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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Race and elections'
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1
Cecil, Katherine. "Race, Representation, and Recovery: Documenting the 2006 New Orleans Mayoral Elections." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/972.
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This thesis examines the rhetorical and visual manifestations of race as they figured in the months prior to and within the 2006 New Orleans mayoral election discourses, and examines how the Nagin campaign tapped into a strategy that capitalized upon pre-existing racial tensions exacerbated by Katrina in order to win re-election. Much of the research for this thesis emerged from the making of a documentary film that examines the intersection between race and politics within this same election, and draws upon primary source video interviews conducted between February - May, 2006, and secondary source media and communications materials to posit that race rendered all political response to Katrina impotent, and that the reductive discourse of a racialized campaign was founded upon traditional, outmoded, and predictable interpretations of racial differences facilitated by socioeconomic hierarchies that both provided a structure for and allowed the psychological framework for such a strategy to work.
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.
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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
3
Brown, Jason. "Trends in Recent United States Senate Elections: Incumbency, Finance, Gender and Race." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243873.
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Though Senate elections are less studied than their House equivalency, there is still significant evidence that explains various trends occurring in the upper chamber of Congress in the past several decades. The Senate, like the House, falls victim to various biases including gender and race. In addition, there is an incumbency advantage in the Senate that proves almost as significant as in House competitions. Despite these similarities, there are noteworthy disparities between House and Senate elections, many of which stem from the differences in term lengths and magnitude of constituencies. However, there are political scientists who believe the electoral outcomes are quite similar, despite these fundamental differences. One of the main contentions is the significance of House and Senate races as a referendum on the president. While it may be more noteworthy in House competitions, it certainly is influential in the Senate. A significant facet of Senate elections studied extensively is the amount of funds needed to win the race. It should be no surprise that a significant majority of winners in the 20 I 0 Senate race far outspent their competitors. There are several elections, however, where this proved false and the candidate with lesser funds defeated his Or her competitor.
4
Spencer, Victonio B. "Leap of Faith: Clergy in State Legislative Elections." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1834.
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This study expands the literature on clergy as political actors by shedding light on the relative electoral performance of clergy who hold office in state legislatures. Kinney’s 2008 study on the occurrence of clergy in local office, as well as other works showing the divergence in attitudes towards church-state separation among racial groups and religious traditions, illustrate potential factors affecting the performance of clergy in elections. The analyses examine the factors related to differences in vote percentages, margins of victory, and campaign funding between clergy and non-clergy. These factors include racial and religious traditions and how their effects interact. The analyses find that clergy-legislators receive larger vote percentages, larger margins of victory, but less campaign funding. These effects, with the exception of campaign funding, tend to be the strongest when looking at black Protestant clergy compared to mainline Protestant clergy and non-clergy legislators.
5
Fisher, Martin. "The politics of race and the right to vote: the elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86921.
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The elections of 1876 and 2000 were two of the most controversial elections in American history. In both cases the politics of race and the right to vote were at the centre of the controversies that erupted around the election of a candidate who had lost the popular vote. Although there are important differences that separated the two elections the 2000 election revealed that the right of Blacks merely to register and vote was still not guaranteed by the federal government much as it was not guaranteed in the nineteenth century. In both elections the issue of Black voting rights were at the centre of the controversies surrounding the election of a minority President.<br>Les elections de 1876 et 2000 ont été deux des plus controversiel elections dans l'histoire Americain. Dans les deux elections "le politique de race" et le droit de vote était aux centre des controverses qui ont passé autour de l'election d'un candidat qui n'avait pas gagné le vote populaire. C'est evident qu'il y a des differences importantes qui se separe ces deux elections, mais l'election de 2000 a montré que le droit des Noirs seulement a s'enregistrer et a voter n'était pas encore guarantie pareil, come dans le dix-neuvième siècle. Dans les deux cas, le droit de vote pour les Noirs était au centre des deux controverses.
6
Fraga, Bernard L. "Race, Party, and the Impact of Electoral Influence on Political Participation." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10788.
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The following study is comprised of three essays, each examining a different manner by which race and party impact political participation. Through the analysis of both intra-party primary and inter-party general elections, I find that candidates are more likely to run, and voters are more likely to turn out, when the social groups they belong to comprise a larger portion of the electorate. While race often serves as the key social identity in determining rates of participation, these effects are contingent on partisan forces governing the broader electoral process.
7
Johnson, Richard. "Black democrats in white America : racial campaign strategies in majority-white contexts, 1989-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6e978b4-0ad3-4924-9933-656e2f6e5000.
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Black electoral politics has undergone a profound transformation in the half century since African Americans statutorily secured equal voting rights with whites. Once confined to a small number of exceptional cases, the population of black elected officials has multiplied dramatically. The genre which studies African American politics has, likewise, vigorously proliferated, but theoretical deficiencies persist. In particular, the dominant model used to explain the choice of racial campaign strategies by African American candidates in jurisdictions where most of their voters are white is incomplete. The model's underlying hypothesis is premised on limited and increasingly outdated assumptions. Commentators continue to argue that successful black candidates must discard their racial identity in order to win white votes, yet a careful examination of the actual practices of black politicians in majority-white jurisdictions demonstrates that this argument is not substantiated empirically. As a result, scholars are mischaracterising the potential for black candidates to win elections in majority-white contexts. This thesis is an attempt to advance the scholarship through a theoretical reconceptualisation of racial campaign strategies underpinned by original, empirical research. The thesis sets out to achieve two goals. The first goal is to provide a rich, analytical account based on primary research of the range of campaign strategies available to office-seeking African American candidates outside of majority-black election contexts. The thesis demonstrates the capacity for black candidates to embrace their racial identity and champion policies which redress racial inequality while still seeking support from white voters. The second objective is to offer plausible explanations as to the strategic decision-making process in these campaigns. The thesis highlights the shifting importance of three sets variables which candidates face when choosing their racial campaign strategies: racial context and history, the racial attitudes of supportive and opposing elite actors, and candidates' own racial biographies.
8
Capron, Maddie Sue. "The Effects of Framing in Election News Coverage on a Voter's Intention to Vote." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1556377798568801.
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Oyakawa, Michelle. "Building A Movement In The Non-Profit Industrial Complex." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500393653574528.
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Sjunnesson, Ludvig. "Race to the White House : En diskursanalytisk studie om hur nyhetsmedia i USA förstår landets demokratiska val." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36656.
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This study seeks to illuminate which understanding of democracy the written U.S. digital news media propagates to its readers, through the lens of the 2016 presidential election. This is done through discourse theory and analysis inspired by Laclau & Mouffes work on nodal points and discursive webs. Other theories involve polyarchy as a definition of democracy as well as rational models for voter participation. Written digital articles related to the 2016 election, chosen through entering keywords related to democracy and voting, from a broad range of larger media houses are used as material for the study. The study found that the discourse created and mediated by the news articles, when taken as a whole, understands democracy as a contest between different demographical groups. Race or ethnicity are the most commonly referenced groups. The election is a battle between the candidates’ personalities to entice “their” specific groups to get out and vote. Policy or political issues are rarely mentioned in the articles. Voter participation is low according to the discourse, but that might not be such a big problem according to the discourse. A larger problem for democracy is corruption, political elitism and a poorly designed electoral system.
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Morrow, Shawn Steven. "Causes of Low Voter Turnout of the Hispanic Population in Southwest Texas." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1462.
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The Hispanic population in central Texas tends to have low levels of civic engagement as compared to other groups in the same area, which leads to disproportionate political marginalization. Prior research has focused on characteristics of voters and nonvoters, but has failed to explore the lack of political mobilization among Hispanic voters. The purpose of this study was twofold; first to better understand the nature of Hispanic voters' political marginalization, and second, explore why participation levels are so low among this group. This general qualitative study applied critical race theory to explore the barriers perceived by Hispanic voters related to political marginalization that may contribute to low voter participation. Data were collected through interviews with 20 randomly selected Hispanic people residing in central Texas. Interview data were transcribed, inductively coded, and then organized into themes. The key research findings identified 3 themes that potentially explain low civic engagement; a general distrust in government, a deficiency of civics education in the public school system, and specific cultural preferences that may contribute to low levels of participation in voting and politics. Findings also revealed that there is little understanding of the voting process, and few public initiatives to encourage the Hispanic voter community to vote or otherwise engage in participatory democracy. Recommendations to policy makers to promote positive social change include increasing funding for civic education, and creating voter outreach programs. Policy makers and politicians should also seek out ways to build trust in the political process throughout the Hispanic community.
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Armstrong, Erin H. "Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and Age." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1386020805.
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Mabotja, Mpheta Samuel. "An evaluation of the integration of the 'white' town of Pietersburg and the 'black' township of Seshego after the local government elections of 1995." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52105.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of urban systems in South Africa was from the start shaped by racial bias.
The black people of this country were refused any form of participation in town planning.
To aggravate the situation, urban space was manipulated in a manner that each racial
group had its own residential space. The manipulation of urban space gave rise to what is
called "the Apartheid City." This "Apartheid city" is characterised by stark contrast in
development between a well-serviced, first world town lying side by side with underserviced
third world townships.
The "Apartheid City" of Pietersburg-Seshego has been undergoing restructuring since
1990. The Local Government Transitional Act (LGTA) has served as an intervention
whereby the two formerly unequal areas had to integrate and become one city. The
central aim of this study is to evaluate, by using a series of indicators, the integration
level that has been achieved since 1995, i.e. since the first local government elections.
The study will focus on three key areas to reflect the level of integration, namely, land
use patterns, ward demarcation, and integration of personnel.
The main conclusion is that though one council has been formed where there were
previously two, spatial inequalities and racially-based ward demarcations between the
former Pietersburg town and the former Seshego township persist. On the other hand,
personnel drawn from the administrations of former white Pietersburg and former
Lebowa civil service has not been fully integrated. The former Pietersburg municipality
personnel is still white male dominated in both senior and middle management levels
while the former Lebowa personnel is black male dominated found in the lowest levels of
the TLC structure.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontstaan van metropolitaanse sisteme in Suid Arfika was nog altyd gekenmerk deur rasse
bevooroordeling. Die swart bevolking van Suid Afrika was nog altyd in die verlede uitgesluit
van deelname aan stadsbeplanning. Om die situasie nog te vererger, was metropolitaanse areas
op so 'n wyse gemanipuleer, dat groepe van verskillende rasse elk hul eie residensiële allokasie
gehad het. Hierdie manipulasie van metropolitaanse areas het die ontstaan van die
"apartheidstad" tot gevolg gehad. Hierdie "apartheidstad" word gekenmerk deur 'n skerp
kontras in ontwikkeling tussen 'n goed voorsiene eerste wêreld deel aan die een kant en 'n
swak voorsiene derde wêreld deel aan die ander kant.
Die "apartheidstad" van Pietersburg - Seshego het sedert 1990 herstrukturering ondergaan, Die
"Plaaslike Owerheidsoorgangs Wet" het gedien as 'n middelom twee histories ongelyke areas
te integreer om een stad te vorm. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die vlak van integrasie
sedert 1995 te evalueer deur gebruik te maak van sekere indikatore. Die studie fokus op drie
aspekte wat die vlak van integrasie weerspieël naamlik grondgebruikspatrone, wykafbakening
en personeel integrering.
Die belangrikste gevolge is dat daar nou een plaaslike raad is waar daar voorheen twee was
terwyl ruimtelike ongelykhede en ras gebaseerde wyksafbakening nog steeds plaasvind tussen
Pietersburg en die vorige Seshego nedersetting. Die nuwe personeelstruktuur - wat bestaan
hoofsaaklik uit voormalige wit lede van die Pietersburg raad en hoofsaaklik swart lede van die
voormalige Lebowa staatsdiens - is nog nie ten volle geintegreerd nie. Die personeel van die
Pietersburg Munisipaliteit is nog steeds oorwegend wit en manlik gedomineerd in beide die
middel en senior bestuursposte en die Lebowa personeel is hoofsaaklik swart en manlik
gedomineerd in die laer pos bekleding in die struktuur van die nuwe plaaslike
regeringstruktuur.
14
Onanga, Ndjila Blanchard. "Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010)." Phd thesis, Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00990183.
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La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l'élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l'émergence du processus démocratique à l'origine de l'élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l'action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l'impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l'élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d'abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D'où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L'étude fait ainsi un tour d'horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l'élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d'une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d'autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l'incident racial des "Six de Jena" ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l'élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d'une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l'élection d'Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n'a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l'étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l'administration Obama.
15
Miyamoto, Tomoka. "President Obama's Election Campaign in the U.S. and Concepts of Race and Racism." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/146609.
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Documents from President Obama?s election campaign show that he was consistently racialized by White people as a member of the African American minority group, providing a pointed demonstration of the continuing importance of White racism in America. His campaign evoked emotional responses to race issues against his will. In U.S. society, where "White privilege" is embedded, White people have a power to create and sustain negative stereotypical images of people of color and thus control both images and people. I have focused on media sources such as news, online clips, and movies, and collected examples of various racist representations of Obama circulating in the public space. I will argue that basic messages behind the stereotypes of people of color have not changed much since the Jim Crow era. Some apparently positive stereotypes are in circulation, and during the campaign they were used to depict Obama, such as the image of the "Magic Negro." My research reveals that this "magic" image is not only limited to African Americans, but can also apply to people of color in general. By providing examples from movies, such as Australia (2008), I will demonstrate that even such apparently positive stereotypes are just as harmful as negative ones and can be applied for all minority groups.
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Page, James A. (James Allen) 1946. ""These Whigs are Singing Songs Again!" Whig Songs as Campaign Literature Prior to the 1844 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277889/.
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Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies.
As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe.
Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.
17
Hall, Nora. "State Election Law and Votes for Third Parties in US House Races." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/761.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf<br>Bachelors<br>Arts and Sciences<br>Political Science
18
Milner, Adrienne N. "Whites' Racial Attitudes and Support for Equality Before and After the 2008 Presidential Election." Scholarly Repository, 2011. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/587.
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The 2008 election of Barack Obama to the United States’ presidency is an undeniable historical landmark demonstrating progress in race relations; however, it has yet to be determined how the election affects the way in which racial minorities are viewed and whether Obama’s presidency will advance their societal position. Despite some claims that the election signifies the existence of a post-racial nation, recent social (Harlow 2008; Hunt and Wilson 2009; Parker, Sawyer, Towler 2009; Tesler 2010), psychological (Effron, Cameron, and Monin 2009; Eibach, and Purdie-Vaughns 2009; Kaiser et al. 2009), political (Piston 2001; Huddy and Feldman 2009; Redlawsk, Tolbert, and Franco 2010), economic (Jacobson 2010; Lewis-Beck and Tien (2009) and legal (Nelson 2009; Troutt 2009) research predicts that the election will have little effect, or potentially a negative impact, on efforts to achieve racial parity in America. To assess what President Obama’s election means for American race relations, this study examines multiple measures of prejudice among Whites as predictors of their support for racial equality. Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I examine different forms of racism, and the extent to which they influence Whites’ support of government policies that promote racial equality. The focal independent variable, racial ideology, is measured by old-fashioned racism, systemic racism, symbolic racism, laissez-faire racism, and color-blind racism. The focal dependent variable, race-based policy preferences, is measured through support for government policies which promote racial equity in education and employment contexts. Factor analysis is used to identify how Whites’ feelings towards Obama, reaction to Obama’s election victory, feelings towards Blacks, outlook on black presidents in general, and beliefs concerning political power differentials between Blacks and Whites relate to different theoretical racial ideologies. Racial orientations that are indicated by measured variables then serve as focal independent variables in multiple regression analysis to predict the focal outcome variables concerning support for policies that foster racial equality. Factor analysis and regression analysis are conducted with pre-election, post-election, and recent data in order to assess change in Whites’ racial attitudes and policy preferences at various points in time. Results from the analysis suggest differences before and after the election in terms of racist ideology and support for programs that benefit racial minorities. Whites are now less likely to agree with the implementation of affirmative action and government policy supporting racial equality. Systemic and color-blind racist ideologies are the strongest predictors of opposition to race-based policy. Furthermore, it seems antiracist ideology has diminished since President Obama was elected. These findings are consistent with sociological and political research that suggests Whites’ opposition to racial policies and black candidates is often more influenced by symbolic racism than by realistic self-interest (Sears and Henry 2003) and confirms predictions (Bonilla-Silva and Ray 2009; Metzler 2010) that Obama’s presidency coupled with new forms of racism, such as color-blind racism, may serve to negatively affect racial equality in the United States.
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Ha, Jaesik. "HORSE RACE OVER POLICIES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE 2008 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN SOUTH KOREAN AND AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1885446571&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Babish, Randy Wade. "The 1960 Presidential Election in Florida: Did the Space Race and the National Prestige Issue Play an Important Role?" UNF Digital Commons, 2000. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/134.
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The landmark launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957, and the subsequent perception that the United States trailed the Soviet Union, not only in space but also in missiles, plagued the Eisenhower Administration for the rest of the decade. The Democratic Party strategy for the 1960 presidential election included using the space race, the alleged missile gap, and declining American prestige abroad to illustrate the need for new leadership in the White House. Senator John F. Kennedy, the Democratic nominee, effectively raised these issues throughout the general election to support his "New Frontier" program and won by the narrowest popular vote margin in history.
Yet, using the same themes during his tour of Florida, Kennedy failed to carry the state. An influx of Republican voters from other states, the absence of crucial Democratic voting blocs, and a considerable defection of registered Democrats contributed to Vice President Richard M. Nixon's Florida victory. Analysis of major Florida newspapers revealed that Kennedy's religion, the liberal Democratic platform, referenda on proposed amendments to the state constitution, and state office races generated more interest than the space race, despite the presence of Cape Canaveral as the primary launch facility for the U.S. space program. Kennedy's religion, civil rights, and states rights emerged as the key issues for Florida voters and compelled many Democrats to vote for Nixon as the only alternative or in protest. PALMM.
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Lindgren, Eric A. "Understanding the effects of Progressive Era electoral reforms on city elections : the San Francisco Board of Supervisors' races /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1192192321&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Knowles, William Edward II. "Swinging the Vote: Predicting the Presidential Election by State Vote Shares." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/521.
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This thesis seeks to predict the results of the presidential election in the United States, with a specific interest in swing states. I construct a methodology to predict the difference between the state and national two-party vote share for all 50 states plus D.C. using economic variables such as the change in the unemployment rate, the growth of real per capita Gross Domestic Product, Gallup poll ratings, and the ideology of the candidate. The methodology presented also allows the number of swing states to adjust between election years by giving each state its own coefficient on the difference between the state and national change in the unemployment rate. The resulting State-National Gap Model is then used to predict the two-party vote share for the Democrats using regression analysis with panel data for the elections from 1992-2008. My model is tested against the 2012 election and successfully predicts 49 out of 50 states as well as D.C.
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Lashley, Eric P. "Applying the inoculation message strategy to the 1990 Illinois gubernatorial race." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11072008-063127/.
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Huang, Sainan. "Trois essais sur Finance International et Commerce International." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CERG0738.
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Cette thèse est organisée en trois chapitres. Chaque chapitre correspond à un article dans les domaines de la finance internationale et du commerce international. Chapitre 1: Une analyse empirique du cycle électoral des taux de change réel: Asie de l'Est vs. Amérique Latine. Dans cet article, nous analysons les fluctuations des taux de change réels pendant les élections en Asie de l'Est, et nous effectuons une comparaison avec les expériences des pays d'Amérique latine. Tout d'abord, nous avons trouvé un nouveau type de cycle électoral de taux de change réel pour l'Asie de l'Est, qui s'oppose à celui des pays d'Amérique Latine. Ensuite, nous étudions les politiques utilisées par les politiciens pour influencer le taux de change pendant des élections. Chapitre 2: Populisme du taux de change. Les résultats empiriques ont montré que les économies d'Amérique Latine et de l'Asie de l'Est présentent des cycles électoraux du taux de change opposés. Les taux de change ont tendance à se déprécier pendant la période qui précède les élections et à s'apprécier ensuite pour les économies d'Asie de l'Est alors que le phénomène opposé se déroule dans les économies d'Amérique Latine. Cet article propose un modèle théorique qui explique le cycle électoral du taux de change dans ces deux régions. Le mécanisme derrière le cycle est engendrée par les politiciens qui essaient de signaler qu'ils sont du type de l'électeur médian, biaisant leur politique en faveur de la majorité de la population avant les élections. Les forces motrices du populisme d'inversion du taux de change dans ses deux régions sont les effets distributifs du taux de change réel et les différences de taille relative des secteur des biens échangeables et le secteur des biens non échangeables dans ses deux régions. Chapitre 3 : La décomposition du déclin du commerce international pendant les crises financières. La crise financière mondiale de 2008-2009 a été accompagnée d'une forte baisse du commerce international, ce qui pose la question sur le rôle de la finance sur le commerce international. Nous contribuons à cette littérature en étudiant l'impact de la crise sur les échanges bilatéraux, en utilisant les données de 103 exportateurs, 188 importateurs et 27 secteurs pour 1995-2009. Tout d'abord, nous analysons les réponses des échanges bilatéraux à la crise financière quand le choc frappe soit le pays exportateur soit le pays importateur. Ensuite, cet article contribue au débat sur l'effondrement du commerce international pendant les crises. Est-ce que la chute du commerce international est provoquée par des chocs de demande ou des chocs d'offre? Enfin, nous étudions l'impact de la crise financière sur la marge extensive du commerce, qui peut être une indication de l'impact permanent sur le commerce<br>This thesis is comprised of three chapters. Each chapter corresponds to an article in the field of international finance and international trade. Chapter One: An Empirical Analysis of Real Exchange Rate Election Cycle: East Asia vs. Latin America. Empirical literature depicts an exchange rate cycle around elections in Latin America: exchange rates tend to be more appreciated before than after elections. In this paper we analyze the behavior of real exchange rates (RERs, hereafter) around elections in East Asia, and perform a broad comparison with the experiences of Latin America countries. Our contributions to the empirical literature on exchange rate election cycle are threefold. First, we find a new type of RER election cycle in East Asia region, which is opposite to one of Latin America. Second, we investigate the possible policies used by the policy-maker to influence the RER around elections. We find that RER variation around elections can be partially captured by changes in international reserves. Our results are consistent with international reserves being used by policy-makers to influence exchange rates and produce its election cycle, and we find that international reserves increase in the month preceding elections in East Asia, but decrease in Latin America. Third, we show that in both regions the RER election cycle is clearly identified before central bank reform, but the cycle disappears in the post-reform data, indicating that monetary policy is one of the channels through which the RER election cycle is generated. Chapter Two: Exchange Rate Populism. Empirical findings have shown that East Asian and Latin American economies present opposite exchange rate electoral cycles: exchange rates tend to be more depreciated before and appreciated after elections among East Asian economies, and the opposite is true in Latin America. This paper proposes a theoretical model that explains the opposite exchange rate electoral cycle in these two regions. In a setup where policy-makers differ in their preference bias towards non-tradable and tradable sector citizens, the RER is used a noisy signal of the incumbent's type in an uncertain economic environment. The mechanism behind the cycle is engendered by the incumbent trying to signal he is median voter's type, biasing his policy in favor of the majority of the population before elections. The driving forces of the opposite exchange rate populism in these two regions is the RER distributive effects and the difference of the relative size of tradable and non-tradable sectors in these two regions. Chapter Three: The Decomposition of Trade Collapse during Financial Crises. The global financial crisis of 2008-2009 was accompanied by a sharp decline in international trade, which raises the question on the role of finance on international trade. We contribute to this literature by investigating the impact of financial crises on bilateral trade, using data of 103 exporters and 188 importers at 27 sectors-disaggregation from 1995 to 2009. Firstly, we analyze the responses of bilateral trade to financial crisis and the shock hits the exporting country or the importing country. Secondly, this paper investigates whether the trade collapse following crisis is caused by demand or supply shocks. Thirdly, we investigate the impact of financial crisis on the extensive margin of trade, which may be an indication of its permanent impact on trade
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Pelletier, Melissa G. "The Road to the White House: A Correlational Analysis of Twitter Sentiment and National Polls in the 2016 Election Cycle." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7075.
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In this thesis, the author examines the last 131 days of the 2016 election cycle. This analysis focuses on how sentiment is present on Twitter when people engage in political communication on social media. With the increasing online political discussions created on social media such as Twitter, an analysis of sentiment is critical. The data could be obtainable for candidates to estimate the electorate’s opinion of each candidate. A shift of sentiment offers a deeper insight into tracking changing attitudes toward candidates. Because Twitter only allows each tweet to be 140 characters there is a simplicity that offers statements to be concise. Trends for each candidate throughout the final days of the election cycle are correlated with national polls to assess if there is a relationship present. This study applies sentiment to recognize trends that may estimate a candidate’s chance of winning the election and offers indications as to how the intended electorate may vote when a relationship is established between sentiment and national polls.
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Bridges, Kenneth William. "The Twilight of the Texas Democrats: The 1978 Governor's Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4435/.
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This dissertation examines the results and strategies used in the 1978 Texas gubernatorial election to determine what issues, demographics, and campaign strategies led the Republican Party nominee, Dallas businessman Bill Clements, to defeat the Democratic nominee, Attorney General John Hill, to break the 105-year old Democratic lock on the governorship and how this victory affected the evolution of Texas into a two-party state. Research materials include manuscripts and published speeches, letters, oral interviews, elections results, and secondary materials.
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Mohamad, Jamil Siti Nurnadilla. "Selling race and God during GE13 : a discourse-historical analysis of editorials and columns in mainstream Malay- and English-language newspapers during the 13th General Election in Malaysia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34933.
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This thesis conducts a critical analysis of editorials and columns in mainstream newspapers during Malaysia's 13th General Election (GE13) campaign. In a country that practises parliamentary democracy but simultaneously observes a close cooperation (Mustafa, 2010, p. 51) between the ruling party and the mainstream press, this study explores the links between the two. The thesis demonstrates the continuing power of the mainstream press in the country. It also explores how a so-called parliamentary democracy can lead to authoritarian rule, as well as the role of the press in this process. Adhering to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) principles, the thesis describes and explains how particular relations of power are enacted, reproduced and legitimized within government-owned media, in this case Malaysia where control is institutionalized. This study specifically focuses on the discursive strategies of legitimation in editorials and columns, and how they present particular narratives or arguments in the interests of the powerful. The thesis offers a greater understanding of the deep ideological structures of mainstream newspapers and, in particular, their construction and (de)legitimisation of the government and opposition during the GE13 campaign. This investigation draws on various methods, from quantitative content analysis to the Discourse-historical Approach (DHA), and insights from a range of disciplines, to examine the discursive features of mainstream newspapers discourse during the GE13 campaign. The main contributions of the thesis are on theoretical, methodological and empirical grounds. It contributes to the body of knowledge on political communication research by focusing on the Asian-Malaysian context and moving away from Western-centric models that often overlook the key element of culture. The application of the DHA provides a novel and valuable contribution to the understanding of Malaysian election communication discourse through its interdisciplinary methods and analyses. The empirical investigation provides conclusive evidence that revolves around the issues of the perversion of developmental journalism, race/ethnicity, Islam and its abuses, as well as change and time. This thesis also reviews and reveals the extent to which the press in Malaysia is controlled, dominated and manipulated, thereby challenging those, including the ruling elite, who have claimed that Malaysia is a democratizing nation state.
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Madding, Carol Ann. "Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/.
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During the presidential contest of 1884, Republicans used singing as a campaign tactic at rallies, meetings, and parades. Their songs may be divided into several categories, such as rally songs, songs of praise for the party and its candidate, "bloody shirt" songs, mudslinging songs, and issue-based songs. Songs provide a perspective on the overall tenor of the campaign, while a lack of songs on certain topics, such as temperance, reflects the party's reluctance to alienate voters by taking a strong stand on controversial issues. Although the campaign has often been called one of the dirtiest in American history, this negativity is not reflected in the majority of the songs.
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Akcelik, Yasin. "Three Essays on the Time-Series Analysis of Politics, Capital Flows and Macroeconomic Policymaking." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306894830.
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Connaughton, Katharine G. "The Political Implications of Felon Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1285.
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This empirical study analyzes the political implications for presidential election outcomes that stem from varying felon disenfranchisement laws within the United States. In the past decade incarceration rates have drastically increased, consequently augmenting the disenfranchised population. This paper focuses on presidential election outcomes and state political party majorities in the election years 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012. I use demographic characteristics to calibrate assumptions for voter turnout and political party choice among the disenfranchised populations within each state. I then apply these voting populations to historical election outcomes and find that three state political party outcomes change, as well as the potential for a reversal in the 2000 presidential election. I also apply the estimated voting populations by state to an entirely Republican turnout and then to an entirely Democratic turnout to analyze the scope of the disenfranchised population and find that under these assumptions several states’ political party majorities and several election outcomes are reversed.
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Smith, Millie Denise. "The effects of race, racial consciousness, and income on political trust /." 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1296112501&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=10361&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Hagan, Angela Stallings. "Race and city-county consolidation : black voting participation and municipal elections /." 2009. http://digital.library.louisville.edu/cgi-bin/showfile.exe?CISOROOT=/etd&CISOPTR=912&filename=913.pdf.
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Roodt, Marius. "Race and the Democratic Alliance: An analysis of the party’s performance in elections with specific reference to the 2011 local government elections." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/26271.
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Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies<br>This thesis aims to determine the impact that race has on voting patterns in South Africa, and whether race is still the most salient factor in determining how South Africans vote. The focus is on local government elections and the performance of the Democratic Alliance (DA), and examines voting patterns and demographic indicators (such as race and income and education levels) in selected wards to ascertain what trends and exist, specifically looking at how important race still is in determining how South Africans vote. Through a thorough review of the existing literature, as well as an examination of selected wards (both those in metropolitan municipalities and those in rural areas) this thesis aims to find an answer to the question of whether South African elections are still little more than racial censuses. This thesis also examines to what degree other social indicators affect how people vote. Although the findings broadly show that the ‘racial census’ theory of voting patterns in South Africa still broadly holds true, there are indications that this is changing and that South African voters are increasingly becoming ‘floating’ voters.<br>GR2019
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Hayes, Daniel William. "Beyond the horse race : the content and consequence of issue news in American elections." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2713.
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Myers, Adam Shalmone. "Constituency cleavages and partisan outcomes in the American state legislatures." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2664.
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I focus on three district-level demographic variables indicative of contemporary social cleavages, and construct measures of their influences on partisan representation in American state legislatures during the 1999-2000 years. Using these measures, I examine a series of questions concerning the relationship between social cleavages and state legislative outcomes. I find that district racial composition is the most important constituency-based factor influencing partisan representation and voting in legislatures, but that other constituency variables are also important under various circumstances. I also present OLS regression analyses demonstrating the independent effect of the overall representation of social cleavages on levels of legislative polarization.<br>text
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Kuo, Yun-Hsuan, and 郭芸瑄. "The Effect of US Unemployment Rate on US Congressional Elections." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25593974117249093389.
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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>美洲研究所碩士班<br>101<br>The 2010 United States House of Representatives elections, Republicans gained control of the chamber, picking up a net total of 63 seats and erasing the gains Democrats made in 2006 and 2008. We also saw the rise of the Tea Party movement ushering in many conservative newcomers to the House. And this was due to the high unemployment rate and bad economic conditions, but why the unemployment rate so important and can make a major change in election? The empirical model we propose to use here is actually a unique combination of two different types of models – a fixed effect panel regression and a binary logit model. In the first stage a fixed effects panel regression model is estimated using the binary variable (1 = incumbent party returned to power and 0 = incumbent party is not returned to power).Hence, the single fixed effects variable described above is then introduced into a binary logit model involving the same set of explanatory variables as the linear probability model in the first stage. By doing so, a set of very specialized effects for the panel in question can be aligned with the logit model and a better analysis of the probability of reelection can be obtained. A conservative estimate shows that a rise in the unemployment rate of 2% and 4% across ALL congressional districts lowers the probability of the incumbent party being returned to office by about 3.6% and 8.4%, respectively. This effect is greatly magnified when a lagged dependent variable is added to the logit model. In such as case, a 2% increase in unemployment across all congressional districts lowers the average probability of return the incumbent party by 7.2%, while a 4% increase in unemployment reduces the probability by an impressive 18.5%.
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Cheng, Chieh-hua, and 鄭介華. "The Impact of Presidential Election on Taiwan’s Exchange Rate." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/q3sn45.
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碩士<br>靜宜大學<br>企業管理研究所<br>97<br>The prevailing rumor in Taiwan is that before each election time the government will intervene the exchange market to pull-up the exchange price, which practice is generally called the “election bull run.” The main purpose of this study is to examine the existence of the election bull run from the presidential elections of 2000 to 2008. The methodology is the “event study,” which is the usual practice of the exchange price volatility research. The data of Taiwan’s exchange prices come from the data bank of the Taiwan Economic Journal. We use political business cycle to explain whether presidential elections have impact on exchange market. The ruling party may win the election by manipulating the exchange market. In this research, we examine whether the presidential elections would be interfered by ruling party. The empirical result shows that the Taiwan exchange market does exist election bull run.
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Liu, Hsiang-Wei, and 劉湘薇. "Spatial Analysis of Korean’s Election: Park Geun-Hye`s Voting Rate of President, 2012." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3pr24c.
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碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>國家發展研究所<br>104<br>Park Geun-hye, was elected to be the first female president of Korea in 2012. The voting rate of Park Geun-hye showed a centralized phenomenon in a region after analyzing the standard deviation graph. Such phenomenon was highly related to the continuing of political regionalism in Korea. Thus, this research analyzes the voting rate of Park Geun-hye in the 2012 presidential election by exploiting the spatial analysis method. Based on the elementary local self-government as analytical unit together with the data released by National Election Commission of Korea and Statistics Korea, this research attempt to understand the distribution of spatial voting rate as well as factors affecting the voting rate for Park Geun-hye. Hence, concluding the situation of regionalism in Korea.
Research found, through spatial regression model, the main factors affecting the voting rate for Park Geun-hye were due to crude birth rate, population of Catholicism and other regional variable. Meanwhile, there is no direct correlation between the voting rate for Park Geun-hye in regions with more conservative and feminism population. However, regional affect is still a vital factor in Park Geun-hye’s voting rate. Such variable cannot be replaced by any socio-economic background or any other related independent variable. This demonstrates that the collective voting behaviors of voters do not necessarily have similar social-economic status or background; rather, it is due to birth in the region that drove the neighborhood effect.
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CHIEN, YU-SHENG, and 簡育聖. "Ideology and Local Election: A Comparative Questionnaire Study of Taichung City Mayor Approval Rate." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/mcyt3q.
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碩士<br>南華大學<br>國際事務與企業學系亞太研究碩士班<br>107<br>Hu Chih-chiang, the mayor of Taichung, completed a large number of transportation, greening and beautification construction during his tenure, and the mass transit route also expanded greatly. At the same time, he expanded his financial resources, reduced debts, and achieved remarkable results in investment promotion, which led to the growth of employment opportunities and wages in Taichung City, and the increase in population. He had high reputation among the heads of many places, and its governance satisfaction is also among the best. However, the health status of Hu Chih-chiang himself gradually deteriorated, and the public security accident of the nightclub fire caused Hu Chih-chiang’s reputation to be greatly affected. In addition, the tide of anti-service trade in 2014 finally made Hu Chih-chiang lose his hand when he sought re-election. For this phenomenon of governance performance and election results, this paper argues that the most important factor is ideology, which is reflected in the national and group identity and party preferences. This article will be verified by an online survey. This article first asks the respondent about the satisfaction of the current mayor Chia-Lung Lin and whether he supports his re-election. Then he will prompt the relevant information to the respondent in the form of a questionnaire question, and then ask again whether to support the current mayor's re-election. If the inference of this study is correct, Chia-Lung Lin ‘s support will gradually be reduced. As for Chia-Lung Lin's respondents, the anti-China ideology will be significantly higher.
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Hsieh, Pei-Jen, and 謝培仁. "An election strategy of cluster head based on the transmission rate and energy efficiency for Heterogeneous Wireless Sensor Networks." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/45513575454480578547.
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碩士<br>國立交通大學<br>資訊科學與工程研究所<br>103<br>Heterogeneous wireless sensor network contains lots of nodes with different capabilities and energy. While comparing the traditional homogeneous wireless sensor network, utilizing the heterogeneity for the network can raise the throughput. In this thesis, we propose a scheme to balance energy load on each node, control the number of cluster head to save energy, and elect the node with higher bandwidth to be a cluster head to increase the throughput. Our scheme may be applied to the emerging machine to machine communications which usually consists of a large number of heterogeneous sensor nodes. Finally, we evaluate the performance of our proposed scheme by simulation and compare it with LEACH. The result shows that lifetime, energy consumption, and throughput perform much better than LEACH.
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"Effects of Multiple Races and Header Highlighting on Undervotes in the 2006 Sarasota General Election: A Usability Study and Cognitive Modeling Assessment." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/70254.
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Large-scale voting usability problems have changed the outcomes of several recent elections. The 2006 election in Sarasota County, Florida was one such incident, where the number of votes lost was nearly 50 times greater than the margin of victory for the US Representative race. Multiple hypotheses were proposed to explain this incident, with prevailing theories focused on malicious software, touchscreen miscalibration or poor ballot design, Study I aimed to empirically determine whether Sarasota voters unintentionally skipped the critical US Representative race due to poor ballot design. The Sarasota ballot was replicated initially, then header highlighting and number of races presented on the first screen were manipulated. While the presentation of multiple races had a significant effect on undervotes in the US Representative race, header highlighting did not. Nearly 20% of all voters (27 of 137) skipped the race their first time on that screen, an even greater undervote rate than that originally seen in Sarasota. In conjunction with other research, Study I results strongly suggests that the 2006 Sarasota election was almost certainly a human factors problem. A cognitive model of human voters was developed based on Study I data. Model predictions were then compared with behavioral data from Study 2, in which participants voted on a replica of the Charlotte County, Florida 2006 ballot.