Journal articles: 'Racism – Germany – History'

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Hund, Wulf D., and Stefanie Affeldt. "‘Racism’ Down Under: The Prehistory of a Concept in Australia." Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 33/34 (2020): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.3334/201920.02.

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‘Racism’ Down Under. The Prehistory of a Concept in Australia The conceptual history of ‘racism’ is hitherto underdeveloped. One of its assertions is that the term ‘racism’ originated from a German-centric critique of völkisch and fascist ideology. A closer look at the early international usage of the categories ‘racialism’ and ‘racism’ shows that the circumstances were much more complex. Australia lends itself for validation of this complexity. It once shared a colonial border with Germany, had a substantial number of German immigrants, and, during both world wars, was amongst the opponents of Germany. Even so, the reference to Germany is only one of many elements of the early concept of ‘racism’.

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Panayi, Panikos. "Racial Violence in the New Germany 1990–93." Contemporary European History 3, no. 3 (November 1994): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000898.

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After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the re-unification of Germany in the following year, the contemporary history of Germany was characterised by a rise in the more potent manifestations of racism, notably an increase in support for extreme right-wing parties and an enormous upsurge in the number of racial attacks which have taken place against minorities of all descriptions. In addition, as a reaction against the racist violence, specifically the attack upon a Turkish home in Solingen in June 1993, there was also a violent response on the part of the Turks.

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Roos, Julia. "The Race to Forget? Bi-racial Descendants of the First Rhineland Occupation in 1950s West German Debates about the Children of African American GIs*." German History 37, no. 4 (October 12, 2019): 517–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz081.

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Abstract After the First World War, the German children of colonial French soldiers stationed in the Rhineland became a focal point of nationalist anxieties over ‘racial pollution’. In 1937, the Nazis subjected hundreds of biracial Rhenish children to compulsory sterilization. After 1945, colonial French soldiers and African American GIs participating in the occupation of West Germany left behind thousands of out-of-wedlock children. In striking contrast to the open vilification of the first (1920s) generation of biracial occupation children, post-1945 commentators emphasized the need for the racial integration of the children of black GIs. Government agencies implemented new programmes protecting the post-1945 cohort against racial discrimination, yet refused restitution to biracial Rhenish Germans sterilized by the Nazis. The contrasts between the experiences of the two generations of German descendants of occupation soldiers of colour underline the complicated ways in which postwar ruptures in racial discourse coexisted with certain long-term continuities in antiblack racism, complicating historians’ claims of ‘Americanization’ of post-1945 German racial attitudes.

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Meng, Michael. "Silences about Sarrazin’s Racism in Contemporary Germany." Journal of Modern History 87, no. 1 (March 2015): 102–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/680259.

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ROOS, JULIA. "Racist Hysteria to Pragmatic Rapprochement? The German Debate about Rhenish ‘Occupation Children’, 1920–30." Contemporary European History 22, no. 2 (April 4, 2013): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000039.

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AbstractThis essay revisits 1920s German debates over the illegitimate children of the Rhineland occupation to examine hitherto neglected fluctuations in the relationship between nationalism and racism in Weimar Germany. During the early 1920s, nationalist anxieties focused on the alleged racial ‘threats’ emanating from the mixed-race children of colonial French soldiers. After 1927, plans for the forced sterilisation and deportation of the mixed-race children were dropped; simultaneously, officials began to support German mothers’ paternity suits against French soldiers. This hitherto neglected shift in German attitudes towards the ‘Rhineland bastards’ sheds new light on the role of debates over gender and the family in the process of Franco–German rapprochement. It also enhances our understanding of the contradictory political potentials of popularised foreign policy discourses about women's and children's victimisation emerging from World War I.

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O'brien, Peter. "Continuity and Change in Germany's Treatment of Non-Germans." International Migration Review 22, no. 3 (September 1988): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200305.

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This essay criticizes two conventional approaches to migrants in Germany. One focuses on racism in German history while the second examines the tradition of repressive laws which exploit and dominate foreigners. This essay finds these approaches appropriate until the 1970s. From that point, German governments tend to accept foreigners and develop programs of integration. Yet, the essay concludes with ways future research can uncover in these same policies of integration new and subtle forms of control and domination.

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Roos, Julia. "An Afro-German Microhistory: Gender, Religion, and the Challenges of Diasporic Dwelling." Central European History 49, no. 2 (June 2016): 240–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000340.

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AbstractThis article traces the biography of an Afro-German woman born during the 1920s Rhineland occupation to examine the peculiarities of the black German diaspora, as well as potential connections between these peculiarities and larger trends in the history of German colonialism and racism. “Erika Diekmann” was born in Worms in 1920. Her mother was a German citizen, her father a Senegalese French soldier. Separated from her birth mother at a young age, Erika spent her youth and early adulthood in a school for Christian Arab girls in Jerusalem run by the Protestant order of the Kaiserswerth Deaconesses (KaiserswertherDiakonissen). After World War II, Erika returned to West Germany, but in 1957, she emigrated to the United States, along with her (white) German husband and four children. Erika's story offers unique opportunities for studying Afro-German women's active strategies of making Germany their “home.” It underlines the complicated role of conventional female gender prescriptions in processes of interracial family-building. The centrality of religion to Erika's social relationships significantly enhances our understanding of the complexity of German attitudes toward national belonging and race during the first half of the twentieth century.

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Staudenmaier, Peter. "Racial Ideology between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: Julius Evola and the Aryan Myth, 1933–43." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (October 7, 2019): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419855428.

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One of the troublesome factors in the Rome–Berlin Axis before and during the Second World War centered on disagreements over racial ideology and corresponding antisemitic policies. A common image sees Fascist Italy as a reluctant partner on racial matters, largely dominated by its more powerful Nazi ally. This article offers a contrasting assessment, tracing the efforts by Italian theorist Julius Evola to cultivate a closer rapport between Italian and German variants of racism as part of a campaign by committed antisemites to strengthen the bonds uniting the fascist and Nazi cause. Evola's spiritual form of racism, based on a distinctive interpretation of the Aryan myth, generated considerable controversy among fascist and Nazi officials alike. In light of the current revival of interest in Evola, a closer examination of these debates can deepen historical understanding of racial ideologies from the fascist era.

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Bernhard, Patrick. "Blueprints of Totalitarianism: How Racist Policies in Fascist Italy Inspired and Informed Nazi Germany." Fascism 6, no. 2 (December 8, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00602001.

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Racism, especially anti-Semitism, is typically seen as a crucial point of distinction between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Based on a range of new materials, this article shows that Nazi policies of social exclusion were inspired by Mussolini’s regime. The main thesis is that racist thought and action were intrinsic elements of both regimes and constituted a unifying element between them. The paper looks at the way the National Socialists used Fascist Italy as a foil for their own dreams of racial regeneration before Hitler’s rise to power. It also examines the cooperation between the two regimes following the 1936 Axis alliance, especially in terms of policing and the exchange of information about ‘Aryanisation’. Conceptually speaking, the article argues that the methods of cultural history are highly useful for shedding new light on Axis relations.

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Zimmerman, Andrew. "Anti-Semitism as Skill: Rudolf Virchow's Schulstatistik and the Racial Composition of Germany." Central European History 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021762.

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One of the major events in the history of German anti-Semitism has been, if not entirely overlooked, then misunderstood and misrepresented. In the 1870s, the professor of medicine, liberal politician, and anthropologist, Rudolf Virchow (1821–1902), directed a study of the skin, hair, and eye color of 6,758,827 German school children, a study that marked “Jews” and “Germans” as racially different and trained a generation of Germans to perceive these differences both as real and as of political significance. Historians have been virtually unanimous in viewing this study as a blow against anti-Semitism, as a demonstration that there was neither a Jewish nor a German “race.” This interpretation has survived, I believe, because it supports and rests on a commonly held conception of racism as primarily an intellectual phenomenon, as a set of more-or-less explicit propositions held in the minds of individuals. Virchow, a well-known opponent of political anti-Semitism, was never motivated by hostility to Jews in conducting this research. Indeed, he understood his focus on Jews as simply a race (rather than as a religion or a culture) to indicate that the study was not anti-Semitic. Paradoxically, the study that Virchow designed and oversaw may have unintentionally provided an important practical basis for German racial anti-Semitism. By considering anti-Semitism as a set of skills rather than a philosophy, as hands-on practical knowledge more akin to riding a bicycle than to philosophical exposition, I hope to offer a new explanation of both Virchow's study of race and the place of that study in German history.

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Hoffman, Beatrix. "Scientific Racism, Insurance, and Opposition to the Welfare State: Frederick L. Hoffman's Transatlantic Journey." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 150–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002450.

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Frederick Ludwig Hoffman, statistician and insurance executive, was a formidable opponent of the emerging welfare state during the Progressive Era. As a vice president of the Prudential Insurance Company of Newark, New Jersey, Hoffman led a relentless campaign against proposals for government-ran compulsory health insurance between 1915 and 1920. While he acted in the interests of his insurance company employer, Hoffman's opposition also arose from his ardent beliefs about the nature of welfare states. Social insurance and other forms of state-organized assistance, Hoffman claimed, represented “alien governmental theories” based on “paternalism and coercion,” especially since they originated in autocratic Germany, where in 1885 Chancellor Otto von Bismarck had created the world's first sickness insurance system. “In so far as our right to oppose compulsory health insurance is concerned,” explained Hoffman, “it [is] the duty of every American to oppose German ideas of government control and state socialism.” In the anti-German atmosphere engendered by the First World War, his arguments had particular resonance.

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Smith, Helmut Walser. "From Darwin to Hitler. Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906260060.

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“Darwinism was a necessary, but not sufficient, cause for Nazi ideology.” This is the thesis of Richart Weikart's important, scholarly, controversial, but narrowly conceived book. Put more strongly, but within the parameters of Weikert's argument: No Darwin, no Hitler.

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Höhn, Maria. "“We Will Never Go Back to the Old Way Again”: Germany in the African-American Debate on Civil Rights." Central European History 41, no. 4 (November 14, 2008): 605–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000861.

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This special edition of Central European History is concerned with how America viewed Germany, and my contribution focuses on how, beginning with Hitler's rise to power, Germany became a point of reference for the emerging American civil-rights movement. By looking at Crisis, published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and Opportunity, published by the National Urban League, as well as African-American newspapers, such as the Pittsburgh Courier, Chicago Defender, Amsterdam News, Afro-American, Negro Digest, Ebony, and Jet, I will show how the black community discussed developments in Germany, America's struggle against Nazi racism, and the black soldiers' experience in postwar Germany.

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Sterphone, J. "The New Nationalism?" German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380402.

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This article examines the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) racist, nationalist, and far-right discursive strategies in the lead-up to the 2017 federal election. Rather than taking the approach that this party constitutes a “new nationalism” that is out of touch with mainstream conceptions of German nationhood, the article depicts the ways in which the recognizability of the AfD’s anti-Muslim racism was predicated on mainstream civilizationist discursive repertoires and the rise of the populist-nationalist right. To do so, I compare themes presented by legal experts and mainstream politicians in favor of banning veiling in the mid-2000s to the civilizationist claims made by the AfD between 2015 and 2017. This article thus extends case analyses of contemporary right-wing nationalist and populist movements to Germany. It also emphasizes the antecedents of the “new nationalism” classification applied to such movements.

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Koshar, Rudy, and Detlev J. K. Peukert. "Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition, and Racism in Everyday Life Richard Deveson." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (June 1988): 728. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868192.

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Barber, Charles M., Norbert Finzsch, and Dietmar Schirmer. "Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism, and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States." Journal of American History 88, no. 1 (June 2001): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674993.

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Höhn, Maria. "John Willoughby, Remaking the Conquering Heroes: The Postwar American Occupation of Germany. New York: Palgrave, 2001. xiii + 187 pp. $45.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904280139.

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Scholars in both the US and Germany have studied the American occupation of Germany extensively. Until recently, however, much of that work focused on the emerging Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union to explain the rapid shift from an occupation intended to punish the Germans to one that increasingly included West Germans as partners and allies. While not dismissing the importance of the Cold War struggle in shaping US foreign policy, John Willoughby suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of how American power was projected during the Cold War is only possible if attention is shifted from the policy makers in Washington to the players on the ground. By exploring how the American military government dealt with the chaotic social and economic conditions within Germany, the widespread disciplinary problems of American GIs, and the pervasive racism within the military, Willoughby makes a compelling argument that US foreign policy and the “institutions of occupation” were transformed by the “more mundane problems of social control and organizational capability” (3). The American objectives in Germany changed, not because of the Cold War, but because financial pressures, personnel shortages, and economic disarray forced military authorities to hand over power to the Germans much sooner than envisioned by Washington. While Willoughby—by his own admission—does not provide new material to the professional historian of the era, his book nonetheless offers a fresh interpretation that draws on social and cultural history while also paying attention to race and gender.

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Simpson, Patricia Anne. ""Manche Menschen werden Brüder": Contemporary Music and New Fraternities." German Politics and Society 23, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780880696.

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In this article, I analyze the social and cultural trends from within the music scene that counter challenges the moderate and extreme right. This music centers on the issue of ethnic exclusivity and aggressively insists on accepting Germany as a diverse society, however uncomfortable a fit that may still be for many. Certain bands and musicians move from politics to identity politics, in an attempt to generate a discourse about racism and national identity. By foregrounding the contingent relationship between citizen and nation, bands like Advanced Chemistry destabilize any naturalized or motivated link between self and state. Songs like "Fremd im eigenen Land" dismantle any proprietary relationship between German ethnicity and entitlement to the rights of citizenship. An image of a new Germany emerges that insists on the political acceptance of diversity. Nevertheless, this vision is subject to the pressures of reality: Germany is not by any stretch of the imagination a hate-free zone. Structured in part by responses to alienation within Germany, as well as by imported musical forms of male affinity, some bands, rappers, and musicians are organizing themselves into new fraternities. While criticizing or rejecting certain Americanized clichés of masculinity, the bands I discuss look beyond the caricatures of yuppies and cowboys to different models.

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Scheck, R. "Book Review: Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism, and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States." German History 18, no. 3 (July 1, 2000): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540001800320.

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Özyürek, Esra. "Export-Import Theory and the Racialization of Anti-Semitism: Turkish- and Arab-Only Prevention Programs in Germany." Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, no. 1 (January 2016): 40–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000560.

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AbstractSince the year 2000, remembering the Holocaust and fighting anti-Semitism have come to be accepted as cornerstones of European identity. The flip side of this development has been racialization of Muslims by singling them out as the main contemporary anti-Semites. After discussing the emergence of the concept “Muslim anti-Semitism,” I scrutinize government-issued reports and anti-Semitism-prevention programs in Germany. I show how the recent wave of struggle against anti-Semitism depicts Muslims as outsiders who bring unwanted ideologies, evaluates their anti-Semitism as more dangerous than that of right-wing German nationals, and attributes to Muslims culturally transmitted psychopathologies that make Muslim nations prone to anti-Semitism. Experts locate the root of Turkish anti-Semitism in their “myth of tolerance toward Jews,” and of Arab anti-Semitism in their sense of a “false victimhood” and “desire for power and pride.” Educators focus on each nationality separately to distinguish these alleged group-specific myths and feelings. Efforts and money that go into producing nation-specific Muslim anti-Semitisms depict a new Germany that has fully liberated itself from any anti-democratic tendencies surviving from its Nazi past. It also obscures connections between anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim racism, both of which are active forces in mainstream German society.

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Milenović, Živorad. "Educational activities and learning in the Lebensborn project of Nazi Germany." Zbornik radova Pedagoskog fakulteta, Uzice, no. 22 (2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfu2022121m.

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During the time of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945, that is, to the end of World War II, the most horrific crimes in human history took place. Nazi Germany was based on militarism, racism, anti-Semitism, ideologism and occultism. First, the Nuremberg Laws were passed, which led to the Holocaust, and on December 12, 1935, in Munich, by the order of the commander of the SS troops, Heinrich Himmler, a secret state Lebensborn project was established. The goal of this state project was to create a pure Aryan race, which was considered a key condition for Germany to become the world's leading power in military, economic and cultural terms, and for the German people to rule the world with their sublime tradition and culture. The Lebensborn project involved the birth of children from biological mothers carefully selected from the ranks of racially pure young, beautiful and healthy German girls and biological fathers from the ranks of SS troops, who would later be housed in Lebensborn homes or in the homes of SS officers or prominent purely Aryan families. Children abducted all over Europe, who met the criteria of seemingly belonging to the members of the pure Aryan race, were also accommodated in these homes. In addition to custody and upbringing, the educational activities and teaching of these children in Lebensborn homes were carried out under strict supervision, based on the principles of fascist pedagogy the point that will be discussed in this theoretical study.

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Zimmerman, Andrew. "Reviews of Books:From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany Richard Weikart." American Historical Review 110, no. 2 (April 2005): 566–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/531468.

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Özyürek, Esra. "Rethinking empathy: Emotions triggered by the Holocaust among the Muslim-minority in Germany." Anthropological Theory 18, no. 4 (December 2018): 456–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782369.

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In the last decade there has been widely shared discomfort about the way Muslim minority Germans engage with the Holocaust. They are accused of not showing empathy towards its Jewish victims and, as a result, of not being able to learn the necessary lessons from this massive crime. By focusing on instances in which the emotional reactions of Muslim minority Germans towards the Holocaust are judged as not empathetic enough and morally wrong, this article explores how Holocaust education and contemporary understandings of empathy, in teaching about the worst manifestation of racism in history, can also at times be a mechanism to exclude minorities from the German/European moral makeup and the fold of national belonging. Expanding from Edmund Husserl’s embodied approach to empathy to a socially situated approach, via the process of paarung, allows us to reinterpret expressions of fear and envy, currently seen as failed empathy, as instances of intersubjective connections at work. In my reinterpretation of Husserl’s ideas, the process of paarung that enables empathy to happen is not abstract, but pairs particular experiences happening at particular times and places under particular circumstances to individuals of certain social standing and cultural influences. An analogy can be made to shoes. Anyone has the capacity to imagine themselves in someone else’s shoes. Nevertheless, the emotional reactions the experience triggers in each person will be shaped by individual past experiences and social positioning. Hence, grandchildren of workers who arrived in Germany after World War II to rebuild the country resist an ethnicized Holocaust memory and engage with it keenly through their own subject positions.

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Nolan, Mary. "Rationalization, Racism, andResistenz: Recent Studies of Work and the Working Class in Nazi Germany." International Labor and Working-Class History 48 (1995): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790000538x.

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Allen, Ann Taylor. "From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany. By Richard Weikart. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Pp. xi+312. $59.95." Journal of Modern History 78, no. 1 (March 2006): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/502761.

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Partridge, Damani J. "HolocaustMahnmal(Memorial): Monumental Memory amidst Contemporary Race." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 4 (October 2010): 820–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000472.

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This essay examines the relationship between contemporary racialized subjects in Germany and the process of Holocaust memorialization. I ask why youths from these contexts fail to see themselves in the process of Holocaust memorialization, and why that process fails to see them in it. My argument is not about equivalences, but instead I examine the ways in which the monumentalization of Holocaust memory has inadvertently worked to exclude both relevant subjects and potential participants from the process of memorialization. That process as a monumental enterprise has also worked to sever connections between racialist memory and contemporary racism. The monumental display of what presents itself, at times, as moral superiority does not adequately attend to the everyday, mundane, repeatable qualities of racialized exclusion today, or in the past.

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Neiman, Susan, and Anna-Esther Younes. "Antisemitism, Anti-Racism, and the Holocaust in Germany: A Discussion Between Susan Neiman and Anna-Esther Younes." Journal of Genocide Research 23, no. 3 (April 17, 2021): 420–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2021.1911346.

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Malanda, Azziza B. "“I Had a Dark Skin Color, That Was a Problem”: Race and Racism in the Child Welfare System in Postwar West Germany." zeitgeschichte 48, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/zsch.2021.48.1.73.

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Bernhard, Patrick. "The great divide? Notions of racism in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: new answers to an old problem." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2019): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1550701.

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Gershoni, Israel. "Why the Muslims Must Fight against Nazi Germany: Muḥammad Najātī Ṣidqī’s Plea." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-20120a10.

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The term “Islamofascism” has developed and taken root only recently. It is part of a terminology that has been integrated into the academic and pseudo-academic discourse, which defines and explains contemporary global Islamic jihadism. In real time, in the 1930s and during the Second World War, 1933-1945, this term was totally alien to Muslim intellectuals in Egypt and in the Arab Middle East. Islam and fascism or Islam and Nazism were perceived as diametrically opposed terms. For most Arab intellectuals and publicists, who represent what is commonly referred to as Islamic thought or were spokesmen of Islamic movements, it was inconceivable to conjoin these two vastly different doctrines and ways of life. Any attempt to harmonize Islam and fascism, not to speak of the very term Islamofascism or fascist Islam, would have been anathema. This article focuses on the life and work of the Palestinian communist intellectual Muḥammad Najātī Ṣidqī (1905- 1979) and his book al-Taqālid al-islāmiyya wa-l-mabādiʾ al-nāziyya: hal tattafiqān? (“The Islamic Traditions and the Nazi Principles: Can They Agree?”). In this book—which specifically reached out to a Muslim audience—Ṣidqī critically discusses Nazi ideology to show that Islam and Nazism are antithetical. He also strives for convincing the reader of the obligation to refute and to fight against “pagan” Nazi racism. Ṣidqī thus participates in a more broader Arab intellectual current of the 1930s and the time of the Second World War, in which Islam and fascism and Islam and Nazism were perceived as diametrically opposed terms.

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Ruolt, Anne. "Le « Petit Nègre des Missions » de l’École du Dimanche, un artefact ludo-éducatif ?" Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 46, no. 3 (February 14, 2017): 377–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816673311.

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This article looks at the history and practice of the use of money-box figurines, whose use spread in Europe in Sunday Schools from the late 19th to the 20th centuries, and it also examines their educational function. First of all, on the basis of iconographic internet research on missionary money boxes used for offerings in Protestant Sunday Schools in Europe, and the discovery of other forms of such savings banks, the article proposes a typology of these money boxes present in the Protestant world (symbolic figurines), in the Catholic world (realistic figurines) in France, Switzerland and Germany, and coin containers in the domestic and secular context (burlesque caricature figurines) in North America. Secondly, using an open survey of former Sunday School students who are now mature adults – principally in France, Switzerland and Germany – the article seeks to answer the following question: Can we say that, in the specific case of money boxes used for Protestant missionary offerings, this practice contributed indirectly to educating children in the direction of a form of racism? By placing these figurines in their context, the article shows that Sunday School figurines served more as symbolic figures, and the money box as a ludo-communicational ritual than as a ludo-educational artefact.

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Roll‐Hansen, Nils. "Richard Weikart. From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany. xi + 312 pp., illus., bibl., index. New York: Palgrave, 2004. $59.95 (cloth)." Isis 96, no. 4 (December 2005): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/501405.

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Molnar, Christopher A. "Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany." Central European History 47, no. 1 (March 2014): 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891400065x.

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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach argue that “the question of race remained at the very center of social policy and collective imagination during the occupation years, as the Western Allies worked to democratize Germany, and during the Bonn Republic,” and they call for a new historiography that is more attentive to the category of race and the process of racialization in Germany and Europe after 1945. While this newfound emphasis on race in Germany's postwar history has been salutary, an approach that puts race and racialization at the center of German interactions with resident foreign populations runs the risk of sidelining the experiences of foreign groups that Germans did not view in primarily racial terms. Indeed, to a certain extent this has already occurred. By the mid-1980s, public and policy discourse on immigrants in West Germany came to focus overwhelmingly on Turks and the problems raised by their “alien” Islamic cultural practices. That West Germany's guest worker program had resulted in the permanent settlement of hundreds of thousands of Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Yugoslavs was largely forgotten. When historians, anthropologists, and scholars in other disciplines began taking more interest in Germany's migration history in recent decades, they too focused overwhelmingly on Turks. Only in recent years has the historiography of Germany's postwar migration history started to reflect the multinational character of Germany's immigrant population.

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Krawczyk-Onyibe, Judyta. "Historia Afroeuropejczyków." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 3–4 (January 31, 2016): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2015.012.

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History of Afro-GermansThe purpose of article History of Afro-Germans is to shad more light on the history of Afro-Germans of the last eight decades. I raise here issues like: social inclusion and exclusion, national affiliation, acceptance, self-identification and social categorization, stigmatization, discrimination based on racial background. I describe how this group has been perceived by the White majority of Germans, and activities of Afro-Germans that influenced change of their status and image in Germany. Based on a theoretical analysis, the following results reflect an incremental development in the recognition of Afro-Germans in Germany. Whereas the first generation of the 1940’s had been labelled as “occupation kids” not recognized by the majority of German society as member of it, rather as unwanted souvenir of Allies soldiers, the youngest generation in the meantime enjoys almost all rights included in being a German citizen. Historia AfroeuropejczykówHistoria Afroeuropejczyków to artykuł, którego celem jest rzucić światło na historię Afroniemców na przestrzeni ostatnich ośmiu dekad. Poruszam w nim takie zagadnienia, jak: inkluzja i ekskluzja społeczna, przynależność narodowa, akceptacja, autoidentyfikacja i kategoryzacja społeczna oraz stygmatyzacja i dyskryminacja na tle rasowym. Opisuję sposób postrzegania Afroniemców przez białą większość Niemców, jak i działania samej mniejszości wpływające na zmianę jej statusu i wizerunku w Niemczech. Na podstawie teoretycznej analizy dostępnych materiałów stwierdzam, iż doszło do stopniowego postępu w kwestii akceptacji Afroniemców. Mam na uwadze, że pierwsza generacja nazywana „dziećmi okupacji” nie była uznawana za część społeczeństwa niemieckiego, raczej za niechcianą „pamiątkę” po alianckich żołnierzach, tymczasem najmłodsza generacja cieszy się prawie pełnią praw, jakie przysługują niemieckiemu obywatelowi.

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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "A Spectre Haunting Europe." German Politics and Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380102.

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Germany’s 2017 elections marked the first time since 1949 that a far-right party with neo-Nazi adherents crossed the 5 percent threshold, entering the Bundestag. Securing nearly 13 percent of the vote, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) impeded Chancellor Angela Merkel’s ability to pull together a sustainable national coalition for nearly six months. Violating long-standing partisan taboos, the AfD “victory” is a weak reflection of national-populist forces that have gained control of other European governments over the last decade. This paper addresses the ostensible causes of resurgent ethno-nationalism across eu states, especially the global financial crisis of 2008/2009 and Merkel’s principled stance on refugees and asylum seekers as of 2015. The primary causes fueling this negative resurgence are systemic in nature, reflecting the deconstruction of welfare states, shifts in political discourse, and opportunistic, albeit misguided responses to demographic change. It highlights a curious gender-twist underlying AfD support, particularly in the East, stressing eight factors that have led disproportionate numbers of middle-aged men to gravitate to such movements. It offers an exploratory treatment of the “psychology of aging” and recent neuro-scientific findings involving right-wing biases towards authoritarianism, social aggression and racism.

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RYDELL, ROBERT W. "THE PROXIMITY OF THE PAST: EUGENICS IN AMERICAN CULTURE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000296.

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In 1935, as the Nazis’ state-of-the art eugenics exhibition from the Deutsches Hygiene Museum was concluding its American tour, a decision had to be made about whether to return the displays to Germany or to house them in an American museum. After the American Academy of Medicine decided against the display because of its political implications, the director of the Buffalo Museum of Science, Carlos Cummings, himself a physician, offered his institution as the exhibition's permanent home. “What is the astounding eugenics program upon which Chancellor Hitler has launched the German people?” Cummings wondered aloud. “As a matter of public interest, without endorsement,” he added, “the Museum will display in the Central Hall throughout this final quarter of 1935, a set of fifty-one posters and charts . . . which gives Americans a graphic explanation of Germany's campaign to rear in posterity ‘a new race nobility.’” Seven years later, with war raging, the museum received permission from the company that had insured the exhibition, to dismantle it from its permanent home in the museum's Hall of Heredity. An exhibition about eugenics, Nazi eugenics no less, that had been enthusiastically received as it had traveled the United States in the mid-1930s, had seemingly fallen victim to the war against eugenics launched by cultural anthropologists and geneticists. In light of the broad scholarship on eugenics, this certainly would be a plausible reading of the deinstallation of the Nazi eugenics exhibition. But the three books under review here suggest a more complex reading, one that suggests that eugenics and racism, considered as ideological systems, were less easily dislodged from American culture than from Buffalo's Museum of Science.

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Moeller, Robert G. "Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism, and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States. Edited by Finzsch Norbert and Schirmer Dietmar. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1997. $59.95. Pp. xxix + 422. ISBN 052-159-1589." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 564–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900004118.

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Farber, Paul Lawrence. "Book Reviews: Richard Weikart, From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics,and Racism in Germany (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), xi + 312 pp., $59.95." Journal of the History of Biology 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10739-005-4230-0.

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Bandosz, Benjamin, and Tobias Wilczek. "Corporate Cannabis at Home and Abroad: International Regulation and Neoliberal Legalization." Journal of Canadian Studies 55, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 244–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-2020-0026.

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Throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, economic interests and systemic racism ensured the prohibition of cannabis. Such socio-political implications resulted in the criminalization of innumerable consumers; the infringement on civil liberties, in this regard, has been considerable. To counteract such policing, the Liberal Party of Canada legalized cannabis on 17 October, 2018. Despite motivating factors like shrinking the black market and relieving the judicial system, no significant social reparations have been realized. Rather, the publicly traded sector of the cannabis industry was prioritized and has seen enormous upside leading up to and after legalization, with corporate cannabis companies growing domestically and internationally. In this sense, Canada’s legalization continues patterns of prohibition: sacrificing civil liberties for economic interests. This prioritization of capital also affects countries in which cannabis companies established subsidiaries and partnerships—such as in Germany, Jamaica, and Colombia—where despite continued prohibition, companies receive special privileges while citizens are subject to the law. Although regulations differ on a case-by-case basis, corporate motivations inform cannabis prohibition and legalization—market interests guide the international spread of legalization. This article approaches the implications of ongoing cannabis-prohibition, in contrast to its legalization in select geopolitical regions, to analyze the Kafkaesque nature of substance-control that is inherently tied to economic motivations, and which take precedence over social equity. In this sense, the regulation of plant-material works in tandem with regulation of society, by which a certain order is sought to be maintained for the sake of political power and economic profitability.

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RÖGER, MAREN. "The Sexual Policies and Sexual Realities of the German Occupiers in Poland in the Second World War." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000490.

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AbstractSexual policies were a core component of the National Socialist racial policies, both in the Altreich (territories considered part of Nazi Germany before 1938), as well as in the occupied territories. In occupied Poland the Germans imposed a ‘prohibition of contact’ (Umgangsverbot) with the local Polish population, a restriction that covered both social as well as sexual encounters. But this model of absolute racial segregation was never truly implemented. This paper attempts to show that there existed a wide range of sexual contacts between the occupiers and the local inhabitants, with the focus here being on consensual and forced contacts (sexual violence) as seen against the backdrop of National Socialist policies. This article positions itself at the intersection of the history of everyday life (Alltagsgeschichte), the history of sexuality and the gender history of the German occupation of Poland – perspectives that have rarely been used with regard to this region.

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Reiff, Janice L. "Norbert Finzsch and Dietmar Schirmer, eds., Identity and Intolerance: Nationalism, Racism and Xenophobia in Germany and the United States, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. xxxix + 422. $69.95 (ISBN 0-521-59158-9)." Law and History Review 20, no. 1 (2002): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744163.

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Davis, Stacy. "Unapologetic Apologetics: Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 21, 2021): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080560.

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Julius Wellhausen (1844–1918) is in many ways the ancestor of modern Hebrew Bible scholarship. His Prolegomena to the History of Israel condensed decades of source critical work on the Torah into a documentary hypothesis that is still taught today in almost all Hebrew Bible courses in some form. What is not taught as frequently is the anti-Judaism that underpins his hypothesis. This is in part due to unapologetic apologetics regarding Wellhausen’s bias, combined with the insistence that a nineteenth-century scholar cannot be judged by twenty-first century standards. These calls for compassion are made exclusively by white male scholars, leaving Jewish scholars the solitary task of pointing out Wellhausen’s clear anti-Judaism. In a discipline that is already overwhelmingly white, male and Christian, the minimizing of Wellhausen’s racism suggests two things. First, those who may criticize contextual biblical studies done by women and scholars of color have no problem pleading for a contextual understanding of Wellhausen while downplaying the growing anti-Judaism and nationalism that was a part of nineteenth-century Germany. Second, recent calls for inclusion in the Society of Biblical Literature may be well intentioned but ultimately useless if the guild cannot simply call one of its most brilliant founders the biased man that he was.

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Klikauer, Thomas, Norman Simms, Helge F. Jani, Bob Beatty, and Nicholas Lokker. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380406.

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Jay Julian Rosellini, The German New Right: AfD, PEGIDA and the Re-imagining of National Identity (London: C. Hurst, 2019).Simon Bulmer and William E. Paterson, Germany and the European Union: Europe’s Reluctant Hegemon? (London: Red Globe Press, 2019).Susan Neiman, Learning from the Germans: Race and the Memory of Evil (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019).Stephan Jaeger, The Second World War in the Twenty-First-Century Museum: From Narrative, Memory, and Experience to Experientiality (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020).Robert M. Jarvis, Gambling under the Swastika: Casinos, Horse Racing, Lotteries, and Other Forms of Betting in Nazi Germany (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2019).

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Bashkin, Orit. "The Barbarism from Within—Discourses about Fascism amongst Iraqi and Iraqi-Jewish Communists, 1942-1955." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 400–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a7.

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This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nationalists and Iraq’s conservative elites who proclaimed their loyalty to pan-Arabism as well. In other words, the article studies the ways in which Iraqi communist intellectuals, most notably the leader of the Iraqi Communist Party, Fahd, shifted the antifascist global battle to the Iraqi field and used the prodemocratic agenda of the Allies to criticize the absence of social justice and human rights in Iraq, and the Iraqi leadership’s submissive posture toward Britain. As it became clear to Iraqi communists that World War II was nearing its end, and that Iraq would be an important part of the American-British front, criticism of the Iraqi Premier Nūrī al-Saʿīd and his policies grew sharper, and such policies were increasingly identified as “fascist”. Within this context, Fahd equated chauvinist rightwing Iraqi nationalism in its anti-Jewish and anti- Kurdish manifestations with fascism and Nazi racism. I then look at the ways in which Iraqi Jewish communists internalized the party’s localized antifascist agenda. I argue that Iraqi Jewish communists identified rightwing Iraqi nationalism (especially the agenda espoused by a radical pan-Arab Party called al-Istiqlāl) as symptomatic of a fascist ideology. Finally, I demonstrate how Iraqi Jewish communists who migrated to Israel in the years 1950-1951 continued using the word “fascist” in their campaigns against rightwing Jewish nationalism and how this antifascist discourse influenced prominent Palestinian intellectuals

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Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.

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Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World War. They flourished in industrialized societies and aimed—in novel and twisted ways—at reversing the liberalization of 19th-century Europe. They emphasized power, national rebirth, military order and efficiency; and they were, in the case of Germany, driven by anti-Semitism and racism, resulting in totalitarian rule with genocidal consequences. National-socialist and fascist movements and regimes required the atmosphere and culture of liberal democracy as a foil—and liberal democracy was virtually nonexistent in the Near and Middle East. The preconditions for fascism were thus lacking. Colonial rule was still in place, traditional culture still prevailed in these mainly rural societies, and their small bourgeois parties showed greater allegiance to their clans than to liberal and secular ideologies.

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Lamberti, Marjorie. "The Search for the “Other Germany”: Refugee Historians from Nazi Germany and the Contested Historical Legacy of the Resistance to Hitler." Central European History 47, no. 2 (June 2014): 402–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001290.

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During his visit to the Federal Republic of Germany in the summer of 1954, Fritz Stern, a young history professor at Columbia University, witnessed in Berlin the memorial service for the victims of the July 20, 1944, revolt against Hitler. His feelings were stirred at the sight of the sorrowful faces of the widows and children of the conspirators who were executed in the aftermath of the failed assassination attempt, and by President Theodor Heuss's speech, recalling the anguish and courage of the Germans who made the decision to rebel in an act of atonement. Born in Germany in 1926 to Protestant parents of Jewish ancestry, Stern experienced racist antisemitism in the Third Reich firsthand before his family emigrated in 1938. He returned to Germany with conflicted emotions. During World War II, when the magnitude of the annihilation of European Jewry was uncovered, he felt intense hatred toward National Socialism. The distinction between German and Nazi became blurred. And yet, he could not bring himself to hold the German people collectively guilty for such crimes and to reject his native land. At the ceremony he struggled with his own feelings, saying to himself at first that “their purposes had not been ours.” Then a sense of shame for his indiscriminate hatred overwhelmed him. He left Germany in August “purged of hatred—though not disloyal to the feelings of the past, and full of forebodings about the future.”

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Gosewinkel, Dieter. "Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Staatsangehörigkeit und Bürgerrecht in Deutschland während des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 137, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 364–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2020-0006.

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AbstractNaturalizing and excluding. Nationality and citizenship law in 19th and 20th century Germany. Nationality law in Germany came up as a legal institution of German federal states at the beginning of 19th century and underwent a process of nationalization. The principle of descent (Abstammungsprinzip), which was – before a legal reform in 2000 – hegemonic, was used to define German nationality primarily as a community of ethno-cultural descent. This restrictive use of German nationality law did not establish, however, a direct line of conceptual and political continuity between ‘ethno-cultural’ and ‘racial’ criteria, and it was primarily based on a politico-social constellation of political, demographic and national instability, not on a specific German national discourse.

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Thompson, Peter. "The Pale Death: Poison Gas and German Racial Exceptionalism, 1915–1945." Central European History 54, no. 2 (June 2021): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000515.

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AbstractIn April of 1915, the German-Jewish chemist Fritz Haber supervised the first deployment of industrialized chemical weapons against French colonial troops. The uncertain nature of the attack, both in its execution and outcome, led many German military men to question the controllability of poison gas. Over the next three decades, Germans would continue this line of inquiry, as aero-chemical attacks appeared increasingly imminent. This article narrates the German search for control over chemical weapons between the world wars, revealing the ways in which interwar techno-nationalists tied the mastery of poison gas to ethno-racial definitions of Germanness. Under the Nazis, leaders in civilian aero-chemical defense picked up this interwar thread and promoted a dangerous embrace of gas that would supposedly cull the technically superior Germans from other lesser races. Although this vision of a chemically saturated world did not suffuse German society, such logic did play out in the gas chambers of the Holocaust.

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AVRAHAM, DORON. "RECONSTRUCTING A COLLECTIVE: ZIONISM AND RACE BETWEEN NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND JEWISH RENEWAL." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (February 7, 2017): 471–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000406.

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AbstractSince the Nazi seizure of power in Germany in 1933, German Zionists initiated a public debate about the racial meaning of Judaism. Drawing on scientific racial, sociological, and anthropological definitions that emerged within Zionism since the late nineteenth century, these Zionists tried to counter Nazi accusations against Jews. However, as the Nazi propaganda against Judaism became widespread, aggressive, and dehumanizing, Zionists responded by traversing the academic outlines of racial categories, and popularized a constructive racial image of Jews, thus hoping to rehabilitate their status and consolidate Jewish identity.

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Eckert, Astrid M. "The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s." Central European History 40, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000283.

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The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Racism – Germany – History'

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