Academic literature on the topic 'Racism against Blacks'
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Journal articles on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Liyana A, Ancy, and Anu Baisel. "Unveiling Color-Blind Racism: Racial Violence, Identity, and Resistance in Sue Monk Kidd’s The Secret Life of Bees." World Journal of English Language 14, no. 1 (November 20, 2023): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v14n1p135.
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Racism is pervasive in society; its roots have been deeply ingrained into individuals’ lives, hindering African Americans' ability to achieve stability and peace. It is established in favor of societal convictions that primarily benefit whites to maintain their superiority and dominance over Blacks. Naturally, white people are the foundation of racial supremacy, pretending to treat Blacks equally through practices such as color-blind racism yet limiting Blacks in different fields. African Americans continue to be victims of the dominant ideology of color-blind racism, which produces significant racial tension and conflict in American culture. Correspondingly, they face racial inequities in their daily lives. This study's primary goal is to examine how racial violence still exists in the form of color-blind racism in one of Kidd's most famous novels, The Secret Life of Bees, in which Lily, the white protagonist, is prejudiced against African Americans. Eventually, Lily realizes her ingrained white racial guilt and strives to change it once she embraces the Black community by valuing their identity. In addition, the study also examines how Lily recognizes society's color-blind racist approach, which attempts to instill racism in order to impact and constrain Blacks as an inferior race. Finally, the findings of this study provide a clear picture of the hegemonic ideology known as color-blind racism and how its ideals in practice affect the lives of Black people while favoring the prejudice and discrimination of white characters in the novel.
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Francis, Leigh-Anne. "Playing the “Lady Sambo”." Meridians 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8308363.
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Abstract In the post–Civil War South, black women litigants made conscious tactical appeals to white male judges’ racism, particularly the racist-sexist stereotypes at the heart of the white paternalism ethos, in order to win lawsuits against whites who defrauded them. African American women’s arsenal of legal strategies included the “Lady Sambo,” an intentional racialized gender performance of feigned ignorance. By performing the “Lady Sambo”—an ignorant, servile black woman in need of protection—some poor black women mobilized their expertise in white racism to defend their economic rights. In a white-dominated society predicated upon the denial of black rights, freedom, and dignity, poor black women seeking justice in civil court cases had to employ resistance strategies that did not openly challenge white authority. In white paternalism, a cultural mainstay of the postbellum South, poor black women discerned and wrested an opportunity to covertly resist economic racism. Unable to attenuate or eradicate structural racism, black women treated racism as a weakness that, at times, made whites vulnerable to manipulation. As long as judges’ legal decisions left the white male power structure intact, some black women were the potential beneficiaries of jurists’ racial paternalism ethos. While whites imagined themselves as controlling paternalistic exchanges with blacks, black people engaged whites as conscious actors drawing on a keen understanding of white people’s supremacist self-perceptions and projections onto blacks. When possible, black women exploited white racism to their advantage and white judges’ racial paternalism ethos occasioned such exploitation. In so doing, black women earned their legal victories by acting intentionally and with savvy.
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Wabyanga, Robert Kuloba. ""I Am Black and Beautiful": A Black African Reading of Song of Songs 1:5-7 as a Protest Song." Old Testament Essays 34, no. 2 (November 18, 2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2312-3621/2021/v34n2a16.
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Adamo's article on Ebed-Melech's protest brings fresh insight into my earlier article on Song of Songs 1:5-7, prompting me to reread the text as a protest song (essay) against the racial stigmata that continue to bedevil black people in the world. The current article, using hermeneutics of appropriation, maintains the meaning of שְׁחוֹרָה as a black person, who in the Song of Songs protests against the racism, which transformed her status to that of a socioeconomic other. The study is informed by the contemporary and historical contexts of racial injustices and stigma suffered by Blacks for 'being' while Black. The essay investigates this question: In which ways does Adamo's reading of Jer 38:1-17 influence an African reading of Song 1:5-7 as a protest against racism? The article employs African Biblical Hermeneutics, as part of a creative and literary art in the protests against racism, to read the biblical text as our story-a divine story, which in the language of Adamo, has inherent divine power that can empower oppressed black people.
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Charles, Jean Max. "The Slave Revolt That Changed the World and the Conspiracy Against It: The Haitian Revolution and the Birth of Scientific Racism." Journal of Black Studies 51, no. 4 (March 4, 2020): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720905128.
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This paper argues, first, that despite the transnational impact of the Haitian Revolution, it remains mostly unknown in the Western hemisphere. This is primarily the result of an international racist project to repress the idea of Black Revolution and undermine Haiti’s progress. Second, I argue that, since the second half of the 19th century, intellectuals and social scientists have contributed to this racial project, and thus that scientific racism was born primarily as a response to the Haitian Revolution. The proliferation of racially oriented pseudosciences was part of significant efforts on the part of European and American intellectuals to undermine the notion of Black Revolution and Black power, and to demonstrate that Blacks were not capable of self-governance.
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Tini Mogea and Salaki Reynaldo Joshua. "Discrimination Against Mulatto as Reflected in Faulkner’s Light in August." LITERACY : International Scientific Journals of Social, Education, Humanities 1, no. 2 (August 10, 2022): 04–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.56910/literacy.v1i2.207.
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The purpose of this study is to reveal discrimination in Faulkner’s Light in August. This study is qualitative, which means that the data are in the form of words, thus the data got from the novel and other books are relevant to this research. In analyzing the data, the writer uses a mimetic approach in order to reveal discrimination in Light in August. The findings show that when slavery was embodied, these freed blacks did not automatically obtain equal rights as the whites. The white Americans have treated the blacks unequally. They have excluded the blacks from the white orphanage, schools, and colleges. Besides, they do not allow people of mixed parentage to enter the white school. People of mixed parentage, in spite of their white skin, are regarded as blacks and therefore should enter the black school. In employment, white Americans often refuse to hire black workers because of their racial prejudice of blacks as lazy, lacking in initiative, inferior and untrustworthy. In law enforcement, African Americans receive unequal legal protection. White Americans may cheat, strike, and even kill the blacks but black Americans may not. When a black man kills a white man, he will soon be sentenced to death or lynched. The blacks receive harsher sentences than white Americans and they are easily sentenced to death or lynched. White racism may destroy all the aspects of American life such as politics, culture, social relations, education, employment, and legal protection because it will array white and black Americans against each other which could eventually destroy the social structure of the United States.
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Rezazade, Faeze, and Esmaeil Zohdi. "The Influence of Childhood Training on the Adulthood Rejection of Discrimination in Go Set a Watchman." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 76 (March 2017): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.76.15.
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Racial prejudice, injustice, and discrimination against people of colored skin, especially African Americans, has become a global issue since the twenty century. Blacks are deprived of their rights regardless of their human natures and are disenfranchised from White’s societies due to their skin color which has put them as inferior and clownish creatures in White’s point of view. Although many anti-racist effort and speeches has done to solve racist issues and eliminate racism and its circumstances, still racism is alive and Blacks are suffering from it. Although, many White individuals accept themselves as anti-racist characters that color of skin does not matter to them, they still show prejudice and discrimination towards Blacks and cannot consider them as equal as themselves. A reason to such Whites’ thought and behavior is that they have faced this issue since their childhood and therefore they cannot change it because this attitude is entangled with their personality and is deeply ingrained in them. Thus, a way to stop and eliminate discrimination, prejudice, and injustice is to train children, the next generation, as anti-racist and color-blind characters. In this regard, it has been tried to investigate the role of children training in the elimination of social and racial discrimination in Harper Lee’s Go Set a Watchman (2015), which is sequel novel to her masterpiece To Kill a Mockingbird (1960). Moreover, Jean Piaget’s theory of Children’s Cognitive Development has been used for a better understanding of this investigation.
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Saucier, Donald A., Carol T. Miller, and Nicole Doucet. "Differences in Helping Whites and Blacks: A Meta-Analysis." Personality and Social Psychology Review 9, no. 1 (February 2005): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327957pspr0901_1.
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The amount of help given to Blacks versus Whites is often assumed to reflect underlying levels of racism (or lack thereof). This meta-analysis assessed discrimination against Blacks in helping studies. The overall effect size for the 48 hypothesis tests did not show universal discrimination against Blacks (d = .03, p = .103). However, consistent with the predictions of aversive racism, discrimination against Blacks was more likely when participants could rationalize decisions not to help with reasons having nothing to do with race. Specifically, when helping was lengthier, riskier, more difficult, more effortful, and when potential helpers were further away from targets, less help was given to Blacks than to Whites. Interestingly, discrimination against Blacks was shown when there were higher levels of emergency. This suggests that discrimination may occur when the ability to control prejudicial responding is inhibited, or when the arousal of the emergency is misattributed to intergroup anxiety.
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Khattak, Manzoor Ahmad, Hoor Shamail Khattak, and Abdul Rahim. "COLOR-LINE DIVISION OF SOCIAL MILIEU DURING THE EMANCIPATION ERA IN THE UNITED STATES: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY APPRAISAL." March 2024 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2024): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jssd/03-01-2024-04-45-51.
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The present study is an attempt to explore the depiction of racism in the era of emancipation by reviewing two representative texts: Of Our Spiritual Strivings by W. E. B. Du Bois, and The Jim Crow Laws and Racism in United States written by David Fremon, and telefilm The Birth of a Nation directed by D. W. Griffith. After the official abolition of slavery by 13th Amendment of the Constitution, the problem of racism not only emerged but reached to its peak in that epoch in United States. It adversely affected both the black and white races for a period of almost one hundred years. Racism divided social milieu in US based on skin color. Dogmatically the darker in color would mean the cursed. The hatred against Blacks was institutionalized. Racially biased laws called Jim Crow Laws were enacted by many southern states. Private gangs such as Ku Klux Klan were formed who would find excuses for lynching and killing the blacks. The blacks were marginalized up to a limit which shook their souls and called ‘double consciousness’ by W.E.B. Du Bois. The essay tries to reconnoiter the traces of miseries of blacks from slavery towards racism through interdisciplinary critique of selected writings and a film.
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Shrivastava, Dr Ku Richa. "Black Feminism as a Literary Tradition." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 8 (July 27, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i8.9277.
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The research paper posits to detail the black literary tradition.When the American art is viewed as a whole, the contribution of blacks is found in a miniature fraction, if we exclude their folk tradition of melody and dances. Merely, three generations have been passed of blacks’ early years. The black literary tradition has immediately passed its immaturity. At first, the silent era subsequent to slavery has existed. Folk tales and music inform readers about these black writers and artists who have lived and died. African - American literature has propagated the fact that blacks have been repressed. They resisted against relentless repression. After reconstruction period black lips became verbal. This new black man took two to three generations to expand his inspirations and contemplations to correspond to his own sentiments. Those black male authors have no evidence to converse for blacks who took three quarters of a century (75 years) to visible them in a literary tradition.
Black women voices have been suppressed in context of black women’s literature and black cultural tradition. African - American women have been excluded from western writings in historical period. Both African American men and White men have denied African - American women a platform in literary tradition. Reading text has influenced African - American women to raise voice against racism. The institutional practices of racism by white patriarchal power structure have rebuffed to acknowledge black women historically. The racism and gender oppression practiced against black women persuaded them to write with reference to the perspectives of black women. After 1960’s, the black writings flourished. In Reading Black Reading Feminist a Critical Anthology (1990) edited by Henry Louis Gates, states expression of Anna Julia Cooper. She lays emphasis on recognition of black women literary tradition was in need to claim authority. Since 1970, with the publication of literary artifacts of African tradition, black women have come in the vanguard of African - American literary tradition. Several Black women writers works are studied and intertwined into a literary tradition like, Anna Julia Cooper, Zora Neale Hurston, Barbara Christian, Alice Walker, Patricia Hills Collins, Bell Hooks and Angela Y. Davis. Social animosities have been made between black women and black men with black women’s success of literary tradition and black men sexism towards them.
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Mustafa, Hameed Abdullah, and Sherzad Shafi'h Barzani. "The African-American Poets' Struggle for the Rights of People: A Study in Claude McKay's Selected Poems." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 821–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.22.
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This study scrutinizes selected protest poems written by the prominent black poet of the Harlem Renaissance Claude McKay (1889-1948). McKay is considered as a key literary figure of the Negro movement who played a significant role in struggling for and awakening his own people to demand their rights. His major aspiration was to end all forms of prejudice and oppression against blacks portrayed in his poems during the most effective movement in African American literary history comprising the times between 1920 to almost the mid-1930s. McKay established himself as a powerful literary voice for social justice during the Harlem Renaissance constantly struggling for people's identity and rights against the widespread prejudice, segregation, and racism against blacks in America and worldwide along with his pride in his black race and culture. These central issues had different impacts on the Harlem Renaissance and on the lives and works of those who participated in that movement; depicting how both race and racism could define the African American experience in the early twentieth century, as well. McKay, skillfully combined traditional forms and political protest in many of his sonnets. He took the old poetic genre and made it new and relevant to his own project by examining within its bounds unconventional and contemporary subjects. Along with his poetic diction and imagery, he juxtaposes contrasting images to show the hypocritic nature of America, showing his inevitable faith in the country. McKay's enthusiasm for and belief in the authority of intellectuals was strengthened by his understanding of America's deep-rooted racism. He closes many of his sonnets with gloomy observations of blacks' sufferings. The clear conclusion of his struggle was the fact that negro writers succeeded in showcasing the sufferings of people, incited blacks to demand their legal rights, and proved they are capable of everything and as genius as whites. Keywords: McKay, Struggles, Racism, identity, prejudice, rights.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Kumler, Donna J. ""They Have Gone From Sherman": The Courthouse Riot of 1930 and Its Impact on the Black Professional Class." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277801/.
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This study describes the development of the black business and professional community with emphasis on the period from 1920 to 1930, the riot itself, and the impact of the episode on the local black community. It utilizes traditional historical research methods, county records, contemporary newspapers, and oral history.
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Mays, Nicholas S. "`WHAT WE GOT TO SAY:’ RAP AND HIP HOP’S SOCIAL MOVEMENT AGAINST THE CARCERAL STATE & CRIME POLITICS IN THE AGE OF RONALD REAGAN’S WAR ON DRUGS." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627656723125548.
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Amin, Larry. "Harlem Renaissance: Politics, Poetics, and Praxis in the African and African American Contexts." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1180021663.
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Gibson, Chantal N. "Writing(s) against 'The Promised Land' : an autobiographical exploration of identity, hybridity and racism." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11540.
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Canada's continued forgetfulness concerning slavery here, and the nation-state's
attempts to record only Canada's role as a place of sanctuary for
escaping African-Americans, is part of the story of absenting blackness
from its history.
Rinaldo Walcott
The fact that people of African descent have had a presence in Canada for over
four hundred years is not well known within the Canadian mainstream. The fact that
slavery existed as an institution in Canada is another fact that is not well known. Within
the Canadian mainstream writing of African-Canadian history, Blacks most often appear
in historical narratives around the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries, as
American fugitives or refugees—either as escaping slaves or British Loyalists. Through
the representative writing of the "the Black refugee," Canada is often constructed as a
"Promised Land," a sanctuary or safe haven for Blacks, a place of refuge and redemption
that does not speak to the complex history of slavery that existed well before the
American exodus.
Many Black Canadian writers and scholars argue that there is a price to be paid
for this kind of representation. First, the absence of people of African descent in
Canadian historical narratives, prior to the coming o f the American refugees, ignores the
long presence of Blacks in Canada and the contributions that Blacks have made in the
development of Canada. Second, in focusing on the American Loyalists and refugee
slaves, Canadian writers and historians often construct Black Canadians as a
homogenous, genderless group, ignoring the diversity within Canada's Black population
and, in particular, the concerns of Black women. Finally, the mainstream representation
of Canada as a 'safe haven' proves problematic for any critical discussion of racism in
contemporary Canadian society, for notions of "Canada the good" and "America the evil"
that arose from those crossings North still penetrate the Canadian mainstream today.
This autobiocritical exploration examines the representation of the haven and
offers alternative readings to contemporary mainstream writings of African-Canadian
history. In part one, I track the appearance of Black Canadians, over the past fifty years,
from 1949 to 2001, in a survey of mainstream and scholarly texts. Using the results of
this survey, which does not see the appearance of Blacks in Canada until 1977, I examine
how mainstream texts might use the works of Black writers to offer more critical and
complex histories of Black Canadians and, in particular, Black women. In part two, I
take up an analysis of George Elliott Clarke's Beatrice Chancy. Seen as a counter-narrative
to mainstream writings of African-Canadian history, Clarke's work, which
takes up the subject of slavery in early-nineteenth century Nova Scotia, presents an/Other
kind of Loyalist story, one with a Black woman at its centre. In this discussion I examine
how Clarke's poetic work subverts the national narrative, as he speaks to the diversity
within blackness and the complexities in defining racial identities.
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Batista, Adriano dos Santos. "A (in)visibilidade do racismo de negritude na escola: um estudo com professores brasileiros." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/20349.
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O processo educacional tem importância estratégica para a manutenção de racismos e
preconceitos, assim como representa um veículo de possibilidade de mudanças e
desconstruções dos padrões estabelecidos socialmente e de combate ao racismo no
contexto brasileiro. Neste sentido, a Lei 10.639/03 estabelece a obrigatoriedade do
ensino da história e cultura afro-brasileira e africana, em caráter institucional, e, em
consequência disso, o envolvimento dos professores neste processo se faz necessário.
No entanto, no plano das relações sociais, os professores podem não estar atentos à
relevância do assunto em questão. Assim nos parece de suma importância verificar o
grau de auto-eficácia dos professores no cumprimento desta importante tarefa. Este
estudo teve a Teoria Social Cognitiva de Bandura como Fundamentação teórica. Os
dados foram coletados através de 3 questionários, com escala Likert. Utilizou-se a
Escala de Auto-eficácia de Professores desenvolvido por Megan Tschannen-Moran e
Anita Woolfolk Hoy, adaptado à língua portuguesa por Matos e Nogueira (2008), que
tem por finalidade mensurar a auto-eficácia dos professores. Como não encontramos um
instrumento que mensurasse a auto-eficácia com a especificidade de lidar com o
racismo de negritude, optamos por elaborar um questionário com situações de
preconceitos relativos à ascendência étnica de negritude no cotidiano da sala de aula, em formato de 7 vinhetas no qual os professores responderam questões abertas sobre as
intenções comportamentais para lidar com cada situação proposta. Após responderem as
questões, os professores se auto avaliaram numa escala tipo Likert marcando de 1 a 9 a
sua crença na capacidade de efetivar em atitudes as ações por eles propostas. No
tratamento estatístico de análise quantitativa, os resultados apontam que esta escala
possui qualidades que recomendam a sua utilização. Analisamos assim o nível de auto
eficácia de racismo de negritude (AERN) relacionando às variáveis sexo, idade, grau de
habilitação e anos de escolaridade onde ficou evidente não haver diferenças
significativas entre essas variáveis. Houve correlações positivas e estatisticamente
significativas quando se analisou a auto-eficácia de negritude dos professores que lidam
diretamente com o que preconiza a Lei 10.639/03. Ou seja, os professores pesquisados
tiveram índices satisfatórios de auto-eficácia e também tiveram níveis satisfatórios de
auto-eficácia de racismo de negritude. Quando utilizamos a análise qualitativas para
avaliar as estratégias de intervenção ditas pelos professores que sentiam-se capazes de realizar, os resultados demonstraram que a maior parte dos professores tendem a ser
bastantes interventivos frente a uma situação de preconceito racial de negritude. Os
resultados aqui encontrados e a escala por nós desenvolvida necessitam da realização de
novos estudos que possam corroborar com os mesmos, pois a auto-eficácia elevada dos
professores não necessariamente asseguram que os mesmos seriam capazes de efetivar
as intenções comportamentais em atitudes de intervenção pedagógicas positivas no que
diz respeito ao combate ao racismo de negritude conforme estabelece a Lei 10.639/03.Issues related to racism against blacks have only recently been the object of scientific research in Brazil, in spite of the existence of racist practices since the foundation of the independent Brazilian State. In that sense, the educational process has a great importance either for maintaining the current situation or for provoking changes and desconstruction of established social patterns. Aimed at improving the awareness of racism, Federal Law 10.639/2003 was passed, which established compulsory teaching of contents related to African and Afro-Brazilian history and culture. Thus, researching the degree of self-efficacy of Brazilian teachers in performing such task in the educational process is important. In the literature review, a reliable instrument for measuring self-efficacy was chosen: Teacher Self-Efficacy Scale – TSES developed by Megan Tschannen-Moran and Anita Woolfolk Hoy, adapted to the Portuguese language by Matos and Nogueira (2008), which is aimed at measuring teacher’s general selfefficacy. As we did not find any instrument for measuring teacher´s self-efficacy related to racism against blacks, we chose to construct and test its psychometrical properties. Results indicate that such scale has qualities which recommend its use. We analyzed the level of self-efficacy related to racism against blacks (SERB) and no significant differences for sex and age of respondents were found. However, positive and statistically significant correlations were found for teachers who are involved in implementing the compulsory contents established by the law, confirming that only those teachers achieved satisfactory levels of self-efficacy related to racism against blacks. Results and the proposed scale need to be further studied for confirmation.
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Holdensen, Sine Bering. "Psychological processes underlying microaggressive communications by majority members against black people in Ireland." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/22988.
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Recently, research on racial microaggressions as a form of subtle racial discrimination has received
increasing attention. However, the perspective of the deliverer and the psychological antecedents of
racial microaggressions remain understudied. The present study investigated the psychological processes that predict the likelihood to communicate racial microaggressions among adult Irish ethnic
majority members (N = 254). Considering previous research on predictors of subtle prejudice and microaggressive communication, it was hypothesized that intrinsic and extrinsic anti-prejudice norms
would predict racial microaggressive communications with subtle forms of racial prejudice mediating
this relationship. Based on the tenets of the justification-suppression model of the expression of
prejudice, it was also expected that belief in a just world would exacerbate the relationship between
subtle racial prejudice and microaggressive likelihood. As expected, intrinsic norms negatively predicted microaggressive communications while extrinsic norms predicted them positively. The mediating role of subtle racial prejudice was partially supported: a) modern racism mediated the link be tween intrinsic norms and microaggressive likelihood, while b) aversive racism mediated the link be tween extrinsic norms and microaggressive likelihood. The latter suggests that anti-prejudice norms
in society may lead to increased intergroup anxiety which, in turn, may increase the likelihood to
communicate racial microaggressions. Belief in a just world was not a significant moderator in any of
the hypothesized associations. The results and their implications are discussed. Suggestions for future
research include an encouragement to incorporate both deliverer and receiver perspectives in studies
on racial microaggressions in order to understand their underlying psychological processes.Pesquisas sobre microagressões raciais como uma forma de discriminação racial sutil tem recebido atenção crescente. Todavia, a perspetiva do emissor e os antecedentes psicológicos das microagressões raciais permanecem pouco estudados. O presente estudo investigou os processos psicológicos que predizem a probabilidade de comunicar microagressões raciais entre membros adultos da maio ria étnica irlandesa (N = 254). Considerando pesquisas anteriores sobre o tema, formulou-se a hipótese de que as normas anti preconceito intrínsecas e extrínsecas preveriam comunicações racialmente microagressivas com formas sutis de preconceito racial mediando essa relação. Com base nos princípios do modelo de justificação-supressão da expressão do preconceito, esperava-se perceber que a crença em um mundo justo ampliasse a relação entre o preconceito racial sutil e a probabilidade microagressiva. Como esperado: normas intrínsecas previram negativamente as comunicações microagressivas e normas extrínsecas as previram positivamente. O preconceito racial sutil como mediador foi parcialmente apoiado: a) o racismo moderno mediou o vínculo entre as normas intrínsecas e a probabilidade microagressiva, enquanto b) o racismo aversivo mediou o vínculo entre as normas extrínsecas e a probabilidade microagressiva. Este último sugere que as normas anti preconceito na sociedade podem levar ao aumento da ansiedade intergrupal que, por sua vez, pode aumentar a probabilidade de comunicar microagressões raciais. A crença em um mundo justo não foi um moderador significativo nas associações testadas. Resultados e implicações são discutidos. Sugestões para pesquisas futuras incluem um incentivo para incorporar as perspetivas do emissor e do recetor em estudos sobre microagressões raciais para compreender seus processos psicológicos subjacentes.
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Ellis, Beth-Naomi. "Representation of race and gender: the social construction of "white" and "black" women in early British Columbian historical discourses: 1858-1900." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4493.
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In contemporary Canadian society women of all "races" are affected by the socially created, racialized and gendered images produced by a culture dominated by "White" males. These images are legacies of Western European cultural history which has traditionally constructed women and people of colour as the "Other", and such constructions have had the effect of restricting women and people of colour from participating fully in mainstream society. While both "White" and "Black" womens' lives have been specifically shaped by such constructs, most "White" women have failed to recognize that "race" has shaped their lives and placed them in a privileged position compared to women of colour, especially "Black" women. In order for "White" (and "Black") women to fully understand racism and sexism, which are both realities of modern societies, it is important for them to understand their historical origins. Therefore, this thesis, in an attempt to address these issues, examines the historical roots and the development of representations of gender and "race" and their specific connections to "Black" and "White" women. The case study involves a focused evaluation of the creation of racialized female symbolism in the early historical narratives of British Columbia between 1858-1900 when the first "Blacks" arrived in the province. These social constructions were compared to the actual lives of "Black" and "White" women of the time in order to gain a clearer understanding of society.
The study showed that representations of "White" and "Black" women were often not consistent with the reality of their lives. Women from both groups were frequently able to restructure and, in many cases, reject such images and create their own social reality. The research, while showing that "White" women were given a more privileged position than "Black" women, also illustrated the many similarities between the lives of women from both groups. Finally, by centering both "Black" and "White" women as the subjects of this study, it was possible to view history through a different lense than the traditional male dominated one.
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Cankech, Onencan Apuke. "Examining the Wrongs Against the Present African Women: An Enquiry on Black Women’s Roles and Contributions from Antiquity - A Black African Male Scholarly Comparative Perspective." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24546.
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The thesis examined the roles and contributions of Black women during the African ancient civilization by analyzing the lives, roles and contributions of Queen Hatshepsut and Nefertiti as case studies and interrogates how Black women positioned themselves as political, military and spiritual leaders during the age of antiquity. The argument is that African women were more involved as leaders in the affairs of their communities as compared to the contemporary times. By using African centered paradigms, Afrocentricity and juxtaposing robust anti-colonial and Black feminist thoughts, the thesis investigates and recreates systematic narratives of the past roles of African women at the very height of African civilization, discussed the changes in sex-gender roles and explained why contemporary women continue to experience difficulties in assessing position of leadership and resources. The study reproduces measured facts to confront the blurred roles and contributions of African women and situates it at the centre of education.
Books on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Austin, Clarke. Public enemies: Police violence and black youth. Toronto: HarperCollins Publishers, 1992.
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Against race: Imagining political culture beyond the color line. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2000.
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Harper, Kimberly. White man's heaven: The lynching and expulsion of blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894-1909. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2010.
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White man's heaven: The lynching and expulsion of blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894-1909. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2010.
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Seminario, "Etnicidad y. Salud" (2002 Montevideo Uruguay). Seminario "Etnicidad y Salud": Implementación de las resoluciones de Durban : Jueves 5 y Viernes 6 de diciembre 2002, Complejo Multicultural Mundo Afro. Montevideo, Uruguay: Ediciones Étnicas, 2003.
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Carmo, Luiz Carlos do. História das "funções de preto": Segregação, sonhos e trabalhadores negros na região central do Brasil. Curitiba, Brasil: Editora CRV, 2021.
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Muhammad, Khalil Gibran. The condemnation of blackness: Race, crime, and the making of modern urban America. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2010.
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Singh, H. P. The Indian struggle for justice and equality against black racism in Trinidad and Tobago: 1956-1962. Couva, Trinidad, West Indies: Indian Review Press, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Maucione, Jessica. "The Revelatory Racial Politics of the Sopranos." In Violence Against Black Bodies, 127–44. 1st edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, [2017]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315408705-11.
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Kinsella, Sharon. "Black Faces, Witches, and Racism against Girls." In Bad Girls of Japan, 143–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403977120_10.
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Watson, Elwood. "The Fires of Racial Discontent are Still Burning! Intensely!" In Violence Against Black Bodies, 17–37. 1st edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, [2017]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315408705-3.
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Martin, Lori Latrice, Kenneth Fasching-Varner, and Tifanie W. Pulley. "Death by Residential Segregation and the Post-Racial Myth." In Violence Against Black Bodies, 90–107. 1st edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, [2017]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315408705-8.
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Zoninsein, Jonas. "12 GDP Increases from Ending Long-Term Discrimination Against Blacks." In Beyond Racism, 351–70. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781588261564-013.
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Irons, Peter. "“All Blacks Are Angry”." In White Men's Law, 213–32. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914943.003.0012.
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This chapter examines the continuing disparities between Whites and Blacks through extensive social science data and studies of the impacts of systemic racism. It first utilizes what demographers call the dissimilarity index to measure housing segregation in major metropolitan areas; cities with heavily Black populations, such as Detroit, have become “hyper-segregated” with almost total “social isolation” of Blacks. The chapter then examines the long-standing academic and political debates over the causes of systemic racism, beginning in 1965 with a government report, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, by a young Labor Department aide, Daniel Patrick “Pat” Moynihan. He found the main cause of Black poverty and increasing single Black motherhood in the “pathology” of a “matriarchal” Black family structure in which males are neither needed nor welcome. Moynihan’s report spurred an angry rebuttal in a book by psychology professor William Ryan, Blaming the Victim, which found the main cause of Black poverty in the systemic racism of White society and culture. The chapter then looks at social science studies by William Julius Wilson (explaining the “racial invariance” of White and Black crime); psychologist John Dollard (explaining the prevalence of Black-on-Black crime with the “frustration-aggression-displacement” theory); and Black psychiatrists William Grier and Price Cobbs (explaining “Black rage” as rooted in White control of institutions that exclude or discriminate against Blacks). The chapter concludes with a look at the War on Drugs of the 1980s and 1990s and the resulting mass incarceration of Black men.
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Irons, Peter. "“Negroes Plan to Kill All Whites”." In White Men's Law, 115–34. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914943.003.0007.
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This chapter, which covers the first three decades of the twentieth century, begins with an account of the life and career of W. E. B. Du Bois, the most influential Black intellectual and social scientist of that period. A classic insider/outsider in American society, Du Bois earned a Harvard PhD in sociology and wrote a pioneering study of systemic racism in The Philadelphia Negro. He was also an outspoken activist in the Socialist Party and NAACP. Du Bois’s work placed him at the forefront of struggles against racism, especially in northern cities into which 1.5 million southern Blacks moved in the Great Migration, lured by the prospect of steady, well-paid factory jobs. These Black migrants, however, were outnumbered two to one by southern White migrants to those cities, who forced Blacks into ghettos with rundown, overcrowded housing and inferior schools. Tensions between the races intensified after World War I, sparking the “Red Summer” of 1919, with major race riots—instigated by Whites—in Washington, D.C., and Chicago, leaving dozens dead and thousand with burned-out homes. The bloodshed culminated that fall with the massacre of some two hundred Black tenant farmers and their families in the town of Elaine, Arkansas, followed two years later by another massacre, in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The decade of the 1920s offered northern Blacks little respite from the racism that kept them from escaping poverty.
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Bell, Derrick. "Brown as an Anticommunist Decision." In Silent Covenants. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195172720.003.0010.
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The Coincidence Of Litigation aimed at eliminating the constitutional justification of state-sponsored racial segregation and the nation’s need to strengthen its argument that democratic government was superior to its communist alternative was more than just a happy coincidence. It was, as indicated in the previous chapter, a helpful and necessary prerequisite to racial reform. Early in my teaching career, I devised a sardonic formula for what I had come to understand as the basic social physics of racial progress and retrenchment. The formula went something like this:… Justice for blacks vs. racism = racism Racism vs. obvious perceptions of white self-interest = justice for blacks… Students both black and white got the point, and the Brown decision provided a definitive example of it. Again and again, perceived self-interest by whites rather than the racial injustices suffered by blacks has been the major motivation in racial-remediation policies. We may regret but can hardly deny the pattern. This was certainly the case in the school desegregation cases. While blacks had been petitioning the courts for decades to find segregation unconstitutional, by 1954 a fortuitous symmetry existed between what blacks sought and what the nation needed. I do not intend by this conclusion to belittle the NAACP lawyers’ long years of hard work and their carefully planned strategies that brought the cases consolidated in Brown v. Board of Education to the Supreme Court. Indeed, the long crusade for racial justice has been marked by campaigns undertaken against great odds with the faith, as the old hymn puts it, that “the Lord will make a way somehow.” I agree with the legal writers who maintain that post–World War II civil rights progress would have come without Brown. None of us can deny that the Court had the NAACP school litigation as a legal canvas on which to paint its views. The motivation for what became the Brown portrait, as well as other post–World War II government policies supporting civil rights, were Cold War concerns. My views on this are impressively substantiated by the historian Mary Dudziak’s book, Cold War Civil Rights, based on her untiring searches through literally thousands of official government documents as well as international newspapers and news releases.
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Lyerly, Cynthia Lynn. "Slavery, Racism, and the Master-Slave Relationship." In Methodism and the Southern Mind, 1770-1810, 119–45. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195114294.003.0007.
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Abstract In His Biography Of Philip Gatch, John M’Lean wrote these words describing early Methodism. Gatch, a man M’Lean came to know in church, in politics, and in the courts, was one of the Virginia Methodists who freed his slaves and who so abhorred slavery that he emigrated to Ohio with his wife and children.2 With them also went four slaves whose manumission dates had not yet arrived because by Virginia law, any freed persons under the age of twenty-one were their former owner’s responsibility; to leave them in Virginia might have put their freedom in jeopardy. Gatch continued to work against slavery and for blacks in Ohio. As a delegate to the constitutional convention, he voted to keep Ohio a free state and supported black suffrage, although this latter measure did not pass. In his will he left part of his land to his four former slaves, by this time residents of Ohio.
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Kaplan, Lindsay. "Coda." In Figuring Racism in Medieval Christianity, 167–68. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190678241.003.0007.
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In focusing on a medieval theological discourse of figural slavery, this book demonstrates the racist force of the construction of inferior identities for Jews, Muslims, and Africans. Although these groups occupy complexly different positions in contemporary Western society, the medieval linkages between them nevertheless help us understand the recent rise in nationalism and white supremacism both in the United States and Europe. White supremacists and the alt-right have expressly drawn on medieval tropes and phrases to fabricate a notion of originary medieval Christian whiteness that they aspire to recreate in the contemporary moment. While no apparent rationale organizes white supremacists’ animus against blacks, Muslims, and Jews, the history of the ideology of white supremacy can be traced back to medieval Western Europe, when the concept of Christian superiority, often coded as white, opposed itself to an imagined infidel inferiority that correlated Jews, Muslims, and Africans.
Conference papers on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Anglim, Christopher. "Documenting Justice - Archivists and the Fight Against Covert Racism in the Contemporary United States." In 2nd Annual Faculty Senate Research Conference: Higher Education During Pandemics. AIJR Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.135.2.
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Pursuing an archival perspective, this study emphasizes documenting the experiences of activists involved in contemporary social justice movements (such as Black Lives Matter) to develop the historical record more fully, especially the need to include the voices of those from underrepresented groups. This study analyzes how archival practices can help develop and preserve a fuller record of the social justice movements and the ideas of those who fought covert racism both within academic settings and the greater society. To answer our research issues, the study used a literature review and a survey of activists and archival institutions. Our findings establish the value of archival research in academic institutions for students and the community in developing a fuller understanding of historically underrepresented and marginalized groups. Therefore, we conclude archives can play a major contribution to the understanding of contemporary social justice movements and to the issues of concern to these movements.
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Рахматулаева, Т. Г. "WHITE AND BLACK IN SOCIOLINGUISTICS AND POLITICAL DISCOURSE OR THE BATTLE OF WORDS VERSUS THE FIGHT AGAINST RACISM." In Socio-economics sciences & humanities (Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки): сборник статей LXXII International scientific conference (Санкт-Петербург, Декабрь 2023). Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/231225.2023.22.90.003.
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Нередко жизнь общества и различные социальные и политические проблемы приводят к изменениям в языке. В статье анализируется понятие/концепт "privilège blanc"/ «привилегии белых» или «белые привилегии» с точки зрения развития значения одного из компонентов, а именно, цветонаименования «белый». Анализ медиатекстов показал, что это слово приобретает социально-политическую коннотацию. Often the life of society and various social and political problems lead to changes in language. The article analyzes the concept of “privilege blanc” / “white privilege” from the point of view of the development of the meaning of one of the components, namely, the color name “white”. Analysis of media texts showed that this word acquires a socio-political connotation.
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Paulo, Avner, Carlos Eduardo Oliveira De Souza, Bruna Guimarães Lima e Silva, Flávio Luiz Schiavoni, and Adilson Siqueira. "Black Lives Matter." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10459.
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The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.
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Paape, Raik. "Analysis of the of Socio-Political, Economic and Settlement Policy Related Effects of Racial Segregation in South Africa." In Interdisciplinarity Counts. University of Maribor, University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.fov.3.2023.61.
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The paper deals with the socio-political, economic and settlement policy related effects of racial segregation in South Africa. Nowadays, not much has remained of the optimistic spirit of optimism from the Mandela era. The extent of nepotism, corruption and enrichment under subsequent ANC governments was so extensive that there is talk of 'state capture'. The increasing impoverishment to the point of starvation of lowincome earners especially during the Corona pandemic led to the radicalisation of society and the number of violent protests and riots increased. Race relations have also deteriorated. The black South African population feels abandoned by the government and partly transfers this resentment to the white South African population; the number of assaults is increasing. White South Africans have felt increasingly marginalised in public life and deprived of career advancement opportunities since 1994 due to the governments' 'affirmative action'. The complaint that "there used to be too little white and now there is too little black" leads to the statement: "Apartheid today is against whites".
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Lee, Stephanie Kyuyoung. "Hard Labor, Soft Space: The Making of Radical Ruralism." In 112th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.112.101.
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“Hard Labor, Soft Space” is a research-based design investigation on the current surge of collective farms and radical food systems in and around the Hudson Valley.What does it mean to create an infrastructure of care, and systems of resilience within a capitalist landscape of production, extraction, and exploitation?Against the backdrop of land distribution laws such as the Homestead Act (1862) and Alien Land Laws (1913 to present) that have driven the current racial disparity in agricultural land ownership, this project reframes rurality as a site of radical reclamation. This research forms a comparative genealogy of utopian agrarian projects in the U.S. Starting from Pietist settlements (such as Icarians, Shakers and Amana Colonies) to 19th and 20th Century Abolitionist movements in the United States, to the current wave of BIPOC-led radical farms. Through creating a continuous timeline, the project links together more than fifty agrarian based communities across the U.S. From early forms of abolitionist communities such as Nashoba Community (1825-1828) and Timbuctoo (1848–1855), to Black cooperative movements such as Freedom Farms Cooperative (1969-1976) and New Communities Incorporated (1969-1985). The project creates a BIPOC-centered historical narrative for recent land justice projects such as Sweet Freedom Farm, Gentle Time Farm, Soulfire Farm, Choy Division, and Ayni Herb Farm, all located within the state of New York.In 1972, Liselotte and Oswald Mathias Ungers’ published “Communes in the New World: 1740–1972”, a study on utopian commune living.2 “Hard Labor, Soft Space” is part-homage, and part-critique by addressing the erasure of racial history in rural ideation, and proposes future living strategies rooted in racial and social justice. Through archiving, interviewing and counter- mapping, this project highlights alternative agrarian settlements and renounces models of industrial farming that thrive on the extraction of labor, capital, and lands of others.
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Kruth, Jeffrey, and Elizabeth Keslacy. "Unpacking the Archive: Community Engagment and the Research Studio." In 110th ACSA Annual Meeting Paper Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.110.72.
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The city is often a place of collective memory, but as the recent conflicts over monuments and memorials have taught us, some memories are prematurely erased while others live on past their shelf life. Although history and memory can sometimes leave their mark upon the city, it is more often incumbent upon later generations to construct physical markers of important, though ephemeral, events. More recently cities have invested in informative and interactive installations, and architects have created more abstract, experiential structures that convey history in a more emotive mode. As part of this discourse, our teaching project titled “Unpacking the Archive” aimed to recuperate the lost histories of those who shaped the city immediately after the Civil Rights era when white flight to the suburbs and an era of austerity permanently altered cities. In the context of two courses, a seminar and a research studio, we examined the struggles and actions of the Over-the-Rhine People’s Movement in Cincinnati, Ohio that originated in the early 1970s and continues today. The People’s Movement is a coalition of activists, institutions, and residents who waged a series of campaigns to fight for housing access, schools, parks, and services against hypergentrification and a municipal bureaucracy actively working to eliminate the poor from a picturesque historic neighborhood. A true poor people’s campaign, the Peoples’ Movement unified poor Appalachian and Black residents at a time of heightened racial tensions.
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Detomi, Ísis. "ENQUANTO MORAR FOR UM PRIVILÉGIO, OCUPAR É UM DIREITO: O Caso Izidora e o ativismo das mulheres negras." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Grup de Recerca en Urbanisme, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.12206.
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What would urban research look like if we paid more attention to women – their lives, thoughts, challenges against racial practices, gender and socio-spatial segregation? The article aims to design a plot that highlights the role of black women in the disputes for place in the region of Izidora, where the occupations Rosa Leão, Esperança and Vitória are located, in the northern vector of Belo Horizonte (MG). Starting from the understanding of the complex land conflict, we seek to start with its historical context, and then analyze the encounter between the struggles around the permanence of subjects in the physical-territorial dimension. Black feminist thought is taken to elaborate a conceptual narrative that, when problematizing investigations of the production of space with neoliberal values, attributes the look to the diverse dynamics that intersect in time and space. The article was made with bibliographic research and having previously developed an extension project of technical assistance on site. The results of the analyses, pointed to the challenges of the occupations of Izidora, didn't occur without the activism of these women, who strongly resisted in their territories, although made invisible by the intersections of gender, race, class and immeasurable fabrics in the arrangements of domination. Keywords: Izidora occupations, protagonism of black women, intersectionality, urban conflicts. Como seria nossa pesquisa urbana se prestássemos mais atenção às mulheres – suas vidas, pensamentos, desafios contra práticas raciais, gênero e segregação sócio-espacial? Pensando nisso, o trabalho tem como objetivo conceber uma trama que destaque o protagonismo das mulheres negras nas disputas de lugar na região da Izidora, onde localizam as ocupações Rosa Leão, Esperança e Vitória, no vetor norte de Belo Horizonte (MG). Partindo do entendimento do complexo conflito fundiário desta região, busca-se iniciar com seu contexto histórico, para depois analisar o encontro entre as lutas em derredor da permanência dos sujeitos na dimensão físico-territorial. O pensamento feminista negro é tomado, enquanto epistemologia, para elaborar uma narrativa conceitual que, ao problematizar investigaçoes da produção do espaço com valores neoliberais, atribui o olhar às diversificadas dinâmicas que se entrecruzam no tempo e espaço. Em adição, o trabalho foi construído de pesquisa bibliográfica e estudo de campo por ter, previamente, desenvolvido um projeto de extensão de assessoria técnica no local. Os resultados das análises, apontados para os desafios das ocupações da Izidora não se deram sem os ativismos dessas mulheres, que resistiram fortemente nos seus territórios, ainda que invisibilizadas pelas intersecções de gênero, raça, classe e imensuráveis tessituras nos arranjos de dominação. Palavras-chave: ocupações Izidora, protagonismo de mulheres negras, interseccionalidade, conflitos urbanos.
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Hoffman, Danie, Tebogo Hellen Ngele, and Benita Zulch. "Contrasting the profiles of Female vs Male quantity surveyors in South Africa." In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003906.
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Quantity surveying in South Africa is a well-established professional discipline providing consulting services to the construction industry. The continued prosperity of a professional discipline such as quantity surveying is closely linked to sound management and efficient strategic leadership. The leaders and managers of the profession require accurate and up-to-date information on the profile of their members to integrate that information into future strategies and planning.Young democracies and developing countries such as South Africa often have demographics and financial industries, including the construction industry, that are much more dynamic than first-world countries such as the United States or Great Britain. Local government upliftment policies such as black economic empowerment changed the economic landscape. The membership profile of the quantity surveying profession is also seeing rapid change, presenting additional management challenges. A profession with a stable profile is easy to manage using past knowledge of membership makeup and preferences. However, a changing membership may cause strategies based on the knowledge of 5 to 10 years ago to be found wanting today.The recent COVID-19 pandemic disrupted economies and industries and did not spare the construction industry or the quantity surveying profession. During this time, the South African Association of Quantity Surveyors (ASAQS), assisted by the University of Pretoria, analysed the profile of its members employing a questionnaire forwarded to all ASAQS members on the database. This data confirmed significant changes to the age and racial makeup of the profession. However, the changed gender profile was amongst the study’s most significant findings. In the past, the typical South African quantity surveyor was a middle age to older male of European descent. This study will contrast the older members of the profession against the more recent entrants by comparing the profile of female members to that of male members. The analysis will include age, race, locational spread, academic qualifications, nationality, registration status with the Council of South African Quantity Surveyors, and length of the current employment term to provide a reasonably detailed comparison of the gender profile of quantity surveyors in South Africa.The above information will be valuable to the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors and to the management of quantity surveying firms and institutions such as universities that offer accredited academic programmes to train quantity surveyors. The findings can also be shared with quantity surveying professionals across international borders to compare against the profiles of their millennial cohorts of quantity surveyors.
Reports on the topic "Racism against Blacks"
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Darity Jr., William, M’Balou M’Balou Camara, and Nancy MacLean. Setting the Record Straight on the Libertarian South African Economist W. H. Hutt and James M. Buchanan. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp184.
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In their stormy response to Nancy MacLean’s book Democracy in Chains, some academics on the libertarian right have conducted a concerted defense of Nobel Laureate James Buchanan’s credentials as an anti-racist, or at least a non-racist. An odd component of their argument is a claim of innocence by association: the peripatetic South African economist and Mont Pelerin Society founding member William Harold Hutt was against apartheid; Buchanan was a friend and supporter of Hutt; therefore, Buchanan could not have been abetting segregationists with his support for public funding of segregationist private schools. At the core of this chain of argument is the inference that Hutt’s opposition to apartheid proves that Hutt himself was committed to racial equality. However, just as there were white supremacists who opposed slavery in the United States, we demonstrate Hutt was a white supremacist who opposed apartheid in South Africa. We document how Hutt embraced notions of black inferiority, even in The Economics of the Colour Bar, his most ferocious attack on apartheid. Whether or not innocence by association is a sound defense of anyone’s ideology or conduct, Hutt, himself, was not innocent of white supremacy.
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.
Full textAbstract:
Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.