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Journal articles on the topic 'Race relations Discrimination in education'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Layton, Matthew L., and Amy Erica Smith. "Is It Race, Class, or Gender? The Sources of Perceived Discrimination in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 1 (2017): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12010.

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AbstractObservers have long noted Brazil's distinctive racial politics: the coexistence of relatively integrated race relations and a national ideology of “racial democracy” with deep social inequalities along color lines. Those defending a vision of a nonracist Brazil attribute such inequalities to mechanisms perpetuating class distinctions. This article examines how members of disadvantaged groups perceive their disadvantage and what determines self-reports of discriminatory experiences, using 2010 AmericasBarometer data. About a third of respondents reported experiencing discrimination. Consistent with Brazilian national myths, respondents were much more likely to report discrimination due to their class than to their race. Nonetheless, the respondent's skin color, as coded by the interviewer, was a strong determinant of reporting class as well as race and gender discrimination. Race is more strongly associated with perceived “class” discrimination than is household wealth, education, or region of residence; female gender intensifies the association between color and discrimination.

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2

Goldstein, Tara, Rosina Lippi-Green, Theresa Perry, Lisa Delpit, and Ben Rampton. "Accents, Ebonics, and Crossing: Thinking about Language, Race Relations, and Discrimination." TESOL Quarterly 33, no. 3 (1999): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3587684.

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3

Gomez, James. "Politics and Ethnicity: Framing Racial Discrimination in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (January 31, 2012): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v28i2.3431.

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Racial discrimination is a global phenomenon that the United Nations seeks to eradicate. In contemporary Singapore, research shows that the basis for racial discrimination is anchored in the role of ethnic identity and how it frames the formulation of policies related to education, employment, housing, immigration and politics. These policies have been formulated and implemented by the People's Action Party (PAP) government that has been in power for over 50 years. When confronted with its racially based policies, the PAP government insists that it follows a tolerant approach towards different races and that it promotes the idea of multiculturalism and meritocracy as a racial equalizer. However, ethnic minorities in Singapore complain they are being discriminated against daily on the basis of their race or religion. They argue that their views are often not given airing in the local mainstream media and they are further prevented from discussing these issues openly due to legislation restricting freedom of expression and assembly on these matters. Given this background, the first visit of a UN Rapporteur on racism to Singapore, at the invitation of the PAP government in April 2010, allowed the city-state's race-based policies to be put in an international spotlight. This study examines the visit of the UN Rapporteur, his initial findings, government and civil society responses, and the significance of this first UN mission. The paper locates its research on racial discrimination in the context of Singapore's political framework and the United Nations' efforts to eradicate racism. It argues that ultimately, policy changes in Singapore can only take place as a result of politically challenging the PAP government.

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Selner, Justin. "Examining Race Privilege in America: The Preservation of Whiteness through the Systematic Oppression of African-Americans." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 2, no. 2 (May 13, 2012): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora17237.

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The prevailing assumption that race-relations have equalized in America is largely based on an incorrect and misinformed understanding of current socio-economic policies and public behaviors. The continued racialization and discrimination towards African-Americans may be linked to strategic efforts that seek to preserve the dominance and authority of whiteness. This paper examines such claims within the context of the post civil rights movement, with specific attention given to the media, education system, and implementations of social justice.

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5

Johnson, Lauri D., and Yoon K. Pak. "Teaching for Diversity: Intercultural and Intergroup Education in the Public Schools, 1920s to 1970s." Review of Research in Education 43, no. 1 (March 2019): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0091732x18821127.

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This historiography chronicles educators’ efforts to teach for diversity through heightening awareness of immigrant experiences as well as discrimination against minoritized religious and racial groups in public school classrooms from the 1920s through the 1970s. This curriculum and pedagogical work was couched under various terms, such as intercultural education, intergroup education, human relations, and cultural pluralism. Drawing from published secondary research literature as well as primary archival sources, we aim to disrupt commonly held views that intercultural education/intergroup education met its demise in the 1950s and show how curriculum and pedagogy shifted after the landmark 1954 ruling of Brown v. Board of Education toward improving intergroup relations within the context of school desegregation. In the end we identify common themes across the decades that include the failure to recruit and support a diverse teaching force, the importance of teacher-led curriculum and professional development, and the lack of a sustained focus on race and racism in classroom practices.

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Meron, Theodor. "The Meaning and Reach of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination." American Journal of International Law 79, no. 2 (April 1985): 283–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201704.

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The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (the Convention) is the most important of the general instruments (as distinguished from specialized instruments such as those pertaining to labor or education) that develop the fundamental norm of the United Nations Charter—by now accepted into the corpus of customary international law—requiring respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race. It has been eloquently described as “the international community’s only tool for combating racial discrimination which is at one and the same time universal in reach, comprehensive in scope, legally binding in character, and equipped with built-in measures of implementation.”

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7

Mongeon, Philippe, Alison Brown, Ratna Dhaliwal, Jessalyn Hill, and Amber Matthews. "A bibliometric analysis of race-related research in LIS." Education for Information 37, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/efi-211513.

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This special issue on race relations and racial inequity in Library and Information Science (LIS) is a response a recent wave of advocacy, activism, and protests. Its explicit purpose is to address the lack of research on race and inequity within our field. The purpose of this contribution to the issue is to substantiate that statement by performing a bibliometric analysis of the last 40 years of LIS scholarship to quantify the amount of attention given to race and racial inequality over that period. We find that despite an important increase in BIPOC-related research in LIS, the numbers remain quite low with approximately 2% of LIS publications containing terms related to racial inequality and BIPOC communities, and this research also tends to be less cited than the average LIS papers in the same area. We also find that this research is present in several areas of the field, although unevenly distributed across them. The trends presented in this paper may help when discussing sensitive issues regarding systematic discrimination, help create and sustain momentum towards change, and address the persistent lack of diverse perspectives and approaches across LIS scholarship and practice.

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8

Guo, Shibao, and Yan Guo. "Combating Anti-Asian Racism and Xenophobia in Canada: Toward Pandemic Anti-Racism Education in Post-covid-19." Beijing International Review of Education 3, no. 2 (August 18, 2021): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25902539-03020004.

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Abstract Canada is often held up internationally as a successful model of immigration. Yet, Canada’s history, since its birth as a nation one hundred and fifty-four years ago, is one of contested racial and ethnic relations. Its racial and ethnic conflict and division resurfaces during covid-19 when there has been a surge in racism and xenophobia across the country towards Asian Canadians, particularly those of Chinese descent. Drawing on critical race theory and critical discourse analysis, this article critically analyzes incidents that were reported in popular press during the pandemic pertaining to this topic. The analysis shows how deeply rooted racial discrimination is in Canada. It also reveals that the anti-Asian and anti-Chinese racism and xenophobia reflects and retains the historical process of discursive racialization by which Asian Canadians have been socially constructed as biologically inferior, culturally backward, and racially undesirable. To combat and eliminate racism, we propose a framework of pandemic anti-racism education for the purpose of achieving educational improvement in post-covid-19.

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9

Liu, Jingzhou. "Beyond the Cultural Approach." International Journal of Chinese Education 6, no. 2 (April 2, 2017): 236–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125868-12340082.

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AbstractChinese international students are vital to internationalization development in Canadian higher education, providing immediate and significant social and economic benefits to Canadian society. The existing scholarly studies have primarily adopted a cultural approach, with a focus on intercultural adaptation or related cross-cultural perspectives. This study goes beyond the cultural approach and examines how race, gender, and class intersect in producing social inequality among Chinese international students in Canada. Through the narratives of five students attending higher education institutions in British Columbia, the study reveals that Chinese international students have experienced discrimination in relation to developing friendship, integrating to the learning environment, and accessing supports and resources on campus based on the color of skin, their gender, and misperception of their class. The color line divides them into the “dominant white” and “people of color.” Color blindness negates their racial identities and ignores the ways in which these affect their learning experiences. The findings of this research call for an intersectional approach to examine international students and their lived experiences by addressing students’ multiple identities and differences to enrich their lived experience in Canada.

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10

Kiang, Lisa, Steve Folmar, and Kristen Gentry. "“Untouchable”? Social Status, Identity, and Mental Health Among Adolescents in Nepal." Journal of Adolescent Research 35, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 248–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558418791501.

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Caste is a primary basis for oppression in many parts of South Asia with individuals from low caste backgrounds commonly experiencing the degradation of untouchability and daily discrimination at both individual and systemic levels. The current study uses a mixed-methods, interdisciplinary approach to examine links between social status, identity, and mental health among 295 adolescents (51% females) from different social groups in Nepal. Quantitative surveys reveal that youth from low caste Dalit groups report more anxiety, depression, and low self-esteem compared with their counterparts from high caste (e.g., Brahmin) and ethnic indigenous (e.g., Gurung) groups. Caste identity is positively related to outcomes but does not significantly counteract the negative effects of social status. Ethnographic and interview data are used to inform, contextualize, and interpret these quantitative findings. Conceptual parallels to current race relations experienced in the United States are considered and discussed.

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11

Cadinot, Dominique. "Becoming Part of Mainstream America or Asserting a New Muslim-Americanness: How American Muslims Negotiate their Identity in a post 9/11 Environment." American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i1.5695.

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In 2005, historian David R. Roediger published the now-classic Working Toward Whiteness: How America’s Immigrants Became White in which he recounts how immigrant minorities in the early 20th century secured their place in the “white race” in order to qualify as fully American and be treated with fairness and respect. Muslim immigrants from the Middle-East were no exception to the process described. However, becoming white was a particularly long and arduous journey which eventually led to the 1978 Office of Management Budget directive officially categorizing Middle-Eastern immigrants as white. But the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 sparked new alliances between the various ethnic groups that make up the US Muslim community: Arabs, African-Americans or South-East Asians from all walks of life have joined forces in resisting discrimination and bigotry. Thus, the question arises whether common cultural heritage or faith should be the main force shaping a new collective and visible identity. Also, such process entails a questioning of hierarchies based on socioeconomic status; compared to their African-American coreligionists, American citizens of Arab descent fare much better in terms of education and wealth. The main purpose of this paper is to evaluate the impact of 9/11 on the way Arab-American Muslims and their community leaders re-define the boundaries of their collective identity and how they forge bonds of solidarity with indigenous Muslims. It seeks to address two related questions: How do Arab-American Muslims relate to the black-white dualist model or racial binary? What role does class identification play in structuring social relations between Arab and African-American Muslims? While I do not negate the fact that in the US race continues to play a fundamental role in structuring social relations, I argue that it is important to pay close attention to how socioeconomic status may condition the formulation of a group identity.

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12

Brown, Colin. "Race relations and discrimination." Policy Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1990): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442879008423568.

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13

Joly, Danièle, and Jim Beckford. "“Race” Relations and Discrimination in Prison." Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies 4, no. 2 (May 22, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j500v04n02_01.

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14

Ryan, James E. "Race Discrimination in Education: A Legal Perspective." Teachers College Record 105, no. 6 (August 2003): 1087–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9620.00278.

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15

Trovato, Frank, and H. L. Kitano. "Race Relations." Teaching Sociology 15, no. 2 (April 1987): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1318051.

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16

Joseph Cayer, N. "Race, Class, and Education: The Politics of Second-Generation Discrimination. By Kenneth J. Meier, Joseph Stewart,Jr., and Robert E. England. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989. 194p. $37.50 cloth, $14.95 paper. - Politics, Markets, and America's Schools. By John E. Chubb and Terry M. Moe. Washington: Brookings Institution, 1990. 318p. $28.95 cloth, $10.95 paper." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (September 1991): 1034–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963895.

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17

Williams, Devon. "Improving Race Relations in Higher Education." Urban Education 39, no. 3 (May 2004): 316–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085904263063.

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18

HEYWOOD, JOHN S. "Race Discrimination and Union Voice." Industrial Relations 31, no. 3 (September 1992): 500–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232x.1992.tb00323.x.

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19

Kinloch, Graham C., E. Ellis Cashmore, and Barry Troyna. "Introduction to Race Relations." Teaching Sociology 12, no. 2 (January 1985): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1318334.

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20

Scott, Joseph W. "Models of American Race/Ethnic Relations." Equity & Excellence in Education 22, no. 4-6 (January 1986): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0020486860220415.

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21

Robinson, Sandra F., Kenneth J. Meier, Joseph Stewart, and Robert E. England. "Race, Class, and Education: The Politics of Second-Generation Discrimination." Journal of Negro Education 60, no. 1 (1991): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2295539.

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22

Arkes, Hal R., and George W. Dent. "Perceptions of Gender, Race, and Anti-Conservative Discrimination on Campus." Academic Questions 32, no. 1 (January 12, 2019): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-018-9753-x.

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23

Vaughan, Matthew. "Accepting the ‘D’ word: discrimination in 1960s’ UK academic discourse." Race & Class 61, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396819854967.

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Following the 1958 ‘race riots’ in Notting Hill, the field of ‘race relations’ in the UK changed from an anthropology of ‘coloured quarters’ in dock areas into ‘the sociological study of the migrant’. The author plots, through literature, the changing perception of the nature of race relations and extent of discrimination during the 1960s. The literature at the beginning of the decade was characterised by a questioning of ideas about discrimination, whether it existed at all, and/or focusing on the tolerance (or not) of the public. But following the Smethwick election in 1964 and the influence of Powell, the research and writing on ‘race’ began to shift at the end of the decade so that the concept of discrimination would be defined in social science, with racism becoming its primary focus.

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24

Chung, Sue Fawn. "Out of the Shadows and into Politics." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 56–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.56.

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From 1974 to 1984, Democrat Lilly Fong (1925–2002) served on the Nevada Board of Regents, the first Chinese American woman to win an election in Nevada and to hold that position. Fong laid the foundation for Republican Cheryl Lau (b. 1944) to be elected as Nevada’s secretary of state (1991–1994), the first Asian American to hold a major statewide office in Nevada. This study focuses on how and why these women emerged from the shadows into Nevada politics and suggests why they failed in later attempts to win an office. As second- and later-generation Chinese American women, they shared the strong Chinese cultural traditions, beliefs, and prejudices and were products of the changing role of education for women and the emergence of women in Chinese and Chinese American public life. They also were affected by the women’s movement in the United States and the Chinese emphasis on education, which led them both to advanced degrees and teaching. Gender and racial discrimination, anti-Chinese legislation and attitudes, and history and cultural traditions, especially the belief that women should be confined to domestic activities, were among the many barriers they had to overcome. They became active at a time when Chinese American political organizations became more influential and widespread, especially in cities with large Chinatowns. They, like many of their generation, had historical role models and contemporary ones, including Democrats Patsy Mink (1927–2002) of Hawaii and March Fong Eu (1922–2017) of California (to name just two). They shared similar backgrounds, including parents who were active in the community, the financial support of their husbands, a concern for U.S.-China relations, and, from time to time, their appeal to the mainstream community. They both believed in the Confucian adage that “education is the equalizer of mankind.” What they both lacked in their later campaign efforts were mentoring on tactics and the ability to quickly challenge negative media publicized by their opponents. They needed strong pan-Asian support, but, until 2000, Nevada had a small Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) population. They also needed broader support among voters of other races and ethnicities. Both women, who had female challengers at one point or another, lost to Euro-American women, which suggests that gender was not the major factor in those reelection failures. They had responded to the call for AAPI involvement in politics and, by their efforts, laid the foundations for recent successes of other AAPI women in Nevada and the West.

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25

Chung, Sue Fawn. "Out of the Shadows and into Politics." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 56–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.56.

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From 1974 to 1984, Democrat Lilly Fong (1925–2002) served on the Nevada Board of Regents, the first Chinese American woman to win an election in Nevada and to hold that position. Fong laid the foundation for Republican Cheryl Lau (b. 1944) to be elected as Nevada’s secretary of state (1991–1994), the first Asian American to hold a major statewide office in Nevada. This study focuses on how and why these women emerged from the shadows into Nevada politics and suggests why they failed in later attempts to win an office. As second- and later-generation Chinese American women, they shared the strong Chinese cultural traditions, beliefs, and prejudices and were products of the changing role of education for women and the emergence of women in Chinese and Chinese American public life. They also were affected by the women’s movement in the United States and the Chinese emphasis on education, which led them both to advanced degrees and teaching. Gender and racial discrimination, anti-Chinese legislation and attitudes, and history and cultural traditions, especially the belief that women should be confined to domestic activities, were among the many barriers they had to overcome. They became active at a time when Chinese American political organizations became more influential and widespread, especially in cities with large Chinatowns. They, like many of their generation, had historical role models and contemporary ones, including Democrats Patsy Mink (1927–2002) of Hawaii and March Fong Eu (1922–2017) of California (to name just two). They shared similar backgrounds, including parents who were active in the community, the financial support of their husbands, a concern for U.S.-China relations, and, from time to time, their appeal to the mainstream community. They both believed in the Confucian adage that “education is the equalizer of mankind.” What they both lacked in their later campaign efforts were mentoring on tactics and the ability to quickly challenge negative media publicized by their opponents. They needed strong pan-Asian support, but, until 2000, Nevada had a small Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) population. They also needed broader support among voters of other races and ethnicities. Both women, who had female challengers at one point or another, lost to Euro-American women, which suggests that gender was not the major factor in those reelection failures. They had responded to the call for AAPI involvement in politics and, by their efforts, laid the foundations for recent successes of other AAPI women in Nevada and the West.

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26

Bueno, Natália S., and Thad Dunning. "Race, Resources, and Representation." World Politics 69, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 327–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000290.

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What explains the persistence of racial or ethnic inequalities in descriptive representation in the absence of strongly politicized racial or ethnic cleavages? This article uses new data to demonstrate a substantial racial gap between voters and politicians in Brazil. The authors show that this disparity is not plausibly due to racial preferences in the electorate as a whole, for instance, deference toward white candidates or discrimination against nonwhites, and that barriers to candidate entry or discrimination by party leaders do not likely explain the gap. Instead, they document persistent resource disparities between white and nonwhite candidates, including large differences in personal assets and campaign contributions. The findings suggest that elite closure—investments by racial and economic elites on behalf of elite candidates—help perpetuate a white political class, even in the absence of racialized politics. By underscoring this avenue through which representational disparities persist, the article contributes to research on elite power in democratic settings.

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27

Krishna, Sankaran. "Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International Relations." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 26, no. 4 (October 2001): 401–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540102600403.

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Weeks, Mollie R., and Amanda L. Sullivan. "Discrimination Matters: Relations of Perceived Discrimination to Student Mental Health." School Mental Health 11, no. 3 (January 17, 2019): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12310-019-09309-1.

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29

GRAY, HERMAN. "Race Relations As News." American Behavioral Scientist 30, no. 4 (March 1987): 381–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000276487030004004.

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30

Bedell, Frederick D. "ESSAY ON HUMAN (RACE RELATIONS) IN THE UNITED STATES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2018): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v6.i2.2018.1569.

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This essay speaks to the context of domination and subordination in particular as it pertains to White Supremacy/White Privilege as manifested in the history of slavery and “Jim Crow” in the United States. It is within this historical context one can discern the present status of race relations in the United States that continues to foster race discrimination through the policies of the ethnic majority (white) power structure, e.g.-institutional racism, voter suppression laws, gerrymandering of voter districts and banking policies to name a few areas. The research of books, papers, television interviews and personal experiences provides a testament to present government policies that endeavor to maintain a social construct of dominance and subordination by the white power structure in the United States.

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31

Hunt, Matthew O., and David C. Wilson. "RACE/ETHNICITY, PERCEIVED DISCRIMINATION, AND BELIEFS ABOUT THE MEANING OF AN OBAMA PRESIDENCY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090055.

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AbstractThis paper explores how race/ethnicity and perceptions of racial discrimination and inequality shape beliefs about the implications of an Obama presidency for U.S. race relations. Specifically, using data from a June/July 2008 Gallup/USA Today survey, we examine how African Americans, Hispanics, and Whites differ in their perceptions of the importance of an Obama victory and in beliefs about the implications of such for race relations, racial progress, and opportunities for Blacks in their careers and in national politics. We also examine how perceptions of the extent and nature of racial discrimination and inequality shape these outcomes (overall and by race/ethnicity). Results show that African Americans, relative to Whites and Hispanics, are especially likely to see an Obama victory as important and meaningful in terms of relatively abstract notions of racial change. In contrast, Hispanics are more likely than African Americans and Whites to believe that an Obama win will translate into concrete societal changes, such as expanded opportunities for Blacks in work and politics. In addition, perceived discrimination and inequality positively shape all of the outcomes under study (more perceived discrimination equals more importance and optimism attached to an Obama win), though this association is especially strong among Whites—a pattern possibly rooted in divergent meanings attached to perceived discrimination and inequality by race/ethnicity. Overall, our findings suggest that African Americans view an Obama victory as meaningful primarily because of its symbolic significance, rather than because they believe it will result in substantive racial progress. We conclude by offering some speculation and selected questions for future research on race and U.S. politics.

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32

Mason, Luke. "The Hollow Legal Shell of European Race Discrimination Policy: The EC Race Directive." American Behavioral Scientist 53, no. 12 (August 2010): 1731–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764210368094.

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33

O’Connor, Carla, Amanda Lewis, and Jennifer Mueller. "Researching “Black” Educational Experiences and Outcomes: Theoretical and Methodological Considerations." Educational Researcher 36, no. 9 (December 2007): 541–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x07312661.

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This article delineates how race has been undertheorized in research on the educational experiences and outcomes of Blacks. The authors identify two dominant traditions by which researchers have invoked race (i.e., as culture and as a variable) and outline their conceptual limitations. They analyze how these traditions mask the heterogeneity of the Black experience, underanalyze institutionalized productions of race and racial discrimination, and confound causes and effects in estimating when and how race is “significant.” The authors acknowledge the contributions of more recent scholarship and discuss how future studies of Black achievement might develop more sophisticated conceptualizations of race to inform more rigorous methodological examinations of how, when, and why Black students perform in school as they do.

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34

Möschel, Mathias. "The Strasbourg Court and Indirect Race Discrimination: Going Beyond the Education Domain." Modern Law Review 80, no. 1 (January 2017): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.12245.

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35

Pass, Michael G. "Race Relations and the Implications of Education Within Prison." Journal of Offender Counseling Services Rehabilitation 12, no. 2 (May 17, 1988): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j264v12n02_11.

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Pass, Michael. "Race relations and the implications of education within prison." Journal of Offender Rehabilitation 12, no. 2 (1988): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509674.1988.9963883.

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37

Gomez, Scarlett Lin, Felisa A. Gonzales, Salma Shariff-Marco, Laura A. Dwyer, and Amani Nuru-Jeter. "Discrimination and quality of life among breast cancer survivors." Journal of Clinical Oncology 34, no. 3_suppl (January 20, 2016): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2016.34.3_suppl.250.

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250 Background: We examined the role of race/ethnicity, education, and medical discrimination on global and breast cancer-specific (BCS) quality of life (QoL). Methods: Telephone interviews were administered to 536 Asian, Black, Hispanic and White women identified through the Greater Bay Area Cancer Registry who were aged 20+ when diagnosed with a first invasive primary breast cancer between 2006 and 2009. Women reported perceptions of discriminatory experiences while receiving breast cancer care. QoL was assessed with a single item asking about global QoL over the past 4 weeks ( “excellent” vs “less than excellent”) and a summary score for the 6-item breast cancer subscale of the FACT-B (higher scores indicated more concerns (or worse QoL)). Race/ethnicity and education were combined into an 8-category variable (4 race/ethnic groups x 2 education groups). Psychometric analyses was used to create a summed medical discrimination score using 7 items that comprised a single factor, and split into tertiles to indicate no, low, and moderate/high levels of discrimination. Main effects for race/ethnicity x education and medical discrimination were identified using logistic and linear regression models. Adjusted analyses controlled for age, marital status, health insurance, stage, histology, and tumor size. Results: In adjusted analyses, disparities across combined race/ethnicity x education groups were observed for global QoL (Wald χ2(7) = 23.32, p < 0.01) but not for BCS QoL (F= 0.78, p= 0.60). Black and Asian women reported lower global QoL than college-educated White women. Medical discrimination was related to global (Wald χ2(2) = 6.98, p= 0.03) and BCS QoL (F= 6.14, p< 0.01). Women reporting moderate/high levels of medical discrimination had significantly lower odds of excellent QoL (OR= 0.416, p< 0.01) and more breast cancer concerns (β= 1.19, t= 3.50, p< 0.001) than women reporting no discrimination. Conclusions: Medical discrimination was associated with lower global and BCS QoL. More research is needed to identify specific factors at the individual, provider, and organizational levels that contribute to perceptions of medical discrimination so that they can be addressed and QoL can be improved for breast cancer patients.

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Akinlade, Ekundayo Y., Jason R. Lambert, and Peng Zhang. "Mechanisms for hiring discrimination of immigrant applicants in the United States." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 4 (April 18, 2020): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-08-2019-0218.

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PurposeFew studies examine how hiring discrimination can be an antecedent to the labor exploitation of immigrant workers. The main purpose of this paper is to advance the theoretical understanding of how the intersectionality of race and immigrant status affects differential hiring treatment, and how it affects job offers, job acceptance and hiring decision outcomes for immigrant job seekers.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws from theories on status and intersectionality, and literature on immigration labor and racial hierarchy, addressing the unequal power relations that underlie race and immigration status affecting the hiring process, to advance critical understandings of why immigrant job seekers accept positions where they may be exploited.FindingsThis paper provides a conceptual model to critically synthesize the complexity between race and immigrant status, and their effect on the experience of immigrant job seekers differently. Exploitation opportunism is introduced to better understand the mechanisms of hiring discrimination among immigrant job seekers to include the role of race, immigrant status, economic motivations and unequal power relations on the hiring process.Practical implicationsThe framework for exploitation opportunism will help employers improve the quality and fairness of their hiring methods, and empower immigrant job seekers to not allow themselves to accept subpar job offers which can lead to exploitation.Originality/valueThe paper provides an original analysis of immigrant job seekers' experience of the hiring process that reveals the intragroup differences among immigrants based on race and status, and the decision-making mechanisms that hiring managers and immigrant job seekers use to evaluate job offers and job acceptance.

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Brooks, Jeffrey S., and Gaetane Jean‐Marie. "Black leadership, white leadership: race and race relations in an urban high school." Journal of Educational Administration 45, no. 6 (October 2, 2007): 756–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09578230710829928.

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Weeks, Mollie R., and Amanda L. Sullivan. "Correction to: Discrimination Matters: Relations of Perceived Discrimination to Student Mental Health." School Mental Health 12, no. 4 (September 12, 2020): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12310-020-09391-w.

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41

Marx, Anthony W. "Race-Making and the Nation-State." World Politics 48, no. 2 (January 1996): 180–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0003.

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Why was official racial domination enforced in South Africa and the United States, while nothing comparable to apartheid or Jim Crow was constructed in Brazil? Slavery and colonialism established the pattern of early discrimination in all three cases, and yet the postabolition racial orders diverged. Miscegenation influenced later outcomes, as did economic competition, but neither was decisive. Interpretations of these historical and economic factors were shaped by later developments. This article argues that postabolition racial orders were significantly shaped by the processes of nation-state building in each context. In South Africa and the United States ethnic or regional “intrawhite” conflict impeding nation-state consolidation was contained by racial domination. Whites were unified by excluding blacks, in an ongoing dynamic that took different forms. Continued competition and tensions between the American North and South or South Africa's English and Afrikaners were repeatedly resolved or diminished through further entrenchment of Jim Crow or apartheid. With no comparable conflict requiring reconciliation in Brazil, no official racial domination was constructed, although discrimination continued. The dynamics of nation-state building are then reviewed to explain variations in black mobilization and the end of apartheid and Jim Crow.

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Assari, Shervin. "Social Epidemiology of Perceived Discrimination in the United States: Role of Race, Educational Attainment, and Income." International Journal of Epidemiologic Research 7, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijer.2020.24.

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Background and aims: This study aimed to compare non-Hispanic Black (NHB) and non-Hispanic White (NHW) American adults for the associations of educational attainment and household income with perceived racial discrimination. Methods: The 2010 National Alcohol Survey (NAS N12), a nationally representative study, included 2635 adults who were either NHB (n=273) or NHW (n=2362). We compared NHBs and NHWs for the associations between education, income, and perceived racial discrimination. We used linear regression for data analysis. Outcome was perceived racial discrimination; the predictors were educational attainment and household income; covariates were age and gender; and moderator was race. Results: In the total sample, high income was associated with lower levels of perceived racial discrimination, while educational attainment was not significantly associated with perceived racial discrimination. There was also an interaction between race and education but not household income, suggesting a difference in the association between educational attainment and perceived racial discrimination between NHB and NHW individuals. For NHW individuals, household income was inversely associated with perceived racial discrimination. For NHB individuals, however, household income was not related to perceived racial discrimination. For NHB but not NHW individuals, educational attainment was correlated with more not less perceived racial discrimination. Conclusion: High income protects NHW but not NHB individuals against perceived racial discrimination, and NHB individuals with high education levels report more not less perceived racial discrimination.

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Jervis, Kathe. ""How Come There Are No Brothers on That List?": Hearing the Hard Questions All Children Ask." Harvard Educational Review 66, no. 3 (September 1, 1996): 546–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.66.3.mv0034808237266r.

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In this article, Kathe Jervis explores how children's experiences of race, even in the "best" schools, often go unnoticed by faculty, and how students' questions about race go unaddressed. As she documented the initial year of a New York City public middle school, Jervis did not intend to focus her observations on issues of race. However, in retrospect, she found children's questions about race and ethnicity were prominent in her field notes, and educator's responses significantly absent. Jervis suggests that even in schools that seek to create diverse and integrated school communities, silence about race prevails. She argues that unless educators consciously create the safe spaces for both children and adults to explore honestly the implications of race, culture, and ethnicity, discussions of race that might be opened by children's seemingly inconsequential questions are not pursued. Jervis concludes that, although discussions about race are difficult, educators — especially White educators — need to focus attention on race and racism if children's questions about discrimination and equity are ever to be part of school discourse.

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Dávila, Jerry. "Challenging Racism in Brazil. Legal Suits in the Context of the 1951 Anti-Discrimination Law." Varia Historia 33, no. 61 (April 2017): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752017000100008.

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Abstract This article examines efforts to define the nature of racial discrimination in Brazil, within an environment shaped by perceptions of the meaning of racism in the United States and perceptions about the nature of race relations in the lusophone world. The article asks how did black Brazilians work to define discrimination, and what opportunities did they find to mount challenges? This study elucidates reactions to discrimination, looking for these acts where they occurred rather than where the U.S. experience tells us to find them, exploring efforts to define discrimination and to create means to challenge it. Though these efforts often dialogued with ever-present perceptions about race in the U.S., they were adapted to particular legal, political, social and cultural circumstances in the Brazil of their time. In particular, I examine challenges to discrimination through criminal suits brought under Brazil's 1951 anti-discrimination law.

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Stout, Vanessa, Eric Earnhart, and Mariam Nagi. "Teaching Race and Ethnicity in the Age of Trump: Using Popular Culture in a Polarized Classroom." Teaching Sociology 48, no. 3 (June 20, 2020): 220–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x20928469.

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Teaching race and ethnicity in various sociology courses, we found students in our classes can be very reluctant to approach the subject of race, discrimination, and racism. Moreover, during class discussion, they often have a hard time defining and analyzing these concepts. In this study, we examine how popular culture can be a useful tool to teach difficult subjects, such as race and ethnicity. Instead of a traditional lecture, we had students watch the popular Cartoon Network series Teen Titans. Using the characters’ interactions from this series as examples, students constructed definitions of racism and discrimination. The result of this study demonstrates that students may be more comfortable recognizing and discussing fictional characters’ racist or discriminatory behavior as a way of entering the conversation. After discussing fictional examples, students effectively link events from the cartoon to the subsequent lecture about race and racism.

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Gabe, Jonathan. "‘Race’-Education Policy as Social Control?" Sociological Review 42, no. 1 (February 1994): 26–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1994.tb02991.x.

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This paper focuses on the instrumentalist Marxist model which has been used to explain the policies of the British state in the field of ‘race’-education. After discussing the model's core assumptions and its application in this field the paper explores the model's explanatory adequacy through a case study of the role of the quasi-state agencies of the ‘race’-relations industry in developing ‘race’-education policy in initial teacher education. It ends by considering whether a new conceptual framework is needed to understand ‘race’-education policy.

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Curtin, Deirdre, and Mark Geurts. "Race Discrimination and the European Union Anno 1996: From Rhetoric to Legal Remedy?" Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 14, no. 2 (June 1996): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405199601400203.

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The question of the legal competence of the EU to adopt binding measures to assist in combatting racial discrimination has traditionally not received much attention. The Treaty on European Union does not include a general prohibition of discrimination but only of (pay related) sex discrimination. Moreover, the Treaty provision outlawing discrimination on grounds of nationality has generally been interpreted as limited to discrimination between nationals of the Member States. For the rest, if anything, the Treaty provisions actually reinforce unequal treatment between the legal situation of migrants with the nationality of a Member State and ‘third country nationals’ (in particular the free movement of persons provisions and the definition of European Union citizenship, as introduced by the Maastricht Treaty). This not only risks feeding xenophobia, it is also an unacceptable starting-point to combat the disgraceful manifestations of racism in the territory of the Member States of the European Union. It is significant that in the run up to the Inter-Governmental Conference to amend the terms of the Treaty, a widely made proposal is to include a prohibition on discrimination on grounds inter alia of race and ethnic origin. A tandem proposal is to provide equal treatment for established third country nationals in certain respects. This article examines both the current situation (possible judicial and legislative approaches) as well as the desirable Treaty amendments.

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Wolters, Raymond, Harold Cruse, and Charles A. Lofgren. "Segregation, Integration, and Pluralism: Approaches to American Race Relations." History of Education Quarterly 29, no. 1 (1989): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368610.

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Gatewood, Willard B., and Edmund L. Drago. "Initiative, Paternalism, and Race Relations: Charleston's Avery Normal Institute." History of Education Quarterly 31, no. 1 (1991): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368817.

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Flannery, Mércia Santana. "“She discriminated against her own race”." Narrative Inquiry 18, no. 1 (August 15, 2008): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.18.1.06fla.

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Current studies within narrative analysis and sociolinguistics have shown that identities are emergent and negotiated in current talk and, thus, not pre-existing the now and then of a given interaction. This article presents the analysis of a story told by a black Brazilian woman describing an episode of racial discrimination between two black characters in which prejudice was transmitted through the voice of a white figure. While the storyteller articulates the multi-layered voicing in her story, she also portrays relationships and makes identity claims for herself while also drawing on, and sometimes contradicting, prevailing ideologies of race and racism in her culture. I analyze the linguistic means through which the narrator constructs different positioning levels (Bamberg, 1997) while the roles of author, figure and principal (Goffman, 1981) shift to represent the actions performed in the story world by its different characters. The narrator’s main strategies are the lamination of the characters’ speech through constructed dialogue and references to skin color, which enable her to interpret the episode of discrimination toward an individual of the same race.

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