Academic literature on the topic 'Racisme – Rwanda'

ABSTRACT Belgian colonizers used phrenology to create an irreducible division between the two major groups living for centuries in Rwanda-Urundi. This formed the basis for the implementation of systematic efforts to subdue the large Hutu population. Both the Hutus and the smaller, and initially privileged, Tutsi group soon incorporated the racist discourse, which was pivotal to the gradual increase in violence before and after Rwandan independence in 1962. The Rwandan genocide in 1994 culminated in the horrible pinnacle of this process, involving recurrent episodes of slaughtering. Doctors should not underestimate the racist potential of pseudoscientific misconceptions.

The title of this thesis is Racism in Terry George’s Movie Hotel Rwanda. This study is aimed to analyze what kinds of Hutu’s oppressions occurred in the movie, and what are linguistically realized toward racism. The writer applies the theories from Iris Marion Young about oppression in black America society (1990).Based on its form, Young was divided oppression into 5 types, they are (1) exploitation, (2) marginalization,(3)powerlessness, (4) culture imperialism, and (5) violence. Racism is a belief or doctrine that inherent differences among the various human races determine cultural or individual achievement. Oppression is when a person or group in a position of power controls the powerless in cruel and unfair ways. The writer focuses on the analysis of oppression based on Hotel Rwanda script, and finally oppression is found as the most dominant thing that the depict racism in the movie.. Keywords: oppression, racism

This article is a comparative examination of the policies and actions that led up to the genocides in Nazi Germany and Rwanda. Referring to the ‘Ten Stages of Genocide’ as developed by Gregory Stanton, the author follows the evolution of the respective racial regimes, and discusses their development of racial identification, racist laws and the propaganda that ultimately encouraged their societies to support their genocidal actions.

Abstract:While Africans are generally satisfied that a person of African descent was reelected to the White House following a campaign in which vicious and racist attacks were made against him, the U.S. Africa policy under President Barack Obama will continue to be guided by the strategic interests of the United States, which are not necessarily compatible with the popular aspirations for democracy, peace, and prosperity in Africa. Obama’s policy in the Great Lakes region provides an excellent illustration of this point. Since Rwanda and Uganda are Washington’s allies in the “war against terror” in Darfur and Somalia, respectively, the Obama administration has done little to stop Kigali and Kampala from destabilizing the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and looting its natural resources, either directly or through proxies. Rwanda and Uganda have even been included in an international oversight mechanism that is supposed to guide governance and security sector reforms in the DRC, but whose real objective is to facilitate Western access to the enormous natural wealth of the Congo and the Great Lakes region.

In the last three decades, we in the West have seen nationalism turn from an apparently progressive force, as in Cuba, Vietnam, and many countries in Africa, into a negative force of degenerating chaos, as in Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, Sri Lanka, and Rwanda. Elsewhere, during the same decades, the record of nationalism has been, or at least been perceived to have been, more mixed, for example in Belgium, Canada, and India. The assessments themselves are uncertain and suspect, however. Maybe nationalism was not so clearly progressive or so clearly retrogressive where we had previously thought it so. Maybe we misjudge its ambivalence elsewhere. Maybe we are not even dealing with the same kind of phenomenon.More generally, we have yet to understand the role of nationalism in two world wars and countless imperialist incursions. We have only the vaguest ideas of its connection to social ideologies and movements like racism, fascism, and Nazism and little understanding of its relevance to economic systems like capitalism and socialism.

Comment peut-on en arriver à vouloir exterminer une partie de ceux que l’on a connus, y compris ses plus proches ?À l’exemple significatif entre tous de cette femme dans le camp de réfugiés de Ravucindu « hutue mariée chez les tutsis » qui pose son enfant et part, « laissant là mourir de faim son fils, parce que son père, seulement, est tutsi » ; à l’exemple encore de ce prêtre de père hutu, aujourd’hui emprisonné à Muhanga, et qui torture sa mère tutsie tous les jours, jusqu’à ce qu’elle se suicide ; ou ce jeune milicien qui attaque à l’épée un stade où se sont réfugiés des milliers de personnes puis retrouve par terre la carte d’identité de son oncle maternel et se demande en haussant les épaules : « Est-ce moi qui l’ai tué, celui-là ? ». Comment est-il possible de rompre de façon aussi massive des liens qui semblent indestructibles ? Car qui peut honnêtement dire qu’il pourrait un jour oublier ses amis, sa mère, son frère ou sa famille ?L’objet de cette thèse est d’essayer de comprendre le mécanisme des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux et leur rôle dans le cas du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda de 1994. Un génocide qui fit près d’un million de morts en cent jours et dont 60% des victimes auraient été tuées par des personnes qu’elles connaissaient là où elles habitaient.Dominé par le souci de chercher une explication qui ait quelque portée générale, ce travail propose, à partir de données empiriques obtenues presque exclusivement de première main (par plusieurs enquêtes successives de terrain au Rwanda, au Bénin et en Afrique du Sud entre 2014 et 2017 ), un cadre d’analyse des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux qui peuvent rendre possibles des massacres perpétrés dans la sphère intime au sein d’un projet d’extermination totale d’un groupe par un autre groupe.À la question : « Comment une telle rupture de liens sociaux et familiaux a-t-elle été possible ? », cette thèse répond en mettant en évidence l’importance cruciale d’un processus de double identification. Elle ne nie pour autant nullement le rôle des divers avantages (matériels ou symboliques) dont ont pu bénéficier les génocidaires par leurs crimes dans un tel contexte, mais montre que ces identifications-mêmes ont pu jouer un rôle dans ce calcul coûts/avantages
How can we reach the point where we exterminate some of those we have known, including our loved ones?Like the significant example of this hutu woman, married to a tutsi, from the refugees camp in Raducindu, who left her child lying on the floor, letting him to starve to death, only because his father is a tutsi ; such as that priest, born from a hutu father, and now jailed, who tortured daily his mother, a tutsi, until she committed suicide; or like this young militiaman who slaughtered a crowd with a sword in a stadium where thousands of people had taken refuge and then found on the ground the ID card of his uncle, had a look at it, shrugged his shoulders and wondered "did I kill this one?": how conceivable is this massive severing of ties which seemed otherwise indestructible? Who can expect he would be able one day to forget his friends, his mother, his brother or his family?This dissertation examines the mechanism leading to the collapse of social and family ties and its role in the case of the genocide against Tutsis in 1994 in Rwanda. Close to 1 million Rwandan Tutsis were exterminated over a period of 100 days. It is estimated that 60% of these victims were killed by people they knew.The present work tries to offer an explanation of some general scope by building an analytical apparatus based almost exclusively on empirical data gathered during field research in Rwanda, Benin, and South Africa between 2014 and 2017. This analytical apparatus examines how -within a crisis context - ties can break and lead to massacres in the intimate space of social and family relationships.To the question: "how can such destruction of social and family ties be possible ? ", this dissertation responds by highlighting the pivotal importance of a dual identification process. By doing so, it does not exclude the role played by the various advantages (material or symbolic) which benefited those who committed the genocide, but it demonstrates that these identifications themselves may have weighed strongly in this cost/benefit calculation

La désignation des identités Muhutu, Mututsi ou Mutwa au Rwanda selon une terminologie raciale a débouché sur des interprétations raciales de la société rwandaise depuis la fin du 19 siècle. Ces dernières ont inspiré une option politique et socio-économique de la société rwandaise. En vue de la conservation du pouvoir d'Etat, une propagande raciste postcoloniale déboucha sur le génocide perpétré contre les Batutsi en 1994
The identification of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa of Rwanda as races had conducted to racial interpretations of those identities, since the end of 19th century. A racist propaganda during the postcolonial period conducted to genocide against Tutsi in 1994

The purpose of this thesis was to take a deep look into the history of race in American foreign policy in two White House administrations. The presidencies of Dwight D. Eisenhower and Bill Clinton were examined in which the influence of racism in domestic politics was demonstrated as a factor which shaped, and continues to shape, U.S. foreign policy. The research found that 1) segregation, 2) the concept of “primitiveness” formed due to the history between black and white nation-states and 3) the idea of “the other” used by the media and political elite are three manifestations of the consideration of race in Eisenhower’s foreign policy, particularly with respect to Ethiopia. The research also found that 1) American discomfort with white suffering, 2) the normalization of violence in black countries and usage of the term “tribalism,” and 3) the significance of ethno-racial identity all demonstrate the role of race in Clinton’s foreign policy which resulted in the disproportionate political prioritization of the Western Balkans over Rwanda.

The Rwandan genocide, the Holocaust, the lynching of African Americans, the colonial slave trade: these are horrific episodes of mass violence spawned from racism and hatred. We like to think that we could never see such evils again—that we would stand up and fight. But something deep in the human psyche—deeper than prejudice itself—leads people to persecute the other: dehumanization, or the human propensity to think of others as less than human. This book looks at the mechanisms of the mind that encourage us to see someone as less than human. There is something peculiar and horrifying in human psychology that makes us vulnerable to thinking of whole groups of people as subhuman creatures. When governments or other groups stand to gain by exploiting this innate propensity, and know just how to manipulate words and images to trigger it, there is no limit to the violence and hatred that can result.