Relevant bibliographies by topics / Race and elections

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Race and elections'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Race and elections"

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Azari, Julia, and Marc J. Hetherington. "Back to the Future? What the Politics of the Late Nineteenth Century Can Tell Us about the 2016 Election." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 667, no. 1 (2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216662604.

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The politics and party system of the late Civil War era are strikingly similar to what we have in the present day. Elections were consistently close; race, culture, immigration, and populism were salient issues; and states almost always voted for the same party in election after election. The states that supported Democrats then, however, mostly support Republicans now, and vice versa. In 1896, though, a new party system began to emerge. In this article, we evaluate bygone elections alongside contemporary ones to assess whether 2016 might be the beginning of something new in American electoral politics. Are national politics likely to follow the familiar pattern of the last four presidential races, or are Americans going to be presented altogether different choices? Our analysis suggests that race and populism are guideposts for potential change in 2016: if the concerns of race continue to define political conflict, the electoral map should change little, but if economic populism eclipses race as it did in 1896, a new political era may be ushered in in America.
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Cizmar, Anne M., and John McTague. "An “Authoritarian Spring?” Authoritarianism and the 2018 Midterm Elections." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 515–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0036.

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Abstract This paper examines the role of authoritarianism in the 2018 US congressional elections. In particular, we assess whether the issues that have historically been central to the authoritarian divide in the American electorate were salient in the campaigns of several important Senate races. We demonstrate that authoritarian attitudes played a consistent, significant role on presidential vote choice, party identification, and numerous policy areas in the 2016 presidential election using data from the American National Election Studies. Using case studies of six Senate races in the 2018 midterm elections, we find that authoritarianism was more muted than in 2016, and that the role of authoritarianism varied considerably depending upon the race. States with stronger Trump support in 2016 featured authoritarianism more heavily than states with less Trump support in 2016, but authoritarianism overall was not as prominent in 2018 as in 2016. Overall, Senate candidates relied on traditional campaign messages related to candidate qualifications, personal attacks, the economy, and other messages less central to authoritarianism.
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Leininger, Arndt, Lukas Rudolph, and Steffen Zittlau. "How to Increase Turnout in Low-Salience Elections: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on the Effect of Concurrent Second-Order Elections on Political Participation." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 3 (2016): 509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.38.

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Voter turnout in second-order elections is on a dramatic decline in many modern democracies. This article investigates how electoral participation can be substantially increased by holding multiple of these less important elections simultaneously. Leading to a relative decrease in voting costs, concurrent elections theoretically have economies of scale to the individual voter and thus should see turnout levels larger than those obtained in any stand-alone election. Leveraging as-if-random variation of local election timing in Germany, we estimate the causal effect of concurrent mayoral elections on European election turnout at around 10 percentage points. Exploiting variation in treatment intensity, we show that the magnitude of the concurrency effect is contingent upon district size and the competitiveness of the local race.
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CAMP, RODERIC AI. "The 2012 Presidential Election and What It Reveals about Mexican Voters." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 451–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1300076x.

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AbstractThe 2012 presidential election in Mexico is significant for many reasons, not least of which is that it returned the Partido Revolucionario Institucional to power after two Partido Acción Nacional administrations. This essay reviews more than 50 surveys taken before and during the election to determine significant patterns among Mexican voters, comparing the most influential traditional and non-traditional demographic variables, as well as other variables such as partisanship and policy issues in this election, with those of the two previous presidential races. It also analyses other influential variables in the 2012 presidential race, including social media and the application of new electoral legislation. It identifies significant differences and similarities among voters today in contrast to the two prior elections, and suggests long-term patterns among Mexican voters which are likely to influence voting behaviour in future elections, ranging from regionalism and gender to partisanship and social media.
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Ellis, William Curtis, Joseph T. Ripberger, and Colin Swearingen. "Public Attention and Head-to-Head Campaign Fundraising: An Examination of U.S. Senate Elections." American Review of Politics 36, no. 1 (2017): 30–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2017.36.1.30-53.

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Does public attention to political candidates impact fundraising margins in U.S. Senate elections? Applying a novel conceptualization of public attention, we examine U.S. Senate elections from 2004 through 2014 and find that increases in relative public attention relate to increases in head-to-head fundraising margins in open seat races. We conclude by asking whether or not all attention to candidates is "good" attention. Evidence from the 2006 Allen/Webb election suggests that all attention is not "good" attention. This race demonstrates that candidates can supply attention-grabbing action that increases relative public attention while stimulating exceptional losses in relative fundraising margins. Further research must clearly theorize conditions under which supplying public attention-grabbing behavior may damage political campaigns.
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Harris, Allison P. "Voter Response to Salient Judicial Decisions in Retention Elections." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 1 (2019): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2018.21.

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Even at their most salient, judicial retention elections do not increase turnout on Election Day. However, those who vote often participate in judicial retention races at higher levels than usual following salient judicial decisions. I use a series of difference-in-differences analyses to estimate the effect of the Iowa Supreme Court’s legalization of same-sex marriage on the subsequent retention races. I find that retention race participation was higher than we would have otherwise expected after the decision. Scholars often cite the infrequence with which justices are removed as evidence of justices’ relative independence from voters in retention elections, but the overwhelming retention of these justices does not mean they are independent from voters. Increases in the number of ballots cast in these races is perhaps more important than increases in negative votes when it comes to judicial independence, because each vote is an evaluation of the justices, whether positive or negative.
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Martin, James E. "Employee Characteristics and Representation Election Outcomes." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (1985): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800304.

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This article proposes and tests a model to predict the outcome of representation elections contested by trade union and employee association types of labor organizations in the public sector. The author hypothesizes that the winners of such elections can be predicted from variables measuring individual characteristics of the potential employee voters, such as gender, race, age, seniority, and job level. Application of the model to data on five elections in Michigan predicts four correctly. Qualitative data offers further support for the model, suggesting that employee characteristics and also the length and nature of the election campaigns helped determine the outcome of the elections.
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Campbell, James E. "Editor's Introduction: Forecasting the 2008 National Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (2008): 679–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508081006.

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This symposium presents 10 articles forecasting the 2008 U.S. national elections. The core of this collection is the seven presidential-vote forecasting models that were presented in this space before the 2004 election. Added to that group are one additional presidential forecasting model, one state-level elections forecasting model, and one model forecasting the relationship between congressional votes and seats won by the parties. Some of the articles that are focused on the presidential race have also taken the opportunity to forecast the congressional elections as well.
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Davidson, Adrienne M., R. Michael McGregor, and Myer Siemiatycky. "Gender, Race and Political Ambition: The Case of Ontario School Board Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 2 (2020): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423919001057.

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AbstractThe political underrepresentation of women and racial minorities in Canadian politics is well documented. One political arena that has yet to be examined in this respect, however, is school boards. Using data from a candidate survey conducted during the course of the 2018 Ontario school board elections, as well as demographic data collected on the entire population of school board candidates, we explore the unique characteristics of school board elections. The research note begins by describing the gender and racial composition of candidates and trustees in Canada's most populous province. It then considers the ways in which school board elections may serve as a launchpad to higher office for either of these two traditionally underrepresented groups, as we explore the features of progressive political ambition, recruitment into school board campaigns and the relative electoral success of racialized candidates and women in this local office. While women do very well in school board elections, they are significantly less likely than their male counterparts to have the desire to move up to provincial or federal politics. Meanwhile, racialized candidates contest school board election in significant numbers and report similar levels of progressive ambition relative to their white counterparts, but they fare exceptionally poorly in school board elections.
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Usman, Shazia. "Where are the women candidates during elections? A Fiji media case study." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (2013): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.243.

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This article examines the visibility of female election candidates, and females in general, in The Fiji Times and Fiji Sun during the 2006 general election. After analysing the data collected quantitatively, it can be concluded that female election candidates and females in general were virtually invisible in both the newspapers during the selected time period. The few articles published on or quoting women were mostly clichéd, lacked critical analysis and stereotyped them. An unexpected but equally important finding of the research sheds some light on the why of female election candidates’ invisibility in the dailies during election. The data shows the extensive prominence Fiji’s print media gave to race and coup-related issues as elections drew near, crowding out reportage of other major issues. Because of the fixation on race, the media overlooked many important issues, such as the fact that in all elections since independence, women have only managed to secure fewer than 12 percent of parliamentary seats, even though they make-up nearly half of the total population of the country. Such debates are rarely raised in the media.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Race and elections"

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Cecil, Katherine. "Race, Representation, and Recovery: Documenting the 2006 New Orleans Mayoral Elections." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/972.

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This thesis examines the rhetorical and visual manifestations of race as they figured in the months prior to and within the 2006 New Orleans mayoral election discourses, and examines how the Nagin campaign tapped into a strategy that capitalized upon pre-existing racial tensions exacerbated by Katrina in order to win re-election. Much of the research for this thesis emerged from the making of a documentary film that examines the intersection between race and politics within this same election, and draws upon primary source video interviews conducted between February - May, 2006, and secondary source media and communications materials to posit that race rendered all political response to Katrina impotent, and that the reductive discourse of a racialized campaign was founded upon traditional, outmoded, and predictable interpretations of racial differences facilitated by socioeconomic hierarchies that both provided a structure for and allowed the psychological framework for such a strategy to work.
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.

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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Brown, Jason. "Trends in Recent United States Senate Elections: Incumbency, Finance, Gender and Race." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243873.

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Though Senate elections are less studied than their House equivalency, there is still significant evidence that explains various trends occurring in the upper chamber of Congress in the past several decades. The Senate, like the House, falls victim to various biases including gender and race. In addition, there is an incumbency advantage in the Senate that proves almost as significant as in House competitions. Despite these similarities, there are noteworthy disparities between House and Senate elections, many of which stem from the differences in term lengths and magnitude of constituencies. However, there are political scientists who believe the electoral outcomes are quite similar, despite these fundamental differences. One of the main contentions is the significance of House and Senate races as a referendum on the president. While it may be more noteworthy in House competitions, it certainly is influential in the Senate. A significant facet of Senate elections studied extensively is the amount of funds needed to win the race. It should be no surprise that a significant majority of winners in the 20 I 0 Senate race far outspent their competitors. There are several elections, however, where this proved false and the candidate with lesser funds defeated his Or her competitor.
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Spencer, Victonio B. "Leap of Faith: Clergy in State Legislative Elections." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1834.

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This study expands the literature on clergy as political actors by shedding light on the relative electoral performance of clergy who hold office in state legislatures. Kinney’s 2008 study on the occurrence of clergy in local office, as well as other works showing the divergence in attitudes towards church-state separation among racial groups and religious traditions, illustrate potential factors affecting the performance of clergy in elections. The analyses examine the factors related to differences in vote percentages, margins of victory, and campaign funding between clergy and non-clergy. These factors include racial and religious traditions and how their effects interact. The analyses find that clergy-legislators receive larger vote percentages, larger margins of victory, but less campaign funding. These effects, with the exception of campaign funding, tend to be the strongest when looking at black Protestant clergy compared to mainline Protestant clergy and non-clergy legislators.
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Fisher, Martin. "The politics of race and the right to vote: the elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86921.

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The elections of 1876 and 2000 were two of the most controversial elections in American history. In both cases the politics of race and the right to vote were at the centre of the controversies that erupted around the election of a candidate who had lost the popular vote. Although there are important differences that separated the two elections the 2000 election revealed that the right of Blacks merely to register and vote was still not guaranteed by the federal government much as it was not guaranteed in the nineteenth century. In both elections the issue of Black voting rights were at the centre of the controversies surrounding the election of a minority President.<br>Les elections de 1876 et 2000 ont été deux des plus controversiel elections dans l'histoire Americain. Dans les deux elections "le politique de race" et le droit de vote était aux centre des controverses qui ont passé autour de l'election d'un candidat qui n'avait pas gagné le vote populaire. C'est evident qu'il y a des differences importantes qui se separe ces deux elections, mais l'election de 2000 a montré que le droit des Noirs seulement a s'enregistrer et a voter n'était pas encore guarantie pareil, come dans le dix-neuvième siècle. Dans les deux cas, le droit de vote pour les Noirs était au centre des deux controverses.
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Fraga, Bernard L. "Race, Party, and the Impact of Electoral Influence on Political Participation." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10788.

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The following study is comprised of three essays, each examining a different manner by which race and party impact political participation. Through the analysis of both intra-party primary and inter-party general elections, I find that candidates are more likely to run, and voters are more likely to turn out, when the social groups they belong to comprise a larger portion of the electorate. While race often serves as the key social identity in determining rates of participation, these effects are contingent on partisan forces governing the broader electoral process.
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Johnson, Richard. "Black democrats in white America : racial campaign strategies in majority-white contexts, 1989-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6e978b4-0ad3-4924-9933-656e2f6e5000.

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Black electoral politics has undergone a profound transformation in the half century since African Americans statutorily secured equal voting rights with whites. Once confined to a small number of exceptional cases, the population of black elected officials has multiplied dramatically. The genre which studies African American politics has, likewise, vigorously proliferated, but theoretical deficiencies persist. In particular, the dominant model used to explain the choice of racial campaign strategies by African American candidates in jurisdictions where most of their voters are white is incomplete. The model's underlying hypothesis is premised on limited and increasingly outdated assumptions. Commentators continue to argue that successful black candidates must discard their racial identity in order to win white votes, yet a careful examination of the actual practices of black politicians in majority-white jurisdictions demonstrates that this argument is not substantiated empirically. As a result, scholars are mischaracterising the potential for black candidates to win elections in majority-white contexts. This thesis is an attempt to advance the scholarship through a theoretical reconceptualisation of racial campaign strategies underpinned by original, empirical research. The thesis sets out to achieve two goals. The first goal is to provide a rich, analytical account based on primary research of the range of campaign strategies available to office-seeking African American candidates outside of majority-black election contexts. The thesis demonstrates the capacity for black candidates to embrace their racial identity and champion policies which redress racial inequality while still seeking support from white voters. The second objective is to offer plausible explanations as to the strategic decision-making process in these campaigns. The thesis highlights the shifting importance of three sets variables which candidates face when choosing their racial campaign strategies: racial context and history, the racial attitudes of supportive and opposing elite actors, and candidates' own racial biographies.
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Capron, Maddie Sue. "The Effects of Framing in Election News Coverage on a Voter's Intention to Vote." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1556377798568801.

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Oyakawa, Michelle. "Building A Movement In The Non-Profit Industrial Complex." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500393653574528.

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Sjunnesson, Ludvig. "Race to the White House : En diskursanalytisk studie om hur nyhetsmedia i USA förstår landets demokratiska val." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36656.

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This study seeks to illuminate which understanding of democracy the written U.S. digital news media propagates to its readers, through the lens of the 2016 presidential election. This is done through discourse theory and analysis inspired by Laclau &amp; Mouffes work on nodal points and discursive webs. Other theories involve polyarchy as a definition of democracy as well as rational models for voter participation. Written digital articles related to the 2016 election, chosen through entering keywords related to democracy and voting, from a broad range of larger media houses are used as material for the study. The study found that the discourse created and mediated by the news articles, when taken as a whole, understands democracy as a contest between different demographical groups. Race or ethnicity are the most commonly referenced groups. The election is a battle between the candidates’ personalities to entice “their” specific groups to get out and vote. Policy or political issues are rarely mentioned in the articles. Voter participation is low according to the discourse, but that might not be such a big problem according to the discourse. A larger problem for democracy is corruption, political elitism and a poorly designed electoral system.
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Books on the topic "Race and elections"

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Rarick, Ethan. California votes: The 2010 governor's race. Berkeley Public Policy Press, 2012.

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Littlewood, Thomas B. Calling elections: The history of horse-race journalism. University of Notre Dame Press, 1998.

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Varela, Gabrielle C. The gum race. Disney Press, 1999.

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A race to the finish. Chariot Books, 1991.

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1971-, Caliendo Stephen M., ed. Race appeal: How candidates invoke race in U.S. political campaigns. Temple University Press, 2011.

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Pettigrew, Thomas F. Tom Bradley's campaigns for governor: The dilemma of race and political strategies. Joint Center for Political Studies, 1988.

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Muhammad, Anwar. Race and elections: The participation of ethnic minorities in politics. University of Warwick, Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, 1994.

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Kennedy versus Lodge: The 1952 Massachusetts Senate race. Northeastern University Press, 2000.

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America's uneven democracy: Race, turnout, and representation in city politics. Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Pika, Joseph August. The presidential contest: With a guide to the 1992 presidential race. 4th ed. CQ Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Race and elections"

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Lublin, David Ian, and Katherine Tate. "10. Racial Group Competition in Urban Elections." In Classifying by Race, edited by Paul E. Peterson. Princeton University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400864102.245.

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Sokolov, Emil. "The Introduction of Race and Immigration in British Post-Imperial Politics: The General Elections of 1964 and 1966." In Electoral Pledges in Britain Since 1918. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46663-3_7.

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Gallagher, Michael. "The election as horse race: betting and the election." In How Ireland Voted 2007. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597990_9.

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Hosen, Nadirsyah. "Race and Religion in the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election." In Religion, Law and Intolerance in Indonesia. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315657356-9.

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Lucas, Jennifer C., and Tauna S. Sisco. "Unfriendly to Women? Female Politicians, Rape Comments, and the GOP in 2012." In The American Election 2012. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389220_10.

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Gillies, Jamie. "The US Presidential Race: Advances and Insights for Political Marketing Practice." In Political Marketing in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59345-6_8.

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Marietta, Morgan, Tyler Cote, Tyler Farley, and Paul Murphy. "Less Is More Ideological: Conservative and Liberal Communication on Twitter in the 2016 Race." In The Role of Twitter in the 2016 US Election. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68981-4_2.

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Bergeson-Lockwood, Millington W. "Vote, That the Work Might Be Finished." In Race Over Party. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640419.003.0004.

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This chapter examines black participation in state level elections from the late 1860s and concludes with the controversies surrounding the 1872 presidential election. During these elections, African Americans increasingly questioned their electoral loyalty to the Republican Party and discussed potential alternatives.
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"Race, Elections and Politics." In The Politics of Race. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315675701-12.

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"Race, Redistricting, and Primary Elections." In Congressional Primary Elections. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315814940-13.

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Conference papers on the topic "Race and elections"

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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.&#x0D;
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Boon, Miriam, and Larry Birnbaum. "Identifying "horse race" stories in election news." In IUI '19: 24th International Conference on Intelligent User Interfaces. ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3308557.3308707.

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Kharima Nadya, Nadya. "The influence of inclusive policy by the general election commission to the participation rate of voters with disabilities in the 2017 simultaneous regional head elections in Indonesia." In International Conference on Diversity and Disability Inclusion in Muslim Societies (ICDDIMS 2017). Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icddims-17.2018.12.

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Evtushenko, Valeriya. "REALIZATION OF THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER STRATIGIES IN THE AMERICAN POLITICIANS' CAMPAIGHN SPEECHES(BASED ON H. CLINTON'S PUBLIC STATEMENTS)." In ЯЗЫК. КУЛЬТУРА. ПЕРЕВОД = LANGUAGE. CULTURE. TRANSLATION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/lct.2019.11.

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The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of the struggle for power strategies, as well as the stylistic devices of the American political discourse based on of H. Clinton's public statements. It gives the definition of strategy, tactics of political discourse. The author points out the most frequently used tactics of the struggle for power strategies during the pre-election race by H. Clinton, as well as the lexical stylistic devices embodying these tactics.
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Hiç, Özlen. "The Present Global Crisis and Its Effect on the Turkish Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00107.

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The global economic crisis first started in the USA in September 2008 as a widespread insolvency problem caused by mortgage debts of households that had become unpayable. The financial crisis, in turn, caused a serious recession. The economic crisis soon spread to other developed countries because their banks held assets of US banks that had become nearly worthless while exports of these countries to the USA decreased significantly. Then it spread to developing countries because direct private investments (DPIs) and financial funds flowing from developed to developing countries declined precipitously while exports of the latter to the former countries also fell down. The developed countries, however, took proper steps to ameliorate the crisis by lowering the interest rates, helping the insolvent banks financially as wel as launching public expenditure programmes. Turkey was one of the worst hit countries because she had been following wrong globalization strategies. Privatization process was corrupt while much of the DPIs went to those fields which did not yield much increase in employment or export potential. But most importantly, Turkey had raised interest rates to abnormally high levels and thereby had vastly expanded her internal and external debts. Hence, as a result of the global economic crises, Turkey suffered a significantly deep fall in her GNP growth rate and a very big increase in her unemployment rate. Though Turkey took several measures to ameliorate the balance of payments deficit and to expand total demand, hence production, the government refrained from making a stand-by agreement with the IMF in order to avoid strict discipline in her government expenditures due to first, local elections and presently, the coming parliamentary elections.
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6

Hargreaves, Eduardo, Daniel Menasché, Giovanni Neglia, and Claudio Agosti. "Visibilidade no Facebook: Modelos, Medições e Implicações." In VII Brazilian Workshop on Social Network Analysis and Mining. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/brasnam.2018.3591.

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Abstract:
Facebook news feed personalization algorithm has a significant impact, on a daily basis, on the lifestyle, mood and opinion of millions of Internet users. Nonetheless, such algorithms lack transparency challenging researchers to improve their fairness and accountability. In this paper, we propose a model to capture the dynamics of contents over a timeline (also known as news feed). The input to our model is a fundamental quantity associated to timelines, which we show that can be easily parameterized using real world data: the arrival rate of posts of a given publisher followed by the user. Using real world Facebook traces from the latest elections in Italy, we validate the accuracy of the proposed model and use the model for conterfactual what-if analysis.
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7

Rachmawati, Ike, and Dian Purwanti. "The Political Participation Rate of Starter Voter in Mayor Election 2018 in Cikole District Sukabumi City." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Social Sciences, ICSS 2019, 5-6 November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-11-2019.2292493.

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Reports on the topic "Race and elections"

1

Vogl, Tom. Race and the Politics of Close Elections. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18320.

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