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Journal articles on the topic 'Racket Attack'
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1
Mao, Bi Jian. "Biomechanical Analysis of Two Techniques Performed in Table Tennis." Applied Mechanics and Materials 182-183 (June 2012): 1658–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.182-183.1658.
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Table tennis, as one of the most popular sports in China, has grown considerably since its developed in the 19th century in England. The biomechanics of the research methods in many sports has been widely used, for understanding of sports and technology and improve sports played an important role Fast break and curving ball technology is this game’s core technology. In this study, we based on fast break and curving ball features of kinematic to reveal the table tennis forehand techniques. Eight male volunteers were participated in this tests, the speed of the racket during the playing was recorded through Vicon Motion Capture System. The action was divided into three major phases: back swing, attack and follow through. At the end of back swing stage, break and curl technologies, the speed parameter shows some differences. While the peak speed in ball contact frame, the speed of curling ball was significantly higher than the fast break. Further study could be carried out in detailing analysis at sub-stage of the action for integral considering.
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Neufeld, Mackenzie, Ahmed Samir Ead, and Eric Lepp. "Design of a Braided Composite Badminton Racket on Solidworks." Alberta Academic Review 2, no. 2 (September 18, 2019): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/aar64.
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Current badminton rackets are typically made out of steel, aluminium, or carbon fibre. Although these materials perform acceptably, there are some downsides to their properties. However, these non-ideal characteristics of badminton rackets may be overcome with the usage of different manufacturing materials, specifically braided composites. An example of a braided material is KevlarⓇ. Kevlar is a heat resistant and high strength synthetic fibre that can be manufactured into braids using a maypole braiding system. These Kevlar braids can then be manipulated to a preferred shape for the curing process. In order to come up with a feasible design to base the prototype, a 3D modelling software (SolidWorksTM) is used. This ensures geometrical viability and possible to manufacture of the prototype. Modeling a badminton racket on Solidworks required the modelling of a racket head, and handle. The head was created using 2 ellipses, one of which acted as a skeleton, or mould for the Kevlar braid, and the other was a hollow ellipse which encompassed the mold and acted as the Kevlar braid. The solid ellipse was created in two halves, each having either an extrusion or a hole in the ends. This allowed them to easily attach to form a full ellipse. Once modeled, the solid ellipse was 3D printed to act as the curing mandrel, an internal skeleton for the Kevlar braids. In order to attach the head to the handle, a three-part connector piece was created and 3D printed. The rod of the racket was not created with an internal skeleton because the flexibility would falter. Instead, the Kevlar braids were slid off the material after curing and attached to the racket heads connector piece. In order to have a balanced weight ratio throughout the racket, the grip was created with an internal 3D printed skeleton. This structure allowed for a feasible, flexible, and strong Kevlar based product.
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Panayi, Panikos. "Racial Violence in the New Germany 1990–93." Contemporary European History 3, no. 3 (November 1994): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000898.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the re-unification of Germany in the following year, the contemporary history of Germany was characterised by a rise in the more potent manifestations of racism, notably an increase in support for extreme right-wing parties and an enormous upsurge in the number of racial attacks which have taken place against minorities of all descriptions. In addition, as a reaction against the racist violence, specifically the attack upon a Turkish home in Solingen in June 1993, there was also a violent response on the part of the Turks.
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Lundsteen, Martin. "Conflicts in and around Space: Reflections on ‘Mosque Conflicts’." Journal of Muslims in Europe 9, no. 1 (February 5, 2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341410.
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Abstract The 21st century has seen increasing attacks directed at Muslim places of worship, a social problem that has resulted in a whole array of investigations. This article suggests that the majority of this research on mosque conflicts fails to address the entrenched class dynamics and shifting geography of capitalist accumulation. Consequently, it complements this research by analysing the first mediatised conflict of its kind in Spain, the protest against the construction of a purpose-built mosque in Catalonia, Premià de Mar. The case demonstrates that the opposition was in fact a racist attack against Muslims answering to the economic interests of the local bourgeoisie. The ones acting it out, a section of the local working class, was convinced that this symbol of migrant presence would be a degrading feature that would jeopardise their recent social upward mobility. Hence it is fundamentally an expression of how racist logic is embedded in the spatial logic of capitalism in the 21st century.
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Ghimire, Bhumika. "Racist attacks on call center workers." Ubiquity 2006, January (January 2006): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1119621.1119623.
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Dinsdale, Paul. "On the offensive over racist attacks." Nursing Standard 19, no. 4 (October 6, 2004): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.19.4.9.s20.
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Dinsdale, Paul. "Belfast angered by racist attacks on Filipino nurses." Nursing Standard 19, no. 10 (November 17, 2004): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.19.10.6.s10.
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Sparmann, M., and D. Müller. "Ungewöhnliche attackenweise Einschlafstörungen Unusual attack-like sleep onset disturbances." Nervenheilkunde 36, no. 06 (2017): 435–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1627037.
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ZusammenfassungUnter Bezugnahme auf einen Fallbericht mit stromstoßartigen Empfindungen im Rachen beim Einschlafen sowie Zusammenzucken infolge Erschreckens dabei und unabhängig davon Zuckungen der Arme oder Beine sowie Apnoen wird auf das Vorkommen von sensiblen oder sensorischen Wahrnehmungen als ungewöhnliche Begleiterscheinungen von Einschlafmyoklonien hingewiesen. Sie können auch ohne Zuckungen als deren Äquivalente bzw. Varianten auftreten und werden sensory sleep starts genannt. Bislang hat das Gefühl des explodierenden Kopfes besondere Beachtung gefunden und ist in der internationalen Klassifikation der Schlafstörungen als exploding head syndrome neben den Halluzinationen angeführt, obgleich es zu diesen gehört.
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Nijjar, Jasbinder S. "Southall: symbol of resistance." Race & Class 60, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396819831578.
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23 April 2019 marks forty years since the murder of Blair Peach, who was a teacher and anti-racist activist killed by police in Southall, West London while protesting against the far Right’s attack on the town. In the spirit of what Howard Zinn called ‘radical history’, this article recalls the violent events in Southall four decades ago, with a view to discussing their significance for anti-racist practice today and their roots in colonial occupation.
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Justito Adiprasetio. "Under the shadow of the state: Media framing of attacks on West Papuan students on Indonesian online media." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i2.1124.
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The attack on the West Papua student dormitory in Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia, on 16 August 2019 by the Islamic Defender Fronts (FPI), Communication Forum for Retired Children of the Indonesian Military/Police (FKPPI) and Pancasila Youth (PP) sharpened Indonesia’s crisis with West Papua. The baldly racist attack then ignited repression, as well as demonstrations from West Papuans in various cities. In such a crisis, Indonesian online media does not provide proportional voices from West Papuan society. That adds to a record of how bad the practice of journalism related to West Papua so far appears to be. This study conducted a quantitative framing analysis, examining the number of reports, use of resource persons and the use of framing of crisis in the news, on six Indonesian online media: okezone.com, detik.com, kompas.com, tribunnews.com, cnnindonesia.com and tirto.id in the period of August 13-31, 2019. From the 2,471 news reports, it can be seen that most of the main news sources used by the media are from the government and the apparatus and police. West Papuan society received only scant coverage compared with the range of news of the attacks on West Papua student dormitories and their effects. The dominant crisis frames that appear in the news are the frame of attribution of responsibility and frame of conflict. The frame of human interest, frame of morality and frame of economic take the bottom three positions.
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Ray, Larry, David Smith, and Liz Wastell. "The Macpherson Report: A View from Greater Manchester." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 1 (March 1999): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.238.
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These comments arising from the Macpherson Report are made in the light of our research on racist violence in Greater Manchester. This study, funded by the ESRC as part of the Violence Research Programme, is still in progress and our findings at this stage are tentative. The focus of the study is mainly on the perpetrators of racist violence, but we have also obtained material on the response of the police and other agencies to racist attacks and harassment.
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Stevenson, Stuart. "A racist attack managing complex relationships with traumatised service users – a psychodynamic approach." Journal of Social Work Practice 34, no. 3 (August 14, 2019): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02650533.2019.1648247.
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Harisen, Amien. "Ransomware 101: Understanding the Business Model." ACMIT Proceedings 4, no. 1 (March 19, 2017): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33555/acmit.v4i1.53.
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WannaCrypt Ransom ware outbreak in 2017 shocked everyone in the term of the spreading and damage it caused. WannaCry Ransomware keep us reminded that the impact of ransomware attack is devastating and costly. Crypto Wall alone racked up around $324 million in 2016 (Trend Micro, 2016), while WannaCry tally not yet to be confirmed, since its spreading in 150 countries including Indonesia within its infection spreading in 2017. Since its modern outbreak in 2014, ransomware produce one word to the cybercriminal operator, profit. In this paper, we will breakdown how the ransomware works, the history of ransomware, and why it is one of the profitable main fronts for the cybercriminal.
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Ekman, Mattias. "Anti-refugee Mobilization in Social Media: The Case of Soldiers of Odin." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511876443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118764431.
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In the wake of the international refugee crisis, racist attitudes are becoming more publicly evident across the European Union. Propelled by the attacks in Köln on New Year’s Eve 2015 and harsher public sentiments on immigration, vigilante gangs have emerged in various European cities. These gangs mobilize through social media networks and claim to protect citizens from alleged violent and sexual attacks by refugees. This article analyzes how racist actors use social media to mobilize and organize street politics targeting refugees/immigrants. The aim is to explore the relation between social media and anti-refugee mobilization in a time of perceived insecurity and forced migration. The study uses the vigilante network Soldiers of Odin as a specific case, looking at (1) how they communicate through social media, (2) how they are represented in the large “alternative” space of right-wing online sites, and (3) how they are represented in traditional mainstream news. Using a critical adaption of Cammaerts’ theory of “mediation opportunity structure,” the article explicates the (inverted) rationale of racist online networks. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis, both social media content and traditional news media are examined. The results show that although racist actors succeed in utilizing many of the opportunities embedded in social media communication and protest logic, they are also subject to constraints, such as a lack of public support and negative framing in news media. The article calls for more research on the (critical) relationship between uncivil engagement and social media networks.
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Das, Purba. "“Save our students”: contesting discourses of racist attacks against Indians down under." Asian Journal of Communication 26, no. 1 (July 7, 2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2015.1041536.
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Caterino, Brian. "Perestroika's Last Stand." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001216.
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In 10 years, Perestroika has gone from a “raucous” forum discussing a wide range of issues to a largely moribund list that posts occasional jobs and attacks those who dare to bring up controversial topics. A good example of the decline of the list was illustrated by one participant's recent attempt to raise the issue of Glenn Beck's slander of Frances Fox Piven and the late Richard Cloward. The poster was attacked by some group members for “politicizing” Perestroika. These members claimed that the list was a no-politics zone for debating methodological issues. Since Glenn Beck did not hold a tenured position in the discipline, others felt that his ideas were not rational enough to warrant a response. Some on the list (perhaps with scant knowledge of left-wing media) proposed approaching Rachel Maddow, and while a few media outlets did take up this case, it never reached the main talkies. In the end, however, Perestroikans failed to stand up for the integrity of the free and wide-ranging discourse they claim to champion.
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Siddiqui, Sophia. "Anti-racist feminism: engaging with the past." Race & Class 61, no. 2 (September 10, 2019): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396819875041.
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Two landmark books, originally published during the same era of struggle in the UK, have been republished in 2018: Finding a Voice: Asian women in Britain and Heart of the Race: Black women’s lives in Britain. These books make the history of anti-racism in the UK – and the role of black and Asian women within this that is so often overlooked – accessible to a broad audience and give context to the gendered racism and racialised patriarchies that persist today. Reviewing these reissued texts, the author argues that the UK’s radical history is a powerful tool that can reactivate anti-racist feminism both locally and internationally, pointing to the continued fight to retain BAME domestic violence refuges in the face of austerity cuts in the UK and the unique global solidarity that is coming to the fore as an emboldened far Right attacks women’s rights internationally.
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REFAIE, ELISABETH EL. "Competing Discourses about Austria's Nazi Past and Racist Bomb Attacks in the 1990s." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 12, no. 2 (September 2004): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1460846042000250909.
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Teloni, Dimitra-Dora, and Regina Mantanika. "'This is a cage for migrants': the rise of racism and the challenges for social work in the Greek context." Critical and Radical Social Work 3, no. 2 (August 20, 2015): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986015x14332581741051.
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Greece has been an emblematic case for the European Union's implementation of anti-immigration securitisation and externalisation. These policies have been translated into non-tolerance and intimidation towards certain populations, which, in turn, has resulted in more and more violent forms of the rejection of migration, which has become mainstream. Parallel to this are racist attacks, pogroms and acts of violence committed by neo-Nazi groups. On the other hand, a growing anti-racist movement has emerged in the form of human rights defence and solidarity networks and anti-racist resistance. This article aims to show the ways in which the rise of situations of rejection and racism have come to challenge the work of social workers and to understand how social work can be rearticulated with regard to its core values of social change and social justice, the antithesis of the profession's traditional 'neutrality' and 'culture of silence'.
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Chan, Paul. "Second Nature." October 155 (January 2016): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00246.
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Paul Chan's speech, first delivered on the occasion of Engage More Now! A Symposium on Artists, Museums, and Publics at the Hammer Museum in Los Angeles (November 2015), proposes that artistic experiences be understood as forms that vividly emblematizes the relationship between cunning and reasoning. It considers the ways in which this relationship echoes within the broadest arenas of social life and how such an outlook could upend what have become standard and increasingly tedious debates about aesthetics, politics, and social engagement in art. Chan also delivers a brief attack against the xenophobic and racist 2016 G.O.P presidential candidates, in particular Donald Trump.
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Santos, Rita, and Sílvia Roque. "The populist far-right and the intersection of antiimmigration and antifeminist agendas: the Portuguese case." DiGeSt - Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies 8, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/digest.v8i1.16958.
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This article aims to discuss the intersections of the anti-feminist and anti-immigration agendas in the Portuguese far-right through critical discourse analysis of the PNR and Chega’s positions. These political actors convey nationalist, racist and anti-multiculturalist messages at the same time that they show their hostility towards gender equality policies, using racial, cisgender and heteronormative categories as criteria to define whose citizens are worthy of defense/protection. Recently, they have also co-opted gender equality agendas to justify anti-immigration positions, specifically opposing the hosting of refugees, depicted as a potential threat to the imagined Portuguese and European white and Christian community. The latter representation, apparently disruptive of their own conservative ideology based on protecting the traditional family/nation, is thus re-oriented in order to simultaneously attack “gender ideology”. The article shows how the mobilization of gendered and racialized tropes in the construction of Europe and Portugal as at risk from ‘external’ forces re-inscribes racist and xenhophobic securitarian discourses in the political sphere.
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Bonnefoy, Yves, and John Felstiner. "Why Paul Celan Took Alarm." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 125, no. 1 (January 2010): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2010.125.1.204.
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Paul Celan Breaks Into “Tears, His Body Shaken by Sobbing, the Whole Affair Again Present, Accusings, Denouncings, as Stunned and distressed as on day 1.” It's June 1966 in Paris, and he has gone with Yves Bonnefoy to visit a “most generous, most welcoming” friend who has “deep instincts for a poet's quality and for how infamous these attacks on Celan were.” But “[t]hat trustful welcome had only deepened the open wound.”Nothing in the life of Paul Celan (1920-70), short of his parents' murder in the Holocaust, racked him more than the vicious, specious plagiarism charges a German French writer, Claire Goll, launched against him on behalf of her deceased husband. As Bonnefoy saw all too well, Celan never recovered from them.
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KNOX, COLIN. "Tackling Racism in Northern Ireland: ‘The Race Hate Capital of Europe’." Journal of Social Policy 40, no. 2 (July 26, 2010): 387–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000620.
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AbstractNorthern Ireland has been dubbed by the media as the ‘race hate capital of Europe’ and attracted recent international criticism after one hundred Roma families were forced to flee their homes following racist attacks. This paper examines the problem of racism in Northern Ireland from a number of perspectives. First, it considers the effectiveness of the Government's response to racism against its Racial Equality Strategy 2005–10 using performance criteria designed to track the implementation of the strategy. Second, it considers and empirically tests the assertion in the literature that sectarianism shapes the way in which racism is reproduced and experienced. Third, it explores racism at the level of the individual – which factors influence people in Northern Ireland to exhibit racist behaviour. Finally, the paper considers the likely policy implications of the research findings in the context of devolved government where addressing racism is part of a wider political imbroglio which has gridlocked decision-making within the power-sharing Executive of Northern Ireland.
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de Saxe, Jennifer Gale, Sarah Bucknovitz, and Frances Mahoney-Mosedale. "The Deprofessionalization of Educators: An Intersectional Analysis of Neoliberalism and Education “Reform”." Education and Urban Society 52, no. 1 (August 11, 2018): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013124518786398.
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Throughout this article, we discuss the neoliberal assault on public education, specifically in the United States, which, through coercive means, is anti-feminist, racist, and classist and demonstrates a deliberate attack on the female-dominated teaching profession. By contextualizing and analyzing education policies through a framework of intersectional critical feminism, we demonstrate how educators are delegitimized and deprofessionalized through privatization, education “reform,” and policies that reduce the profession to one that is both technicist and rote, all under the guise of “equity” and “social justice.” Our analysis reinforces the need to better understand the intricacies that permeate such policies so that the necessity to resist becomes inherently part of teaching, education, and political activism both in the United States and internationally.
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Artamonova, Olga. "Teacher’s ethnic teasing: Playing with ambiguity and exploiting in-group communication." Discourse & Society 29, no. 1 (August 28, 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926517726113.
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This article discusses the issue of ethnic teasing used by a teacher and his students in a multiethnic classroom of a German middle school. The teacher and his students exploit the resources of the racist discourse for multiple in-group rituals. Based on a school ethnography and conversation analysis, this case study attempts to interpret the teasing practices, which are performed in a classroom where ethnicity matters greatly. The teasing interactions here, questioned in the local context, seem to be a part of a working consensus, helping to regulate interpersonal relations in class. These vague and risky practices infringe the politeness norms: they are based on a daily face-attack ritualization through which a partial weakening of the discriminatory effect might be achieved.
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Goodale, Eben, and Sarath W. Kotagama. "Alarm Calling in Sri Lankan Mixed-Species Bird Flocks." Auk 122, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/auk/122.1.108.
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Abstract Vocal alarm calls are important to the vigilance and likely the organization of mixed-species flocks, but community-wide studies of alarm calling in flocks are lacking. We investigated which species alarm-call, and the characteristics of their calls, in a large flock system of a Sri Lankan rainforest. We recorded naturally elicited alarm calls during several attacks by Accipiter hawks and while following flocks for 10 h. We then artificially elicited alarms by throwing a stick to the side of the flock, in a total of 70 trials at 30 flock sites. The Orange-billed Babbler (Turdoides rufescens) was the most frequent caller to both the artificial and natural stimuli, followed by the Greater Racket-tailed Drongo (Dicrurus paradiseus). Several other species also called, and multiple species often called to the same stimulus (in 23 trials, and in all of the hawk attacks). The species differed in their rapidity of response and in their sensitivity to different natural stimuli. Calls of the gregarious babbler usually provided a first, unreliable warning of an incoming threat, whereas later calls of other species emphasized the seriousness of the threat. We suggest that birds in mixed-species flocks may be particularly aware of aerial predators for two reasons: (1) a “numbers effect,” whereby nongregarious species are more aware of predators when surrounded by large numbers of other species; and (2) an “information effect,” whereby species differ in the information available in their alarm calls, leading to an accumulation of information in a mixed-species flock. Llamadas de Alarma en Bandadas Mixtas de Aves en Sri Lanka
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Bachera, Ewelina, and Stephan V. Jupinko. "The problem of hate crimes in the United States of America." Problemy Prawa Karnego 5, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/ppk.2021.05.04.
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The aim of this article is to draw attention to an issue that has a long history: the problem of hate crimes in the United States of America. There is no doubt that hate crimes are the type of crime that attack the very principle of individuality that is an entitlement under the equal protection of the law (in the U.S.). Bearing the foregoing in mind the above, and that the number of such crime has increased at an alarming rate, this article describes and discusses types of hate crimes such as: Racist and Religious Hate Crimes, Sexual Orientation-Based Hate Crimes and Disability Hate Crimes as an extended projection of the analysis, several solutions have been proposed to mitigate tensions and combat the prevalence and severity of hate crime in all its forms.
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McNutt, James E. "A Very Damning Truth: Walter Grundmann, Adolf Schlatter, and Susannah Heschel’sThe Aryan Jesus." Harvard Theological Review 105, no. 3 (July 11, 2012): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000119.
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Over the past several decades historians have turned a critical eye to the complicity of the German churches in fostering poisonous societal attitudes towards Jews on the eve of the Holocaust.1Emerging from this research has been the disputed relationship between Christian anti-Judaism and the intense race-based anti-Semitism of the Nazi era. Separating the content and motivation of these two forms of disparagement has allowed Christians to remove themselves from the genocidal equation linked to radical, racist attacks on Jews.2Susannah Heschel’sThe Aryan Jesustackles this issue by examining the historical backdrop and explicit content of racially motivated attacks on Jews by German Protestants in the years preceding and during the Holocaust. Targeting the Eisenach Institute for the Study and Eradication of Jewish Influence on German Church Life together with the Institute’s leader, Walter Grundmann, her findings may well render obsolete any theoretical dichotomy between religious anti-Judaism and racial anti-Semitism.3
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Emery, Christine, Rita T. Hayes, and Madalyn Kelly Parlet. "Bullying of, and Retaliation by, Aboriginal Students in an Australian Urban High School." South Pacific Journal of Psychology 10, no. 2 (1998): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0257543400000857.
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AbstractQualitative research methods were used to explore the dynamics of racist bullying of, and retaliation by. Aboriginal students in a large, predominantly White, urban high school. Transcripts of recorded interviews and discussion groups with 11 Aboriginal students aged between 13 and 17 were analysed. Bullying by White students mainly took the form of verbal abuse, whereas retaliation by Aboriginal students was predominantly in the form of physical attacks. Aboriginal students tended to deal with bullying at the peer group level rather than by seeking adult intervention. This appears to have been because of poor teacher response and institutional racism. Recommendations are made for dealing with bullying issues in the school setting, and for future research.
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Ataöv, Türkkaya. "A REPLY TO JUDITH E. TUCKER'S A LOOK BACK: “THE NAIM-ANDONIAN DOCUMENTS” BY VAHAKN DADRIAN (IJMES 40 [MAY 2008]: 171–79)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090454.
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“The truth is the whole!” wrote Hegel. The reprint of V. N. Dadrian's article on the so-called Andonian “documents” steers clear of many pertinent facts related to Armenian-Turkish relations and falls short of Hegel's maxim. Dadrian reduces the topic to a one-sided indoctrination, limiting his references to selected narratives and omitting all evidence that contradicts mainstream Armenian views. His article bypasses the initial Armenian massacre of Muslim Anatolians, the Armenian-led revolt in the Ottoman province of Van, and Armenian shedding of blood in about a dozen wars or armed clashes. He attacks the Turks presented with the posture of a prosecuting attorney in tones so biased that today's social scientists would define them as racist.
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Priemel, Kim Christian. "Occupying Ukraine: Great Expectations, Failed Opportunities, and the Spoils of War, 1941–1943." Central European History 48, no. 1 (March 2015): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000059.
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AbstractThe attack against the Soviet Union was ideologically motivated, but the timing owed a great deal to military and economic considerations. German hopes largely focused on Ukraine, which was expected to be both a giant breadbasket and a reservoir of essential minerals. But plans for the economic exploitation of Ukraine were flawed from the beginning and remained inconsistent throughout the war. Substantial reconstruction efforts only began belatedly and were accompanied by brute force that combined economic logic with ideological zeal. The Nazi policies of racist repression and mass murder were, then, both a means of and an obstacle to exploitation of the East. Yet, they were also successful: without the raw materials obtained from Ukraine, the Nazi war machine would have likely ground to a halt well before 1945. The cost of sustaining the German war effort was consequently borne, to a large extent, by the local population, which labored under appalling conditions both in the Reich and in Ukraine itself.
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Delgado, Daniel Justino. "“My Deputies Arrest Anyone Who Breaks the Law”: Understanding How Color-blind Discourse and Reasonable Suspicion Facilitate Racist Policing." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 4, no. 4 (March 5, 2018): 541–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218756135.
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In 2010, Arizona passed Senate Bill 1070. Although the Department of Justice has since deflated some of the racist tones contained within the bill, it set into motion several similar bills in other states. The author argues that this bill represents state-level color-blind racial ideology and facilitates white supremacy at the macro (state) and meso (police institutions) levels. Analyzing the state’s guidelines for determining “reasonable suspicion” implemented by the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO) in 2010 and 95 press releases from the desk of MCSO’s head sheriff, Joe Arpaio, from 2011, the author shows that these discourse have enabled racial profiling, racial discrimination, and racial attacks on the Latino/a community in the Phoenix metropolitan area. The use of this color-blind discourse masks state-sanctioned white supremacy perpetrated by the MCSO. The guidelines for reasonable suspicion shape the MCSO’s justificatory narratives (press releases) after racial profiling has occurred. In light of the Department of Justice’s findings that the sheriff’s office did indeed practice racial profiling of Latinos/as, this project peels back the discursive layers on how these racist practices are justified and how color-blind racism does more than create racialized discursive environments but fundamentally shapes, constructs, and enables the state’s police departments practices of white supremacy.
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Mussano, Silvia. "Citizenship education policies in Northern Ireland and the recognition of ethnic and racial diversity in the wake of new immigration." Migration Letters 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2004): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v1i1.22.
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This paper investigates the emergence of a citizenship education policy in Northern Ireland and its recognition of ethnic and racial diversity. This is particularly important in the wake of the recent rise in racist attacks on non-nationals. It argues that Northern Ireland constitutes an interesting case study in both the conceptualisation and the accommodation of diversity in education. The distinctive contribution of citizenship education á la nord-irlandaise to the debate on education and immigration is situated within the context of the emergence of this curricular module in Europe. The importance of international normative models emerges out of the consideration that European initiatives in citizenship education may point the way forward and provide a useful lesson for Northern Ireland
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Ha, Quan-Manh, and Ryan Hitchcock. "From “Big Red” Hydrick to Goat Dykeman: Eudora Welty’s Navigation between the Fictional and the Real in “Where Is the Voice Coming From?”." Prague Journal of English Studies 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjes-2018-0005.
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Abstract Known for her lyrical evocations of the American South, Eudora Welty’s short story “Where is the Voice Coming From?” is unique in her oeuvre for both its intense topicality and its direct treatment of the Southern racism that is often only obliquely acknowledged in her fiction. This article examines how Welty maintains her characteristically deep sympathy for her characters, and her profound attention to detail, while narrating the event of a horrific and racist murder. Furthermore, by providing biographical details of the real life “Goat Dykeman”, G.W. Hydrick, informed readers see how even in a brief story about contemporary events, Welty is continually aware of regional history and assumptions, and she uses details, sometimes very subtly, to attach layers of meaning to her stories.
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Herzfeld, Michael. "Lockdown Reflections on Freedom and Cultural Intimacy." Anthropology in Action 27, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2020.270310.
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In this article I address the role now being played by libertarian attacks on the enforcement of health regulations such as the wearing of masks. I suggest that a kind of cultural intimacy now emerging may take the form of guilty but willful complicity in a libertarian stance, not for reasons of social solidarity or collective freedom but for a NIMBY-like selfishness. That attitude constitutes a larger threat to society and is cultivated by racist and other hate-directed groups often sheltering behind bullying national leaders. These groups adopt the libertarian rhetoric and nationalist tropes of concern to protect individual freedoms, whether in the United States or the United Kingdom. The article ends with an appeal for anthropologists, in particular, to respond by framing a more socially conscious vision of freedom.
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Dhaliwal, Sukhwant. "Respecting and Ensuring Rights." Feminist Dissent, no. 4 (March 11, 2019): 16–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n4.2019.409.
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This article revisits the multiple terrorist attacks that took place in England in 2017 and, through a closer examination of the narratives of the eight male perpetrators of these attacks, it draws the readers’ attention to the flaws in state and non-state responses to fundamentalist mobilisations. The article works with Karima Bennoune’s (2008) radical universalist approach to highlight the importance of a human rights framework for tackling fundamentalism. This is positioned against a neo-liberal and nationalist state response and a reactive left/anti-racist response in order to make visible the connections between terror and torture and also the myopia of a response that emphasises an obligation to either respect or ensure rights rather than both simultaneously. This is particularly underlined within the final section where a discussion of gender perspectives on tackling fundamentalism distinguishes between the human right to security, an important concern for feminists involved in ending violence against women and girls, and the government’s protection of it’s own interests through securitisation. In keeping with the conjoined objectives of the piece, the final section offers a simultaneous critique of non-state actors for whom every state intervention on fundamentalism, and every feminist engagement with the state, is sullied by the accusation of ‘securitisation’.
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West, Ron. "Others, Adults, Censored: The Federal Theatre Project's Black Lysistrata Cancellation." Theatre Survey 37, no. 2 (November 1996): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400001630.
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Though it has been almost completely overlooked, the arbitrary cancellation of the Seattle Negro Repertory Company's 1936 Lysistrata provides a remarkable opportunity to explore the connections between a single, seemingly localized action and a network of socially, politically, and racially repressive forces. Lysistrata's closure on ostensibly moral grounds reveals the operation of a set of cultural and social controls masked as standards of decency. An array of racist assumptions as rigid as those anywhere in the country, though somewhat more subtle, obscured the generally repressive ends that the control system served, both in Seattle and nationwide. The incident thus provides clues to the institutionalized antireform mechanisms that soon coalesced in a successful congressional attack on the Works Project Administration's Federal Theatre Project (FTP), of which the Negro Repertory Company (NRC) was a major unit. The Lysistrata cancellation's connection with that broader offensive also demonstrates the manner in which Hallie Flanagan's “free, adult, uncensored” national theatre threatened the nation's essentially conservative political power structure and drew the decisive backlash that eventually overturned efforts at social change during the Depression Era.
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Josephson, Tristan. "Teaching 'Trump Feminists'." Radical Teacher 111 (July 27, 2018): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2018.473.
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This article takes up the question of how to develop effective strategies for engaging conservative students who feel under attack in feminist classrooms. Every semester I teach a Women’s Studies course that introduces students to the history and breadth of contemporary feminist social movements, with a focus on feminist struggles that center anti-racist, queer, and economic justice analytical frameworks. As a general education course, listed in the university course catalog under the rather generic title of “Introduction to Women’s Movements,” this class attracts students with a range of political perspectives from a variety of academic majors. While the majority of the students tend to enter the class with relatively liberal analyses of gender and racial oppression, a significant minority of students have more conservative views. Dealing with resistant and conservative students in women and gender studies is not a new phenomenon, especially in my position teaching at a regional comprehensive public university in northern California. While the university administration is supportive of students of color and undocumented students, it is also heavily invested in discourses of civility and ‘free speech.’ The recent election cycle and the current Trump presidency have empowered the more conservative students in my classes to mobilize this language to claim that they feel ‘unsafe’ in class and on campus. The appropriation of feminist and queer discourses of ‘safe space’ by students on the right to position themselves as being under attack and vulnerable presents a series of pedagogical challenges. I challenge explicit racist, misogynist, homophobic, and transphobic comments in class and my course readings rigorously challenge these forms of bias. Personally and politically I am committed to making sure that my students who are actually under threat – undocumented students, students of color, queer and trans students – are receiving the support that they need. However, I am also invested in challenging all of my students and trying to make my classrooms into spaces of transformational learning. I explore the question of dissent in feminist classrooms through the problem of conservative students who deploy rhetorics of safety in ways that flatten out power relations and systemic oppression. How to respond to students who proudly proclaim they voted for Trump and consider themselves feminists, or to students who tearfully confess they feel unsafe on campus because of their political views? What pedagogical strategies actively engage conservative students rather than silence and alienate them? How can instructors problematize the notion of ‘safety’ for conservative students to help them develop more critical understandings of structural violence and precarity?
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Heinitz, S., D. Schumann, J. Neuhausen, S. Köchli, K. Thomsen, E. Platacis, O. Lielausis, et al. "A comparison between the chemical behaviour of lead-gold and lead-bismuth eutectics towards 316L stainless steel." Radiochimica Acta 101, no. 10 (October 2013): 637–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/ract.2013.2063.
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Summary Lead-gold eutectic (LGE) has been recently proposed as an alternative target material for high power spallation sources. In order to compare the corrosive properties of LGE to the better-studied eutectic of lead-bismuth (LBE), an isothermal twin-loop made of SS 316L was built and operated at the Institute of Physics of the University of Latvia. We have measured the concentration of steel alloying elements dissolved in both alloys at the end of two test campaigns via ICP-OES. In case of LGE, a pronounced concentration increase of Fe, Ni, Mn and Cr is found in the liquid metal, which is significantly higher compared to LBE. Similar results were obtained during complementary investigations on material samples exposed to both alloys in this twin-loop at 400 ◦C and 450 ◦C. These findings indicate that in contact with LGE, SS 316L steel suffers from substantial chemical attack. Detailed investigations using structure materials other than SS 316L have to be undertaken before qualifying LGE as a serious alternative to LBE.
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Slabbert, André. "CROS S-CULTURAL RACISM IN SOUTH AFRICA – DEAD OR ALIVE?" Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2001): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2001.29.2.125.
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Race, discrimination, prejudice and stereotypes remain emotive words in numerous societies around the globe. Racism implies that a definitive social/psychological process exists through which individuals are categorised, despite the fact that there is often no clear delineation, and this causes chaos in setting evaluative parameters for the structuring of this categorisation process. A non-racial world can exist only if theories and postulations re race are rendered irrelevant. Subsequent to the 1994 South African elections, it became imperative to do this. This artificially polarized society had the opportunity to develop racial unity and hegemony. To assess the relative status of racist paradigms in students, 265 students completed a questionnaire which attempted to measure ethnic group identification and particular interracial attitudes. Results were disappointing, indeed distressing. Significant indications of racist stereotypes were found in all racial groups, with a strong bias towards subjects'own racial groups. The primary conclusion is that racist perceptions and stereotypes remain very prevalent and active in the South African society. A number of recommendations to address the issue are made, e.g. school curricula should include particular components to develop greater understanding/sensitivity re other racial groups; social emphasis should be on cultural solidarity rather than on cultural diversity; national governments should contribute funding towards setting up an international forum to study/combat racism, etc.The concept of race, and the existence of the phenomenon in the minds of perceivers, must be attacked and discarded on an international level if the world is to achieve a state of racial harmony.
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Kellner, Corina M. "The Intersection of Politics and Pedagogy: Teaching Race in Biological Anthropology." Practicing Anthropology 40, no. 4 (September 1, 2018): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.40.4.16.
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Abstract As a biological anthropologist, I discuss controversial issues such as race, gender, and anti-scientism with my students. In the light of the 2016 presidential election and the documented upswing of racist attacks at campuses and in everyday life, I tackle the issue of teaching about race in the upcoming academic year. Biological anthropologists should be at the forefront of helping students understand what race is (and is not) and how racism works since we have a complex view of both its biological and cultural character. In this essay, I argue that we acknowledge to ourselves and to our students that this subject can be fraught, and guidelines for discussion should be in place to promote effective learning. Because the anthropological perspective takes a holistic view of humanity, intertwining policy and politics with what we teach in the biological anthropology classroom has to be part of our job descriptions.
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Watson, Brendan R., Zhao Peng, and Seth C. Lewis. "Who will intervene to save news comments? Deviance and social control in communities of news commenters." New Media & Society 21, no. 8 (March 11, 2019): 1840–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819828328.
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Which bystanders will confront racist, misogynist, personal attacks in news comment sections? This article applies sociological concepts of deviance and social control to categorize efforts to moderate online news comments. Three dimensions of social control are theorized: affirming and sanctioning social control, formal and informal social control, and direct and indirect social control. Particular focus is on indirect informal social control (i.e. rating and reporting of news comments) in order to examine which users are likely to intervene to maintain social order. An analysis of secondary data from a survey of online news users found that demographics play an important role—younger, wealthier, White, males are most likely to report abusive comments. Trust in the news media and authoritarian personality traits also significantly predicted bystander intervention. Theoretical implications for the role of social control in enforcing social norms in news comment spaces and for professional comment moderation are discussed.
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Basu, Amrita, Paula Giddings, Inderpal Grewal, and Kamala Visweswaran. "September 11." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565880.
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Abstract The links among feminism, race, and transnationalism, which are key to the Meridians project, are also crucial to understanding the events of 9/11 and the war on Afghanistan. Some pieces in this archive provide feminist perspectives on the impact of war and fundamentalism on women’s lives in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Other pieces analyze the ways in which racist representations of Muslim women and of Islam have come to play a key part in colonial and neocolonial “great games” being played in South, West, and Central Asia. Yet others link the U.S.-sponsored war in Afghanistan to the repression of the media and the attacks on civil liberties within the U.S. itself. In constructing an archive of these courageous testimonies, Meridians honors the courage and integrity of women in the United States and around the world who aspire to a better, more just world.
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Baas, Michiel. "The Question of Racism: How to Understand the Violent Attacks on Indian Students in Australia?" Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i3.4469.
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For the past ten years I have been involved in research on the topic of Indian student-migrants in Australia. What started in India in 2004 with the ostensibly simple questions why there was such a surge in Indian students’ enrolments in Australia, turned into a study which had the question of migration at the heart of its investigation. Realising that the majority of Indian students based their decision for Australia on the relatively easy pathway the country offered towards permanent residency my research focused on understanding how such trajectories from students to migrants took shape. However, as I argued in Imagined Mobility (Anthem Press, 2010), while the propensity to apply for PR may be high, permanently residing in Australia was often not the objective. Instead many Indian students saw a PR as facilitating the start of transnational existence. In this paper I will draw upon a vast collection of newspaper articles as well as ethnographic material collected over this period in order to produce a personalised account of how I, as an academic researcher, observed the discourse about Indian students in Australia ‘migrate’ from them being welcome international students and would-be migrants to unwelcome profiteers whose place in Australian cities was highly contested. Questions I will focus on are: how did the violent attacks and subsequent debate about their racist nature impact the lives and trajectories of Indian student-migrants as starting transnationals; how did they themselves reflect on these attacks especially in relation to them now being ‘permanent residents’; and finally, what role do ‘Indian students’ continue to play in Australia’s skilled migration debate?
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Armstrong, P. B. "Heart of Darkness and the epistemology of cultural differences." Literator 15, no. 1 (May 2, 1994): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v15i1.648.
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Heart of Darkness has a long history of disagreement about whether to regard it as a daring attack on imperialism or a reactionary purveyor of colonial stereotypes. Taking Achebe’s now famous indictment and Clifford's recent praise that Conrad was an exemplary anthropologist, this article argues that Conrad is neither a racist nor an exemplary anthropologist hut a skeptical dramatist of epistemological processes. The novella has received these divergent responses because its enactment of the dilemmas entailed in understanding cultural otherness is inherently double and strategically ambiguous. The article argues that the novella is a calculated failure to depict achieved cross-cultural understanding presented to the reader through textual strategies which oscillate between affirming and denying the possibility of understanding otherness. The article acknowledges that charges such as that made by Achebe are extremely valuable because they break the aura of the text and establish reciprocity between it and its interpreters by putting them on equal terms, and concludes that a recognition of how unsettingly ambiguous the text is about the ideals of reciprocity and mutual understanding will empower us to engage in a sort of dialogue with it which Marlow never achieves with Africans or anyone else.
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Froio, Caterina. "Race, Religion, or Culture? Framing Islam between Racism and Neo-Racism in the Online Network of the French Far Right." Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 3 (August 21, 2018): 696–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718001573.
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When debates about Islam acquire importance in the public sphere, does the far right adhere to traditional racist arguments, risking marginalization, or does it conform to mainstream values to attain legitimacy in the political system? Focusing on the aftermath of the 2015 terrorist attacks in France, I explore the framing of Islam, discussing how the far right’s nativist arguments were reformulated to engage with available discursive opportunities and dominant conceptions of the national identity. By looking at actors in the protest and the electoral arenas, I examine the interplay between the choice of anti-Islam frames and baseline national values.I offer a novel mixed-method approach to study political discourses, combining social network analysis of the links between seventy-seven far-right websites with a qualitative frame analysis of online material. It also includes measures of online visibility of these websites to assess their audiences. The results confirm that anti-Islam frames are couched along a spectrum of discursive opportunity, where actors can either opt to justify opposition to Islam based on interpretations of core national values (culture and religion) or mobilize on strictly oppositional values (biological racism). The framing strategy providing most online visibility is based on neo-racist arguments. While this strategy allows distortion of baseline national values of secularity and republicanism, without breaching the social contract, it is also a danger for organizations that made “opposition to the system” their trademark. While the results owe much to the French context, the conclusions draw broader implications as to the far right going mainstream.
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Davids, M. "THE IMPACT OF ISLAMOPHOBIA." Psychoanalysis and History 11, no. 2 (July 2009): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1460823509000397.
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Muslims, as members of minority communities in the West, grow up against a background of everyday Islamophobia. I suggest that the Muslim self internalized in such a setting is denigrated ( Fanon 1952 ), a problem usually grappled with during adolescence when identity formation is the key developmental task. This typically involves the adolescent taking on polarized positions and embracing extreme causes. Following the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks Islamophobia intensified, which can be understood, at the psychological level, as an internal racist defence against overwhelming anxiety. Within that defensive organization, which I describe, fundamentalism is inscribed as the problematic heart of Islam, complicating the adolescent's attempt to come to terms with the inner legacy of everyday Islamophobia. I explore these themes through a case study of a young man who travelled to Afghanistan in the 1990s, and by brief reference to Ed Husain's The Islamist and Mohsin Hamid's novel The Reluctant Fundamentalist.
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Bhatia, Monish. "Turning Asylum Seekers into ‘Dangerous Criminals’: Experiences of the Criminal Justice System of those Seeking Sanctuary." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i3.245.
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Since the events of 9/11 in the US in 2001 and, four years later, the 7/7 London bombings in the UK, warnings of terrorist attacks are high on the public agenda in many western countries. Politicians and tabloid press in the UK have continued to make direct and indirect connections between asylum seekers, terrorism and crime. This has increasingly resulted in harsh policy responses to restrict the movement of ‘third-world’ nationals, criminalisation of immigration and asylum policy, and making the violation of immigration laws punishable through criminal courts. This paper largely highlights the narratives of five asylum seekers who committed ‘crime’ by breaching immigration laws and were consequently treated as ‘dangerous criminals’ by the state authorities. More importantly it shows how these individuals experienced this treatment. The aim of this paper is to give voice to the victims of state abuse, claim space for victim agency, gather victim testimonies, challenge official explanations and in the process confront criminal and racist state practices.
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Khoshneviss, Hadi. "The inferior white: Politics and practices of racialization of people from the Middle East in the US." Ethnicities 19, no. 1 (September 18, 2018): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818798481.
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In this paper, I argue that racialization, as a process whose initiation and preservation requires collaboration between state institutions, elites, and citizens, can be better understood in relation to colonial histories and in the current context of colonial situation, and by transcending the corporeal conception of racialization. By looking specifically into the case of people from the Middle East in the US, an ethnically and racially diverse population which historically has been conflated with Muslims due to Orientalist notions of the region, this paper surveys the historical racialization of the categorical figure of Muslim as the ultimate civilizational ‘other.’ Considering that according to the US Census Bureau, people from the Middle East are racially white, this paper also examines how a legally white population in white America is pushed to the margins of civility and center of attack. I conclude that racialization processes in the US rely on a historical politico-legal and socio-cultural repertoire of old modes of othering upon which the foundations of the structurally racist system rest. This socio-cultural repertoire which started from the Spanish Inquisitions against Muslims and Jews, later was transformed and applied to indigenous populations in Americas and enslaved Africans. The current Global War on Terror is a return to that initial start.
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Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. "Implications of the 2012 U.S. Election for U.S. Policy in Africa’s Great Lakes Region." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.50.
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Abstract:While Africans are generally satisfied that a person of African descent was reelected to the White House following a campaign in which vicious and racist attacks were made against him, the U.S. Africa policy under President Barack Obama will continue to be guided by the strategic interests of the United States, which are not necessarily compatible with the popular aspirations for democracy, peace, and prosperity in Africa. Obama’s policy in the Great Lakes region provides an excellent illustration of this point. Since Rwanda and Uganda are Washington’s allies in the “war against terror” in Darfur and Somalia, respectively, the Obama administration has done little to stop Kigali and Kampala from destabilizing the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and looting its natural resources, either directly or through proxies. Rwanda and Uganda have even been included in an international oversight mechanism that is supposed to guide governance and security sector reforms in the DRC, but whose real objective is to facilitate Western access to the enormous natural wealth of the Congo and the Great Lakes region.