Relevant bibliographies by topics / Racial violence during the Vietnam War

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Academic literature on the topic 'Racial violence during the Vietnam War'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Racial violence during the Vietnam War"

1

MOYAR, MARK. "Political Monks: The Militant Buddhist Movement during the Vietnam War." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (2004): 749–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001295.

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From November 1963 to July 1965, the militant Buddhist movement was the primary cause of political instability in South Vietnam. While the militant Buddhists maintained that they represented the Buddhist masses and were fighting merely for religious freedom, they actually constituted a small and unrepresentative minority that was attempting to gain political dominance. Relying extensively on Byzantine intrigue and mob violence to manipulate the government, the militant Buddhists practiced a form of political activism that was inconsistent with traditional Vietnamese Buddhism. The evidence also suggests that some of the militant Buddhist leaders were agents of the Vietnamese Communists.
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2

Olund, Eric. "Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 2 (2017): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817696499.

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Using the example of the WWI-US Commission on Training Camp Activities, I argue that racialized biopolitical projects entail multiple, specific spatio-temporalities that seek to enact different racial futures within and between racial categories. What I call “victorious whiteness”, “infinite whiteness” and “static blackness” assembled by the Commission on Training Camp Activities, and an “advancing blackness” pursued by black elites in opposition, interacted in a complex topology of early 20th-century efforts to protect trainee soldiers from venereal disease, and efforts to prevent racial violence, both of which endangered the war effort and thus the future of the white nation. This counters a tendency in much current literature on racial biopolitics to assert a stark binary between and homogeneity within the facilitation of white futurity and black risk failure within individual biopolitical projects.
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3

Bogle, Lori Lyn, and John Darrell Sherwood. "Black Sailor, White Navy: Racial Unrest in the Fleet during the Vietnam War Era." Journal of American History 96, no. 1 (2009): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694874.

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4

Huebner, Andrew J. ":Black Sailor, White Navy: Racial Unrest in the Fleet during the Vietnam War Era." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (2008): 1580–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1580.

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5

Stovall, Tyler. "The Color Line behind the Lines: Racial Violence in France during the Great War." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (1998): 737. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650570.

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6

Kalyvas, Stathis N., and Matthew Adam Kocher. "The Dynamics of Violence in Vietnam: An Analysis of the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES)." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 3 (2009): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309102656.

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The authors analyze a unique data source to study the determinants of violence against civilians in a civil war context. During the Vietnam War, the United States Department of Defense pioneered the use of quantitative analysis for operational purposes. The centerpiece of that effort was the Hamlet Evaluation System (HES), a monthly and quarterly rating of `the status of pacification at the hamlet and village level throughout the Republic of Vietnam'. Consistent with existing theoretical claims, the authors find that homicidal violence against civilians was a function of the level of territorial control exercised by the rival sides: Vietnamese insurgents relied on selective violence primarily where they enjoyed predominant, but not full, control; South Vietnamese government and US forces exercised indiscriminate violence primarily in the most rebel-dominated areas. Violence was less common in the most contested areas. The absence of spatial overlap between insurgent selective and incumbent indiscriminate violence, as well as the relative absence of violence from contested areas, demonstrates both the fundamental divergence between irregular and conventional war and the need for cautious use of violent events as indicators of conflict.
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7

Harrod, Fred. "Book Review: “Black Sailor, White Navy: “Racial Unrest in the Fleet during the Vietnam War Era." International Journal of Maritime History 21, no. 1 (2009): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140902100194.

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8

Mahini, Ramtin Noor-Tehrani (Noor), Erin Barth, and Jed Morrow. "Tim O’Brien’s “Bad” Vietnam War: The Things They Carried & Its Historical Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 10 (2018): 1283. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0810.05.

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Tim O’Brien was sent to Vietnam as a foot soldier in 1969, during the later part of the Vietnam War that can be called the “bad” or unwinnable war. Based on his experience, O'Brien's writing about the Vietnam War in his award-winning fiction novels is always "bad," meaning that the war was terrible for American grunts like himself, his fellow soldiers, and Vietnamese civilians, with practically no good or inspiring stories. Nevertheless, O’Brien touches upon almost all problems of American soldiers in the Vietnam War, but not many peer-reviewed authors or online literary analysis websites could identify or discuss them all. The purpose of this article is to discuss the war details in O’Brien’s The Things They Carried and its historical perspective, so that young middle and high school readers can understand the meaning behind Tim O'Brien's writing about the Vietnam War. The goal is to summarize the entire big picture of the Vietnam War and to help students determine whether American soldiers’ actions, as described by Tim O’Brien, were morally right or wrong and were legal or forbidden according to the US law of war. The war-related issues that O’Brien mentioned in this novel are: boredom and meaningless death, abusive violence toward Vietnamese noncombatants, drug use, in-fighting, thefts within barracks, grief, rage, self-mutilation, mutilation of enemy corpses, and senseless animal and civilian killings.
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9

Rasler, Karen. "War, Accommodation, and Violence in the United States, 1890–1970." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (1986): 921–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960545.

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War, postwar demobilization, and economic depression are national crises that ultimately test the state's capacity to respond simultaneously to internal and external challenges. This analysis probes the nexus between crises and domestic violence, investigating how this relationship is mediated by the influence of two variables: the severity of crisis and the presence or absence of government accommodation. Box-Tiao impact assessment models are used to estimate the separate and combined effects of American involvements in wars (the Spanish-American War, World Wars I and II, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars), their postwar periods, and the 1930s depression on economic, social, and political forms of American violence from 1890 to 1970. After establishing historical evidence for the role of national accommodation, I demonstrate that strong, positive associations between severe crises and domestic violence are to be found during the tenure of nonaccommodating administrations. Accommodating governments are associated with either negative or historically weak linkages between severe crises and domestic violence. Overall, the evidence underscores the benefit of using broad theoretical perspectives for understanding the linkages between international and domestic conflict.
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10

Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun. "Journeys for Peace and Liberation: Third World Internationalism and Radical Orientalism during the U.S. War in Vietnam." Pacific Historical Review 76, no. 4 (2007): 575–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2007.76.4.575.

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This article introduces a forthcoming book project that examines the international travels of American antiwar activists during the U.S. War in Vietnam. Specifically, it explores how going beyond the nation's borders fostered and solidified a sense of internationalism, a conviction of political solidarity, with Third World nations among U.S. radicals of varying backgrounds. This study builds on recent trends in Asian American history and contributes to the scholarship on social movements during the ““long decade”” of the 1960s by providing a transnational, racially comparative, and gendered analysis of political activism. It also introduces the concept of ““radical Orientalism”” to describe the ways in which Americans of varying racial backgrounds perceived, imagined, and understood Asia, its culture, and its peoples as sources of political inspiration.
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