of Law of Succession has suffered few amendments since then. Consequently, there are four types of succession: legitimate succession, reserved succession, testamentary succession and contractual succession. We are going to discuss the reserved succession. According to its legal framework, the author of the succession is obliged to reserve a certain part of their patrimony to the reserved heirs designated on article 2157.º of the Civil Code. These heirs which are the spouse, descendants and ascendants are safeguarded by this reserve, in the name of family communion and the continuity of the patrimony preserving the inheritance within the family, conceiving yet this assignment as a benefit given to the heir by their predecessors. However, when the Code was being prepared its initial concept of family, was not suited for today's social reality. Therefore, certain standards and guiding principles of succession no longer seem to make sense. This social change is reflected in other fields, emerging new phenomena or projecting the existing ones, generating negligent behavior or violence towards seniors, who later on will become the deceased. Based on the analysis of several existing inheritance regimes in other countries, we conclude that, despite the fact that there is no autonomous regime of legitimizes succession, we noticed there is an imposition of the right to reserve part of the inheritance for the benefit of forced or necessary heirs. The combination of all these elements proved to be essential to create an opinion on what is considered no longer appropriate to our current reality, trying to create other paths in order to resolve or mitigate the problematic.