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Books on the topic 'Racket Attack'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Great Britain. Inter-Departmental Racial Attacks Group. The response to racial attacks: Sustaining the momentum : the second report of the Inter-Departmental Racial Attacks Group. [London]: Home Office, 1991.

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2

Association, Chinese Welfare. Combating racist harassment in Northern Ireland: To the Home Affairs Committee Inquiry into racial attacks and harassment. Belfast: CAJ, 1993.

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Group, Great Britain Inter-Departmental Racial Attacks. The response to racial attacks: Sustaining the momentum. (London): Home Office, 1991.

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4

Group, Great Britain Inter-Departmental Racial Attacks. The response to racial attacks: Sustaining the momentum. London: HMSO, 1991.

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5

Jill, Barelli, and Great Britain. Dept. of the Environment., eds. Racial attacks and harassment: the response of social landlords. London: HMSO, 1996.

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6

Horne, Gerald. Race war: White supremacy and the Japanese attack on the British Empire. New York: New York University Press, 2004.

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7

Preventive attack and weapons of mass destruction: A comparative historical analysis. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2006.

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8

America answers a sneak attack: Alcan and Al Qaeda. Los Angeles: Americas Group, 2005.

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9

Shakespeare attacks bigotry: A close reading of six plays. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Co., Publishers, 2009.

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10

Preemption, prevention and proliferation: The threat and use of weapons in history. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2009.

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11

Prashad, Vijay. Uncle Swami: Being South Asian in America. New York: The New Press, 2012.

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12

Dust: Murmers and a play. Rochester, NY: Evolutionary Girls, 2008.

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13

Stanley, Warren. Crispus Attucks High School: "hail to the green, hail to the gold". Virginia Beach, VA: Donning Co., 1998.

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14

Elaasar, Aladdin. Silent victims: The plight of Arab & Muslim Americans in post 9/11 America. Bloomington, Ind: AuthorHouse, 2004.

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15

New York (N.Y.). City Commission on Human Rights. Discrimination against Muslims, Arabs, and South Asians in New York City since 9/11. New York: New York City Commission on Human Rights, 2002.

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16

United States Commission on Civil Rights. District of Columbia Advisory Committee. Civil rights concerns in the metropolitan Washington, D.C. area in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 tragedies. [Washington, D.C: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2003.

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17

No sword to bury: Japanese Americans in Hawai'i during World War II. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004.

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18

Mosley, Walter. What next: A memoir toward world peace. Baltimore: Black Classic Press, 2003.

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19

Smart, Ian. Willie Lynch to the World Trade Center: An African American response to nine-one-one. 2nd ed. Washington, DC: Original World Press, 2008.

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20

Smart, Ian. Willie Lynch to the World Trade Center: An African American response to nine-one-one. 2nd ed. Washington, DC: Original World Press, 2008.

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21

Du Bois, W. E. B. Darkwater: Voices from within the veil. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 1999.

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22

Du Bois, W. E. B. Darkwater: Voices from within the veil. New York: Washington Square Press, 2004.

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23

Du Bois, W. E. B. Darkwater. Amherst, N.Y: Humanity Books, 2003.

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24

Du Bois, W. E. B. Darkwater: Voices from within the veil. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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25

Malek, Alia. Patriot acts: Narratives of post-9/11 injustice. San Francisco: McSweeneys Books, 2011.

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26

Homeland insecurity: The Arab American and Muslim American experience after 9/11. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2009.

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27

Greene, Ken. When the walls came down: A Black 9/11 survivor's view of life in America. New York: Passion Profit Co., 2004.

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28

Hamid, Mohsin. The Reluctant Fundamentalist. Orlando, Florida: Harcourt, Inc., 2007.

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29

The reluctant fundamentalist. Orlando: Harcourt, 2008.

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30

The reluctant fundamentalist. Orlando, FL: Harcourt, Inc., 2007.

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31

Hamid, Mohsin. The reluctant fundamentalist. [Toronto]: Bond Street Books, 2007.

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32

Hamid, Mohsin. The reluctant fundamentalist. Orlando: Harcourt, 2008.

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33

Matthews, R., and P. Francis. Tackling Racial Attacks. Scarman Centre for the Study of Public Order, 1993.

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34

1968-, Francis Peter, Matthews Roger 1948-, and University of Leicester. Centre for the Study of Public Order., eds. Tackling racial attacks. Leicester: Centre for the Study of Public Order, University of Leicester, 1993.

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35

COUNCIL, REDBRIDGE COMMUNITY RELATIONS, ed. SILENCE gives consent.: Racist attacks in Redbridge, what is to be done?. Ilford: Redbridge Community Relations Council, 1986.

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36

Horne, Gerald. Race War!: White Supremacy and the Japanese Attack on the British Empire. New York University Press, 2004.

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37

Horne, Gerald. Race War!: White Supremacy and the Japanese Attack on the British Empire. NYU Press, 2005.

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38

Glasgow, Josh. A Metatheory of Race. Edited by Naomi Zack. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190236953.013.16.

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Arguments from reference are widely used by people who otherwise disagree about race. They are used by people who think that race is an illusion (antirealists). They are used by people who think that race is socially real (constructivists). Theories of race across the disciplines normally define “race” descriptively to defend their views on what race is. This normal approach has come under attack, from two angles: that descriptive definitions are flawed, and that using any semantic arguments is fruitless. However, normal race theory can be defended against these objections, because the mode of reference relevant to race is descriptive and there is no privileged nondescriptive mode of reference that is (can be) relevant to the race debates.

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39

Goldstein, Lyle. Preventive Attack and Weapons of Mass Destruction: A Comparative Historical Analysis. Stanford University Press, 2005.

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40

Clarke, Bob. Remember Scarborough - the German Attacks on England's East Coast. Amberley Publishing, 2010.

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41

Kachun, Mitch. Crispus Attucks Meets the New Negro. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199731619.003.0006.

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During the era of the “New Negro” after World War I, African Americans intensified their attention to Attucks and other race heroes as they made more overt efforts to incorporate African American achievements into the national historical narrative. The decades after 1920 saw an expansion of both textual and nontextual attention to black history as well as increasing complaints from black commentators about the exclusion of that history from school curricula and public life. While mainstream textbooks failed to incorporate Attucks or African Americans in general, black authors attempting to replace or supplement the white narrative apparently were frustrated by how little was actually known about Attucks. Black activism and black attention to heroes of the race intensified as World War II approached.

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42

The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe. Encounter Books, 2017.

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43

The war on cops: How the new attack on law and order makes everyone less safe. Encounter Books, 2016.

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44

Archer, Richard. Intimidation, Assaults, and Riots. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190676643.003.0006.

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Verbal attacks, physical assaults, and race riots were regular occurrences in the first two-thirds of the 1830s. Black reformers (and African Americans in general) and white abolitionists were the usual targets. The peak year for such assaults in New England turned out to be 1835. After that date, although individual insults and taunts continued, mass attacks on African American neighborhoods and on abolitionists of every hue tapered off and then all but disappeared. A backlash to the violence developed. Some people—through shame, embarrassment, or perhaps just a curiosity sparked by dramatic events—gave a second look to emancipation and equal rights. That might be cause for hope, but any dispassionate assessment of the decade of the 1830s had to conclude that the rights of black New Englanders were no better in 1840 than they had been in 1830. Unity and uplift were not enough.

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45

Austin, Allan W. Refugees from Abroad and at Home. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037047.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the work of the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) in the wake of World War II. Even before the United States officially entered the war, waves of refugees from the European conflict pushed the AFSC to act, and it established hostels to help the newcomers adjust to their new lives in America. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, AFSC activists found themselves faced with a second refugee problem—this time internal migrants as Japanese Americans incarcerated in American concentration camps looked to resettle in the Midwest and East. Again reflecting the AFSC's understanding of race as a multifaceted, global issue, its efforts to create hostels to help both European and Japanese American refugees reveal the continued evolution of Friendly ideas about race, ethnicity, and assimilation in the United States as Quakers increasingly responded to these wartime crises with less direct solutions aimed at overcoming job and housing discrimination.

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46

Bashevkin, Sylvia. Preemption in the Wake of 9/11. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190875374.003.0005.

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Chapter 5 assesses Condoleezza Rice’s contributions in the George W. Bush era as the first female national security advisor and first female African American secretary of state. In the wake of the events of 9/11, Rice developed a preemption argument that said the United States could not wait for attack before defending itself. This view, which underpinned the Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003, was consistent with an aggressive approach to leadership that pre-dated Rice’s time in senior foreign policy office. In contrast to Albright’s sense of group consciousness, Rice was long committed to a “no victims” approach to discrimination—whether bias was based on race or sex. In that way, she amplified the conservative individualism of many Republican voters.

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47

European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, ed. The impact of 7 July 2005 London Bomb attacks on Muslim communities in the EU. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2006.

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48

Kachun, Mitch. Crispus Attucks and the Black Freedom Struggle, 1950s–1970s. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199731619.003.0008.

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As the integrationist civil rights movement took shape, Attucks became one of the most prominent black figures to enter elementary and secondary school curricula and textbooks. In most mainstream texts he became merely a token black presence, yet some white commentators took issue with even this superficial elevation to the status of Revolutionary patriot, reviving the contention that Attucks was no more than a rabble-rousing ruffian. Meanwhile, black writers characterized him as everything from a peaceful integrationist to an Afrocentric rebel to a sellout Uncle Tom. Attucks was now more present than ever in the nation’s public schools and popular culture, but widespread disagreement remained regarding his status as a national hero to be honored by all, an embodiment of race pride, a symbol of violence and disorder, or an irrelevant nobody who should be forgotten.

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49

Clark, Shannan. The Making of the American Creative Class. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199731626.001.0001.

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During most of the twentieth century, the production of America’s consumer culture was centralized in New York to an extent unparalleled in the history of the modern United States. Within a few square miles were the headquarters of broadcast networks like NBC and CBS, the editorial offices of book and magazine publishers, major newspapers, and advertising and design agencies. Every day tens of thousands of writers, editors, artists, performers, technicians, secretaries, and other white-collar workers made advertisements, produced media content, and enhanced the appearance of goods in order to boost sales. While this center of creativity has often been portrayed as a smoothly running machine, within these offices many white-collar workers challenged the managers and executives who directed their labor. This book examines these workers and New York’s culture industries throughout the twentieth century. As manufacturers and retailers competed to attract consumers’ attention, their advertising expenditures financed the growth of enterprises engaged in the production of culture. With the shock of the Great Depression, employees in these firms organized unions to improve their working conditions; launched alternative media and cultural endeavors supported by public, labor, or cooperative patronage; and fought in other ways to expand their creative autonomy. As blacklisting and attacks on unions undermined these efforts after the Second World War, workers in advertising, design, publishing, and broadcasting found themselves constrained in their ability to respond to economic dislocations and to combat discrimination on the basis of gender and race in these fields of cultural production.

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50

Castledine, Jacqueline. “Battleships, Atom Bombs, and Lynch Ropes”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037269.003.0005.

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This chapter explores how the founding of the Progressive Party (PP) in 1948 was a significant milestone in the lives of Eslanda Goode Robeson, Shirley Graham, and Charlotta Bass, helping to mark their evolution from social activists to public intellectuals. Their success in uniting race and gender emancipation ideologies and connecting them to world peace with the support of mixed-sex, racially integrated organizations complicates critiques that nationalist movements have historically discouraged women's attempts to address feminist concerns. Furthermore, the work of these women in the PP, and in organizations like the Council on African Affairs (CAA) and the Sojourners for Truth and Justice, demonstrates a comprehensive strategy to operate within both political and social movements in an attack against the dehumanizing effects of white supremacy and for the promise of global peace.

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