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Weems, Lisa. "Embracing Radical Feminism: Theory into Practice." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1391778413.
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Vajjala, Emily. "GENDER-CRITICAL/ GENDERLESS? A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF TRANS-EXCLUSIONARY RADICAL FEMINISM (TERF) IN FEMINIST CURRENT." OpenSIUC, 2020. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1789.
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Feminist Current is a multi-author Canadian self-proclaimed feminist website which frequently publishes trans-exclusionary radical feminist (TERF) discourse via blogs, podcasts, and global news. This project is a critical discourse analysis of the ways in which Feminist Current communicatively constructs and deconstructs transgender identity in problematic and exclusionary ways. In this study, I consider significant definitions given through Feminist Current, entertain the question of whether TERF is a slur, and discuss the major themes. Based on twenty-three sampled essays published on Feminist Current, I find that Feminist Current authors use five major themes in their discourse: violence against women, strategic censorship, antimanipulation and pro-bodily autonomy, performances of humor and naivete, and calls for solidarity. This discourse functions to separate transwomen from women’s spaces and position transwomen as illegitimate and aggressive, while simultaneously repositioning radical feminism as a superior ideological framing.
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Gillmartin, John Allan. "Text of errors an androcentric response to radical feminism /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1986. http://www.tren.com.
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Lynn, Jessica Louise. "Country Women: Back-to-the-Land Feminism and Radical Feminist Praxis in the Women's Liberation Movement." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1123.
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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF JESSICA LOUISE LYNN, for the Master of Arts degree in HISTORY, presented on March 25, 2013, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: COUNTRY WOMEN: BACK-TO-THE-LAND FEMINISM AND RADICAL FEMINIST PRAXIS IN THE WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENT MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Robbie Lieberman Historians of American History, cultural movements, the 60s-era, and even the counterculture frequently categorize second-wave feminism as a monolithic movement, its complexity minimized, its successes devalued. While there are a handful of feminist historians who have offered in depth, corrective histories to the popular narrative of the 60s-era, still missing from the historiography of the second-wave is a comprehensive analysis of the feminist women, and women who became feminists, in the counterculture's back-to-the-land movement. In studying a few feminist farms and communes that developed in the late 1960s, particularly in Mendocino County, California (and some that have survived to present day), and the literature produced therein, I hope to further the historical understanding of how second-wave radical feminist theory was put into practice, and to reveal how the praxis of radical feminism through living on the land enabled women to experience empowerment on a daily basis, and consequently how that empowerment has influenced subsequent generations' feminist undertakings. Back-to-the-land feminism suggests a way to bridge the gap between radical and cultural feminists, or at least suggests radical, social, and cultural feminism was at work as an intersectional, cross-referential aspect of women's liberation and was less divisive, teleological, or chronologically static than scholars thus far have contended. By examining back-to-the-land feminism, we can locate a specific praxis of radical feminist theory. Women's experiences using back-to-basics survival techniques on back-to-the-land communes (such as challenging traditional gender roles by learning "male" oriented work), creating alternatives to capitalist consumer culture (like attempting self-sufficiency and trade networks), experimenting with sexuality and finding empowerment in lesbian partnerships, and using grassroots organizing strategies for women's coalition building and empowerment were some of the ways radical feminist theory was put into practice. In the process of this historical examination I will explore some pertinent questions: Was opting to "drop out" of society to live in experimental, socialistic communities that were usually anti-government and outside of the hegemonic social order inherently apolitical? If so, does this necessarily oust them from feminist social movement? Were the back-to-the-land feminists enacting cultural feminist values, and if so, were they doing so at an earlier time than cultural feminism is said to have come (after radical feminism)? Were back-to-the-land feminists employing strategic separatism and strategic essentialism? And, what is the value in strategic essentialism, "cultural" feminism, and separatism, and how did these "-isms" help back-to-the-land women discover feminist values and enact radical feminism? Finally, how do we measure the success of back-to-the-land feminism, especially since these women are not by current academic standards necessarily considered radical feminists? By examining women's experiences in these back-to-the-land communities, exploring their discontent and subsequent feminist enlightenment, as well as locating their activism as radical feminism, I hope to bring to light an element of the feminist movement that has previously been unexamined.
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Örnros, Elsa. "Sveriges feministiska utrikespolitik : En jämförande innehållsanalys av svensk utrikespolitik mellan åren 2010–2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79958.
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In the year of 2014, the new Swedish government declared itself as the world’s first feminist government. This thesis aims to study the Swedish foreign policy and thus to investigate if the declared feminist foreign policy has resulted in a changed foreign policy. By using two feminist theories; radical feminism and liberal feminism, the study’spurpose is to do a critical comparison between the governmental administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt in the years of 2010-2014, with the administration of Stefan Löfven between 2014-2018. After a recently finished first term of the feminist policy, the subject of this study is interesting in the perspective of evaluation. To investigate if the policy by fact has changed, a qualitative textual analysis will be used. Further, to analyze the foreign policy, foreign declarations from all years between 2011-2018 will constitute the material. In summary, the result demonstrates that a change in policy has appeared and can further be ascertained. Both administrations show clear features of liberal feminism. However, during the last term, between 2014-2018, the governmental policy has shown tendencies of more radical feminist elements. Although the world’s first feministgovernment has received great attention, the future of the feminist foreign policy is still indeterminate.
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Wark, Jayne Marie. "The radical gesture, feminism and performance art in the 1970s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape16/PQDD_0001/NQ27749.pdf.
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Hussein, Iman. "Sexuellt våld i konflikt : En jämförande feministisk studie om sexuellt våld i Demokratiska republiken Kongo." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-89347.
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Conflict related sexual violence is a phenomenon that has come to light since world war II, however it is only in recent years that conflict related sexual violence has been discussed in larger forums. In recent years the subject of Conflict related sexual violence has been researched and brought to light in media. This thesis aims to study the conflict related sexual violence in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The method applied on this thesis was a comparative feminist study. The theoretical framework used in this study is liberal feminism and radical feminism. In this study a comparison between the two feministic focuses has been the main object. The result of the study found that both radical feminism and liberal feminism can explain conflict related sexual violence. Radical feminism main concepts in their theory is sexual oppression that women face. Liberal feminism focus on inequality in the society between the sexes. In the result it was found that both perspectives of feminism could explain the sexual violence as something structural. There is inequality between the sexes in a societal level therefor sexual violence can be used as a way to maintain power.
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Kayaligil, Munir Cem. "Socialism And Feminism: An Analysis Of Turkish Radical Socialist Articles (1987-1994)." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606812/index.pdf.
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In this study, radical socialist articles written on feminism, the feminist movement and the woman question published between 1987 and 1994 in Turkey are examined. The study attempts at describing, classifying and analyzing the Turkish socialist discourse manifested in response to the emergence of feminism in Turkey. It is argued that the Turkish socialists&rsquoapproaches to feminism and the feminists do not differ much, nor a change in their approaches with time can be observed. It is also argued that the theoretical content of the radical socialist articles is usually futile and far from being comprehensive.
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Björklund, Hampus. "Liberalism, Radical Feminism and Prostitution: : A Reassessment of Two Perspectives on Prostitution." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-125017.
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The current philosophical debate about prostitution is mainly concerned with two different points of view: (a) the permissibility of prostitution and if paternalistic interference on behalf of prostitutes is legitimate in a liberal democracy, and (b) feminist objections claiming that it is the unjust structures of the patriarchy that enables and affirms the institution of female bodies being sold on an open market for the sexual desires of males. The aim of this paper is to investigate if both of these perspectives take on too narrow a view when trying to address the phenomenon of prostitution. If so, the conclusions drawn may lead to unwanted consequences making it necessary for a more context-sensitive approach and/or a broader theoretical foundation.
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Vincent, Renee Michele. "The Great Radical Dualism: Locating Margaret Fuller’s Feminism in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s Fiction." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/82.
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The purpose of this thesis is to establish a foundation built on the congruencies between Margaret Fuller’s feminist theory and Nathaniel Hawthorne’s fiction, with the aim of addressing two major points: first, the implications of universalizing gender in the context of identity politics; and second, to show how gender universality is challenged within Hawthorne’s fiction and Fuller’s prose. Given that Nathaniel Hawthorne’s characters depict a range of personal variability, the act of synthesizing Margaret Fuller’s feminist theory with Hawthorne’s fiction functions to link the personal with the political. The overall goal of this study is to substantiate both writers within a feminist discourse and further, as contributory in the fight for gender equality.
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Donnelly, Ryann. "Radical bodies in music video : feminism, queerness, and subversive performance of gender." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2017. http://research.gold.ac.uk/22391/.
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It is the objective of this research to establish how categories of sex and gender have been subverted through queer and feminist performance in music video since the launch of MTV in 1981. It was at this point that music video entered domestic space, and became a fixture of the music industry. The medium’s cultural ubiquity, and its continually provocative aesthetic experimentation since MTV's inception reinforce this period as an arena of study. This project is approached in critical and practical ways, which respond to the following research questions: How is gender performed to subversive effect in music video? How have methods of performative subversion in music video participated in, or been affected by significant social and technological shifts since 1981? In its critical approach, this thesis considers music videos in dialogue with queer, feminist, and dramatic theory as a means of locating queer and feminist agency in subversive performance. Chapters of the text have been organised in consideration of significant cultural conjunctures, which further contextualise subversive strategies of performance in the work. The first chapter examines music videos whose aesthetics and themes participated in the project of AIDS awareness between the late 1980s and early 1990s. The second chapter explores the proliferation of gender identities in the contemporary landscape of music video. It considers how this has been accommodated by changing modes of production, distribution, and regulation after the internet, and shifting norms of gender and sexuality, evidenced by the legalisation of same sex marriage in the United States and the United Kingdom. The final chapter examines the intersection of sexual and racial identity in work by black artists since the Black Lives Matter movement began in 2012. The practical methodology of this thesis culminates in video projections whose incorporation in live pop music performance creates music videos in real time. This work operates within the post-internet expansion of the medium’s visual economy—its form, regulation, distribution, and borders—and draws on first-hand manipulation of the actions and images which define gender norms. These works expand visual themes of feminism and queerness in a live setting through modes of subversive gender performance, comparable to those explored in the objects of study. In this research, text, video, and performance function together. The critical identification and interpretation of subversive performance both relies on, and informs its practical production.
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Lucena, Mariana Barrêto Nóbrega de. "(Re)pensando a epistemologia feminista na análise da violência contra mulher: uma aproximação com a criminologia crítica." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8335.
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This academic work is a critical review of studies on violence against women undertaken by the american radical feminism and the approaches influenced by this. The research aims to analyze the theoretical framework used on the interpretation about violence in heterosexual relationships, considering the hypothesis that some of its assumptions are wrong. Problem areas found in American traditional theory revolved mainly around three issues. First, its simplistic and reductionist analysis, which summarizes the explanation of violence to gender. Second, its essentialist and deterministic conception of attributes related to men and to their sexuality, which gives them an insurmountable violent nature. Third, the strategy to struggle against violence lately reduced to criminalization and punishment. Such misconceptions reflect their adoption of the old etiological paradigm in criminological considerations made by this current, which has reverberated in different feminist theories and in political activism. In contrast, this work proposes a feminist approach to compose a unit with the critical criminology, that is, to make an interpretation of violence contextualized historically free of essentialism and committed to human emancipation forward to the various mechanisms of oppression.
Este trabalho constitui uma revisão crítica dos estudos sobre a violência contra a mulher empreendidos pelo feminismo radical estadunidense e pelas abordagens por este influenciadas. A pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a fundamentação teórica implementada nas interpretações sobre a violência nas relações heterossexuais, considerando a hipótese de que alguns de seus pressupostos estejam equivocados. Principalmente três aspectos são problematizados nas interpretações da corrente norte-americana. Primeiro, sua análise simplista e reducionista, que resume a explicação da violência contra a mulher à questão de gênero. Segundo, sua concepção essencialista e determinista dos atributos referentes aos homens e a sua sexualidade, que lhes atribui uma natureza violenta insuperável. Terceiro, a estratégia de combate à violência, ultimamente reduzida à criminalização e à penalização de condutas. Tais perspectivas refletem a adoção do antigo paradigma etiológico nas reflexões criminológicas realizadas por essa corrente, que tem reverberado nas diversas teorias feministas e na militância política. Em contraponto, este trabalho propõe uma abordagem feminista que componha uma unidade com a criminologia crítica, isto é, que faça uma interpretação da violência contextualizada historicamente, livre de essencialismos e comprometida com a emancipação humana frente aos diversos mecanismos de opressão.
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Dempster, Elizabeth 1953. "An embodied politics : radical pedagogies of contemporary dance." Monash University, Centre for Drama and Theatre Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7578.
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Abnet, Dustin A. "RADICAL UNION: GENDER, PERSONALITY, AND POLITICS IN THE MARRIAGE OF META AND VICTOR BERGER." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1155073333.
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Hamilton, Carrie. "The gender politics of ETA and radical Basque nationalism 1959-1982." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287777.
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Kalayji, Lisa Marie. "Collective relationships and the emotion culture of radical feminism in Britain, 1983-1991." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33205.
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The political tensions between different feminisms, emerging virtually in tandem with the origins of 'second wave' women's movements themselves, continue to present challenges for cooperation and collective action. If flourishing feminist solidarities are to be forged, it is imperative to attend to these divisions, requiring a robust understanding of how they have developed. Though a growing body of research exists on the emotions of feminism, alongside a much more expansive one on emotions and social movements more generally, the emotions of specific feminist movements remain relatively under-explored. This research aims to generate a deeper understanding of radical feminism through a historical examination of its emotion culture during the crucial transition between the development of the 'second wave' of Women's Liberation in the 1970s and the emergence of the 'third wave' in the 1990s. It takes radical feminist writings about the timely and controversial paradigms of medicine and psychoanalysis as a window on the movement's emotion culture in the 1980s. Employing archival documentary methods and a case study approach, the research draws upon the pivotal radical feminist magazine Trouble and Strife as its sole data source. Exploring the text through literary ethnographic analysis and foregrounding a historical lens, it surfaces radical feminism's emotion culture and highlights the way that its development was bound up with the specificities of its historical moment. The movement's emotion culture was fundamentally a relational one, constituted through its specific political lens on the relationships in which radical feminists were entangled. As the 'heady days' of 1970s radical social movements gave way to the British state's turn to neoliberalism, the proliferating reach of its individualist ideological paradigm, and deepening divisions between the evolving strands of the 'second wave', radical feminists were confronted with an array of changing relationships to negotiate. Their uniquely uncompromising stance toward men, their long-established tense relationship with socialist and Marxist feminisms, and their critical view of ascending feminist uptake of psychoanalysis gave rise to an emotion culture which centred around their relationships with each of these. This research contributes to theories of emotions in social movements by focusing on the historically and ideologically specific, rather than emphasising the more general social movement strategic goals which are a common (though not universal) focus in this area. It adds to a small body of work on background emotions, and shows one way that they can be studied empirically. It also contributes to the growing body of work on feminism and emotions, and particularly to research which aims to explain the contentions between feminisms, as feminist researchers move away from the outmoded view of these contentions as simplistic generational divides and seek out explanations through the complex emotionality of feminist relationships.
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Gilmore, Stephanie. "Rethinking the liberal/radical divide the National Organization for Women in Memphis, Columbus, and San Francisco, 1966-1982 /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1116520137.
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Dahlin-Jones, Annelie. "The Radical Feminists' Misrepresentation of Catherine Barkley in Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-16221.
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This paper will analyze two schools of feminism to see how they criticize female characterizations in literature in general and Catherine Barkley in A Farewell to Arms in particular and discuss whether or not they are being objective in their criticism.
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Lanthier, Stéphanie. "L'impossible réciprocité des rapports politiques et idéologiques entre le nationalisme radical et le féminisme radical au Québec, 1961-1972." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ35692.pdf.
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Allman, Anne. "The Lost Legacy of Liberal Feminism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1600441468583534.
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Hornsved, Emilia. ""Make Feminism Radical Again" : En ideologikritisk undersökning av H&M:s användning av feministiska budskap, och dess konsekvenser för feminismens politiska agenda." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Genusvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-152756.
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The aim of this essay is to find out in what ways the global clothing company H&M uses political and ideological statements, such as feminism, as a sales strategy. I have noticed an expanding trend in fashion; the use of feminism as branding, and how companies such as H&M have started profiling themselves with feminism. This could be seen as a typical neoliberal-femvertising phenomenon. In this essay, I use critique of ideology, a method developed by the Frankfurt school, to examine how H&M expresses feminism through their clothes, whether H&M’s production could be considered as a feminist one, and what consequences H&M’s use of feminist ideology have on the feminist political movement. To be able to answer these questions, I use gender theory and postcolonial theory. My aim is to show how neoliberal/capitalist ideologies often contain cultural and political appropriation, where an ideology such as feminism is exploited in order to make a higher profit. My conclusion is that when companies use feminist statements in their clothing they use irony and humour to emphasize positivity, such as “girl power”, instead of confronting structural inequalities among the sexes and harmful norms and gender stereotypes within this hierarchy. The consequence of this process is that feminism is depoliticized, which is harmful to the feminist political agenda.
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Schaaf, Meggin L. "Women and the Men Who Oppress Them: Ideologies and Protests of Redstockings, New York Radical Feminists, and Cell 16." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2142.
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The American civil rights movement created a ready environment in which exploited people protested their social status and demanded change. Among the forefront, women contended against their male oppressors and demanded autonomy. Ultimately, however, women disagreed amongst themselves regarding the severity of their oppression and the ideal route to implement change. Thereafter, radical feminism became a strong force within the women's liberation movement. Group members denied that capitalism oppressed women, and countered that women's status as a sex-class remained the essential component in their subjugation. To obtain true freedom, women had to reject the deeply ingrained social expectations. As radical feminists, Redstockings, New York Radical Feminists, and Cell 16 shared the goal of female freedom, but the process of acquiring freedom remained unique to each group. Nevertheless, although they focused on distinct issues, they each identified men as the source of female oppression and offered legitimate alternatives to social expectations.
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Noyé, Sophie. "Féminisme matérialiste et queer : politique(s) d'un constructivisme radical." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0018.
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Notre propos interroge la pluralisation des formes d’émancipation féministe en France depuis le milieu des années 1990 au regard de la confrontation entre féminisme matérialiste et féminisme queer. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse que l’articulation entre ces deux positions théorico-politiques est possible car elle se réalise dans les pratiques militantes queer-féministes actuelles. Nous affirmons que cette conjugaison est pertinente et mérite d’être davantage théorisée car elle porte selon nous une radicalité inclusive. L’alliance de ces deux approches interroge la définition du sujet féministe et, en particulier, l’élaboration non-essentialiste de l’unité politique. Nous analysons dans quelle mesure la démarche (contre-)hégémonique ainsi que le projet de démocratie radicale plurielle et agonistique donnent des outils pour répondre à cette question. Notre thèse est la suivante : le constructivisme radical qui résulte de l’union entre féminisme matérialiste et féminisme queer devrait développer une stratégie hégémonique de construction du sujet politique, car celle-ci prend en compte la pluralité et la contingence du social mais vise également l’unité et la stabilité du « nous » politique afin de renverser les diverses dominations matérielles. Ce constructivisme conçoit le politique comme institution du social et développe une compréhension de la politique comme organisation du conflit en situation d’indécidabilitéThis research addresses the pluralization of feminist emancipation’s forms in France since the mid-1990s in light of the conflict between materialist and queer feminisms. We have taken as our starting point the hypothesis that the linkage between these two political theoretic discourses is possible since it actually takes place in the « queer-feminist » movement’s militant practices. We argue that this combination is meaningful and deserves to be better theorized since it carries with it a message of radicalism and inclusiveness. The alliance of the two approaches questions the definition of the feminist subject, and especially the formulation of a political unity which is not essentialist. We analyze the extent to which both the (counter-)hegemonic approach and the project of a radical, agonistic and plural democracy provide us with tools to answer this issue. Our argument runs as follow : the discourse of radical constructivism that results from the union between materialistic and queer feminisms should develop a hegemonic strategy regarding the conception of the political subject for two reasons. First, this strategy takes into account the plurality of the contingency of the social realm. Second, it aims at unifying and stabilizing the political « Us » in order to reverse the various material domination’s manifestations. Such a constructivist theory thinks of the political realm as an institution of the social realm and develops an understanding of politics as the organization of conflict in a situation of undecidability
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Larsson, Linn. "Normative Gender Power Europe? A critical examination of the European Commission’s construction of inequality and preferred foreign policy approach." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21489.
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Gender equality is one of the fundamental values of the European Union (EU). The EU possesses the ambition as well as the legal obligation to promote equal rights beyond its borders. Hence, it is of most importance that the EU construct gender equality policies that foster positive change, certainly due to the EU’s normative ability to influence other actors. This paper is concerned with how problems of gender inequality is constructed by the European Commission and moreover which foreign policy approach that is proposed to combat inequality. While focusing on contexts where gender is present, this study applies feminist theoretical approaches to critically examine statements given by the European Commission. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ approach allows the study to identify problem representations, underlying assumptions and effects. It is determined that elements from both liberal and radical feminism is evident in the European Commission’s problem representations and that the male/female dichotomy which the problematisations are based on might prevent equality between men and women. Mostly due to its focus on the differences between genders. The findings also show that the European Commission suggest to combat inequality using a multidimensional problem-solving approach where actions are executed at individual, national, international and supranational levels simultaneously. Additionally, much emphasis is put on solving issues at grass-root levels.
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Earles, Jennifer. "TERF Wars: Narrative Productions of Gender and Essentialism in Radical-Feminist (Cyber)spaces." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6696.
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This dissertation concerns how activists preserve particular feminisms in everyday life, particularly in this postmodern moment as advances in technology create virtual spaces, as feminism experiences generational shifts, and as notions about gender and bodies influence the discursive and political construction of contemporary activism and communities. The particular feminists at the center of this study are self-described radical feminists. While original theories allowed members to question the essentialism of bodies (i.e., sex class), this study focuses on the movement trajectory in which members critique how people assigned male at birth learn masculinity as inextricably tied to the oppression of women (i.e., sex caste). Using data from a historical newsletter and two current micro-blogs, I provide a textual analysis to understand how public narratives of gender and essentialism circulate in and are challenged by feminist (cyber)spaces. The results of this project suggest four important findings. First, in print and online, people use imagined and essential understandings of bodies where actual bodies are not present in order to exclude. Second, when text reflects the personal, lived experiences of community members, logic and emotion are better connected in the everyday. On the other hand, when lived actuality is abstracted, storytellers rely almost exclusively on logic to make claims. Third, while lesbian newsletter-writers of the past constructed a sexual identity, they did not take on the radical-feminist mandate to talk about sexual desire. Online, only the radical identity of the movement’s predecessor’s has persisted, while any discussions of sexual identity or pleasure are missing. Lastly, while radical and trans-identified feminists often find themselves at odds, this study suggests that perhaps their consciousness-raising practices are more similar than can be seen from the everyday. Both groups use poetry and creative writing as a way to make sense of their coming-out and being-out experiences amid cis- and hetero-normativity.
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Wasell, Clara. "Femtio nyanser av kvinnlig frigörelse : En studie om hur pornografi och sexualisering påverkar kvinnlig autonomi." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444168.
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The sexual revolution was a movement in the United States that challenged traditional ways of thinking about sexuality. The heart of the revolution was the "radical" idea that women, just like men, had sexual needs and were able to enjoy sex. In the name of the revolution, feminists demanded women’s right to the same sexual freedom as men had been given. The revolution led to the normalization and increased acceptance of sex outside of marriage, as well as birth control. However, despite these achievements, some feminists believed that the achievements occurred at the expense of women. Although the sexual revolution was intended to lead to female liberation, some people argue that the revolution instead resulted in other forms of female oppression. To investigate this further, this study analyzed three different works of feminists with different views on the revolution and its consequences. This study will discuss the following topics: pornography and sexualization. These have been analyzed in relation to various theories of autonomy. Finally, this study will discuss how the subjects affects women's rights contained in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The questions in this study are answered throughout by using the method of critique of ideas. The method is based on the ideology that the authors themselves claim to defend as their own, in this essay it is the values of feminism. The critique is thus internal in the sense that no other values, other than those already stated in the material, are used in the assessment. Products that are marketed using the female body are often packaged with feminist messages, which is a well-known paradox in feminism. Women today have achieved some success by being able to represent themselves as sexual subjects, but that does not mean that the sexualization that permeates the culture should be mixed with "girl power" or other feminist slogans. It is time to stop accepting objectification as a symbol of liberation and instead acknowledge it for what it really is, a contradiction. A culture where women are constantly and in various ways being sexualized should be considered a threat to her ability to choose her preferences in an autonomous way. In the same way, a society that is strongly influenced by pornography's notions of male dominance should be considered a threat towards women’s autonomy. States that have ratified CEDAW are required by Article 2 to pursue policies to eliminate discrimination against women and to take measures to promote gender equality. Thus, the affiliated states should take appropriate action in all sectors of society where women are discriminated.
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Roberts, Rosalie. "Crafting Radical Fictions: Late-Nineteenth Century American Literary Regionalism and Arts and Crafts Ideals." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19668.
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This dissertation demonstrates that Sarah Orne Jewett’s The Country of the Pointed Firs (1896), Mary Hunter Austin’s The Land of Little Rain (1906), Kate Chopin’s The Awakening (1899), and Mary Wilkins Freemans The Portion of Labor (1903) exemplify the radical politics and aesthetics that late nineteenth-century literary regionalism shares with the Arts and Crafts Movement. Despite considerable feminist critical accomplishments, scholarship on regionalism has yet to relate its rural folkways, feminine aesthetics, and anti-urban stance to similar ideals in the Arts and Crafts Movement. Jewett, Austin, Chopin, and Freeman all depict the challenges of the regional woman artist in order to oppose the uniformity and conventionality of urban modernity. They were not alone in engaging these concerns: they shared these interests with period feminists, sexual radicals, and advocates of the Arts and Crafts Movement like John Ruskin and William Morris, all of whom deeply questioned industrial capitalism and modernization.
Jewett, Austin, Chopin, and Freeman envisioned women’s Arts and Crafts communities that appealed to readers through narratives that detailed the potential uniqueness of homemade decorative arts and other aspects of women’s material culture. For Arts and Crafts advocates and regionalists, handcrafted goods made using local folk methods and natural materials fulfilled what they saw as the aesthetic requirements for artistic self-definition: The Country of the Pointed Firs and The Land of Little Rain embrace the destabilizing effect queer and feminist characters have on a presumably heterosexual domestic environment, and they formally resist the narrative structures of industrial modernity, emphasizing the Arts and Crafts ideal union between woman artist, natural environment, and communal bonds. The Awakening and The Portion of Labor expose the suffocating impact of industrial capitalism and sexism on women artists who strive for connection with their local environments and communities and cannot achieve their creative goals. I prove that all four texts do more than simply interpret regionalism through the Arts and Crafts Movement as a means to launch their critiques of industrial modernity, they transform the meaning of regionalist Arts and Crafts aesthetics and politics in late nineteenth-century American literature.
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Whitmore, Richard. "The 'shrieking sisterhood' : membership, policy and strategy of the Women's Social and Political Union in Leicester and the East Midlands 1907-1914." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/5202.
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Filimonov, Kirill. "“Nobody’s free until everybody’s free”: Rethinking feminist politics in the 2014 Swedish election campaign." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-256674.
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This study explores the hegemonic articulation of ‘feminist politics’ by the Swedish political party Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiativ) during 2014 national parliamentary election campaign. The analysis is carried out on two levels: the construction of the hegemonic project of feminist politics and the construction of an antagonist. Deploying the discourse-theoretical approach by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as well as the theories of radical democracy and intersectionality, it is shown how a new, broad collective feminist identity is produced by deconstructing womanhood as an identifiable and unproblematic category as well as expanding the signifying chain of feminism by including new social struggles into it. As a result, the feminist subject is conceptualized in radical-democratic terms as a citizen with equal rights, rather than an essentialized female subject. Two nodal points that fix the meaning of the hegemonic project of feminist politics are identified: one is human rights, which enables the expansion of the chain of equivalence, and the other is experience of oppression, which acknowledges differences existing within the movement and prevents it from muting marginalized voices. Discrimination, being the constitutive outside, both threatens and produces the subject: on the one hand, it violates human rights that underlie feminist politics; on the other hand, it produces the experience of oppression that gives a unique feminist perspective to each member of the collective identity. The hegemonic project thus emerges as dependent on the oppressive power of discrimination. The study suggests a critical discussion on how the constitutive outside – discrimination – empties the concept of feminism by a radical expansion of its meaning. The research furthermore explores the construction of the antagonist of the hegemonic project. Utilizing analytical concepts from the writings of Jacques Lacan and Slavoj Žižek, it is demonstrated how social structures and norms acquire agency and become the significant Other for the feminist identity. The thesis is concluded by a critical discussion on the fundamental impossibility of identification based on opposing oneself to something that can only be expressed with a signifier that ultimately lacks any signified.
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Churchill, Lindsey Blake. "Exploring women's complex relationship with political violence a study of the weathermen, radical feminism and the new left /." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001029.
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Mann, Kimberly Lynn. "The First Thing Out the Window: Race, Radical Feminism, and Marge Piercy's "Woman on the Edge of Time"." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626579.
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Tognela, Jennifer. "Gender Representation in the Media : A Critical Analysis of the Construction of Female Sexuality in Men's Pornographic and Non-Pornographic Magazines." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19859.
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This thesis applies the radical feminist perspective set out by MacKinnon (1993) and Dworkin (1995), to analyze the construction of female sexuality within popular Canadian men’s pornographic magazines and non-pornographic magazines. A mixed methods approach was used to analyze the images and text within the feature articles of the selected magazines. Results revealed that women continue to be constructed as sexual objects within both categories of magazines, but the earlier link identified by MacKinnon and Dworkin between violence and sexuality was on longer apparent. Instead, women were a sexual puzzle that the magazines attempted to unpack. Rather than a strict dichotomy between pornographic and non-pornographic magazines, a continuum of grey emerged whereby the level of explicitness between the two magazines increased as the continuum progressed from left to right, thereby demonstrating the pornographication of mainstream media, as per McNair (2002).
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Rodríguez, Vásquez Julio. "Trafficking for sexual exploitation: Approach to its relationship with prostitution and consumer behavior." Derecho & Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118645.
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This article studies the relationship between trafficking for sexual exploitation and prostitution. The study of this relationship will focus on the positions advocating the criminalization of prostitution and/or conduct consumer / customer. This analysis leads us to analyze, first, the crime of trafficking in persons. In this line, we will discuss the issue on the legal right; and its characteristic as complex crime comprising various means, behaviors and purposes. Second, we will approach the four kinds of legislative policies prostitution: reglamentarism, prohibitionist, abolitionist and regulationism. The critical study of these models will allow us to outline a tentative conclusion on the criminalization of prostitution and consumer behavior / customer.El presente artículo estudia la relación entre la trata con fines de explotación sexual y la prostitución. El estudio de esta relación se focalizará en las posturas que abogan por la criminalización de la prostitución y/o de la conducta del consumidor/cliente. Dicho análisis nos llevará a analizar, en primer lugar, el tipo penal de trata de personas. En esta línea, expondremos la problemática sobre el bien jurídico; y su característica como delito complejo integrado por distintos medios, comportamientos y fines. En segundo lugar, nos aproximaremos a las cuatro clases de políticas legislativas en materia de prostitución: reglamentarismo, prohibicionismo, abolicionismo y regulacionismo. El estudio crítico de estos modelos nos permitirá esbozar una conclusión provisional sobre la criminalización de la prostitución y de la conducta del consumidor/cliente.
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Allen, Ardith Matilda. "The deradicalization of Columbus, Ohio's antirape movement, 1972-2002." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211996569.
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Jareño, Gila Claudia. "La revue Vindication Feminista (1976-1979) et le féminisme radical espagnol dans un contexte transnational : actrices, échanges et influences." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080103.
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Cette thèse a pour objet l’étude d’une des publications phare de la transition espagnole, la revue Vindicación Feminista. Née quelques mois après la mort du dictateur Francisco Franco, la publication réunit quelques-unes des figures les plus importantes du milieu intellectuel catalan mais aussi des femmes aux trajectoires professionnelles prestigieuses et des militantes anti-franquistes de longue date. Elle se détache tant par la qualité et la diversité des sujets traités que par son esthétique soignée et son intérêt pour les combats des femmes dans le monde. Nous postulons que l’existence d’un objet culturel – la revue Vindicación Feminista –, support d’une pensée féministe radicale semblant déjà bien aboutie en 1976 et 1977, a été rendue possible grâce à un long travail préparatoire durant la dictature. La mise en lumière des biographies des collaboratrices de Vindicación ainsi que des liens unissant les rédactrices entre elles et avec d’autres collectifs et revues étrangères permet de faire ressortir l’existence d’une communauté féministe d’avant-garde et de replacer le mouvement féministe espagnol et notamment le courant radical dans le cadre d’un phénomène plus vaste, transnational, la dénommée « deuxième vague du féminisme ». Mais Vindicación Feminista prend aussi une part active dans les combats pour la restauration des libertés démocratiques de sorte qu’elle peut aussi être interprétée comme étant une revue anti-franquiste à proprement parler. C’est à la croisée de ces deux traditions : anti-franquisme et féminisme de la deuxième vague, que s’élabore le discours de la revueThis thesis aims to study one of the flagship publications of the Spanish transition, the magazine Vindicación Feminista. Established a few months after the death of the dictator Francisco Franco, the publication brings together some of the most important figures of the Catalan intellectual community as well as women with prestigious careers and long-standing anti-Franco activists. The magazine stands out both for the quality and diversity of the subjects discussed, as well as its refined aesthetic and focus on women’s struggles around the world. We submit that the existence of such cultural artefact, which was already consolidated in 1976 and 1977 and supported a radical feminist school of thought, emerged thanks to extensive groundwork laid by feminists during the dictatorship. An examination of the biographies of Vindicación collaborators, and the ties among its editors, other collectives and foreign magazines make it possible to identify the existence of a feminist avant-garde community and to place the Spanish feminist movement, and in particular its radical stream, within the framework of a larger, transnational phenomenon, the so-called “second-wave feminism”. Because Vindicación Feminista also takes an active part in the fight for the restoration of democratic liberties, it can also be interpreted as an anti-Francoist magazine strictly speaking. Indeed, the magazine’s central narrative lies at the cross-roads of these two traditions: second-wave feminism and anti-Franco resistance
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Egeberg, Holmgren Linn. "IngenMansLand : om män som feminister, intervjuframträdanden och passerandets politik." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-145853.
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This thesis explores constructions of gendered and gender political positions and practices of men identifying as ‘feminist’. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with 28 men aged 20-34. At issue is how seemingly contradictory positions for men as feminists are made comprehensible in theory and practice. An introduction showcase theoretical discussions on gendered experiences and the possibilities of men being feminist, mainly from standpoint, radical feminist and poststructuralist radical constructionist perspectives. Men doing feminism emerge as an unresolved complex matter. This is followed by a critical discussion of state feminism, double emancipation and research on men and masculinities in the welfare state. The support for men’s participation, predominantly as white heterosexual fathers, in the Swedish gender equality project has consequences for the construction of men as potentially ‘new’, ‘good’ gender equal feminist subjects. In the construction of profeminist positions in interview performances, interviewees are located in-between the radical feminist, poststructuralist and gender equality perspectives on men, masculinity and feminism. Two themes involve an implementation of the concept of passing and introduce the analytical concept of co-fielding. Passing consists of the microsociological process of making radical and deconstructive profeminist positions authentic and yet being able to manage masculinity in homosocial contexts. Co-fielding refers to the conjoint interlacing of experiences, knowledge and meaning-making in interview interaction where relations of researcher-researched are characterized by discursive closeness and overlapping positions. Co-fielding practices affect the outcomes of co-construction of interview performances, the negotiation of gender and power relations and the reflexive use of (in this case feminist) knowledge in qualitative interviews. In analyzing the presentations of self, ambiguous meanings of profeminist positions emerge and the doing, undoing and redoing of feminism and masculinity appear multi-faceted. Radical feminism and radical constructionism seem intersected in making men’s feminist positions comprehensible. Such rebellious positions emerge as oxymoronic and, when critically brought into the gender equality context, located in a no man’s land out of place. In all, the thesis seeks to bring together theoretical, national and empirical locations of profeminist men, and in a concluding chapter also explore issues of ethics in feminist research and cross-gender interviewing.
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August, Anita. "Rival radical feminists₋ Frances Willard and Ida B. Wells the rhetorical slugfest of two nineteenth-century queen bees over lynching /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Fröberg, Klara. "From a hashtag to a movement : From MeToo to being rightless in 2020's Sweden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447526.
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This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.
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O'Brien, Emily Jane. "Reclaiming Abortion Politics through Reproductive Justice: The Radical Potential of Abortion Counternarratives in Theory and Practice." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami154363378481013.
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Carter, Issac Martel. "The discourse of the divine| Radical traditions of Black feminism, musicking, and myth within the Black public sphere (Civil Rights to the present)." Thesis, Florida Atlantic University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3730733.
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The Discourse of the Divine: Radical Traditions of Black Feminism, Musicking, and Myth within the Black Public Sphere (Civil Rights to the Present) is an exploration of the historical precursors and the contemporary developments of Black feminism in America, via Black female musical production and West and Central African cosmology. Historical continuity and consciousness of African spirituality within the development of Black feminism are analyzed alongside the musical practices of two Black female musicians, Nina Simone and Me’shell Ndegéocello. Simone and Ndegéocello, The High Priestess of Soul and the Mother of Neo-Soul, respectively, distend the commodified confines of Black music and identity by challenging the established norms of music and knowledge production. These artists’ lyrics, politics, and representations substantiate the “Signifyin(g)” elements of West and Central African feminist mythologies and musicmaking traditions.
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Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.
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Collins, Rachel. "HAPPY DAYS: A MODERN WOMAN’S APPROACH TO ABSURDISM THROUGH FEMINIST THEATER THEORY." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1338311141.
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Holmström, Elin. "Dimensions of power and gender based violence in post-disaster societies : A case study on Haiti after the 2010 earthquake." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76343.
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Haiti experienced the greatest urban disaster of international history in 2010 when the county was hit by an earthquake which triggered one of the largest responses of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief efforts ever identified. The Haitian population was harshly affected by the earthquake, killing approximately 200 000 people, injuring 300 000 and displacing over 2,3 million. Reports from the post-disaster period also revealed that gender inequalities were growing deeper and that cases of sexual based violence against women and girls increased massively. The history of Haiti shows similar patterns of discrimination and gender based violence against women and children. Research upon gender based violence in the aftermath of disaster presents that disastrous events such as an earthquake, often is followed by an increase in gender based – and sexual gender based violence. Disasters could also provide a window of opportunity for change of traditional roles and social norms in societies where they are deeply rooted. In order to seize this opportunity disaster management needs to acknowledge and adapt to gendered needs and capacities in all stages of disaster relief efforts in order to provide these opportunities for the subordinated gender. This research is studying the responsive policies of the Haitian government in the aftermath of the earthquake 2010, presented in the Action Plan for National Recovery and Development of Haiti. The aim is to investigate if any exercises of power could be observed to have affected the increase of gender based violence and sexual gender based violence for women and children in the post-earthquake responsive period. The study will be carried out as a text-analysing, desk study and by applying the theoretical framework of Steven Lukes three-dimensional power approach and the theory of radical feminism abductively. The findings of this research presents that power exercises by the government can be observed to have affected the increase of gender based – as well as sexual gender based violence in the period of study.
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Hemzaček, Kristina. "Which Gender Is Being Mainstreamed in Global Politics?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43359.
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Gender mainstreaming is a transnational policy process that has been underway for close to three decades. This paper aims to uncover “which gender is being mainstreamed in global politics” through conducting a textual analysis on twenty global policy documents. The text of the documents was coded into two categories of gender: abolitionist and affirmative. The predictions were that (1) there is a movement toward an affirmative concept of gender and away from an abolitionist one; (2) “women” are being replaced with “gender” in global policies; (3) there is a shift away from sex-based and toward gender-based provisions in global policies; (4) the affirmative concept of gender is being mainstreamed; and (5) that the abolitionist concept of gender is not being mainstreamed. It was found that, out of the five predictions, only the third one is supported by the evidence, i.e., the gender that is being mainstreamed in global politics is abolitionist. Although the results were almost entirely contrary to the predictions, it is important not to underestimate the potential implications of erasing sex-based provisions. In recasting provisions for women as “gender-based” one runs the risk of making them provisions for “femininity”, which consequently could mean limits to female political participation.
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Engström, Lina. "Svenska sexköpare i media : En kritisk diskursanalys av medias framställning av män som betalar för sexuella tjänster." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-8455.
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Sexhandel har existerat sedan lång tid tillbaka och har alltid ansetts problematiskt på olika sätt. Sedan 1999 är sexköp förbjudet enligt lag (SFS 1962:700, 6 kap. 11 §) och anses av regeringen som en del av mäns våld mot kvinnor och mäns överordnade ställning i samhället. Nya siffror från folkhälsomyndigheten visar att en av tio män i Sverige någon gång betalat för en sexuell handling. Trots att sexhandel har både en säljande och en köpande sida har forskningen mestadels varit ensidig och fokuserat på de personer som säljer, vilket har lämnat den köpande sidan relativt outforskad. Media däremot belyser ämnet från båda sidor vilket ger dem stor makt att påverka samhällets syn på sexköpare. Samtidigt influeras media i stor utsträckning av samhällspolitiken och verkar reflekterande av rådande maktordningar. Syftet med denna uppsats är därför att undersöka hur media framställer sexköpare samt hur sexköpsdiskursen speglar såväl könsnormer som genusrelaterade maktordningar. Det teoretiska perspektivet utgår från Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys samt radikalfeministiskt teori och med Faircloughs tredimensionella modell har jag undersökt och analysera 153 artiklar från Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet mellan den 1 januari 2018 och 31 maj 2020. Studien visar att fyra olika deldiskurser går att urskilja i diskursen om sexköpare i media: (1) anonymisering av de sexköpande männen samt referensen till dem som ‘’vanliga’’ män, (2) beskrivning av dem som rovdjur, förövare och samvetslösa, (3) måla upp en bild av sexköpare som offer samt ge utrymme för medömkan och (4) användning av marknadsdiskurs. Analysen visar också att olika diskurser reflekterar könsnormer och rådande maktordningar till olika grad där vissa till och med verkar utmanande och följer lagens samt det radikalfeministiska perspektivet på sexköp.Sex trafficking has existed for a long time and has always been considered problematic in various ways. Since 1999, the purchase of sex has been prohibited by law (SFS 1962: 700, Chapter 6, Section 11) and is considered by the government as part of men's violence against women and men's superior position in society. New figures from the public health authority shows that one in ten men in Sweden have paid for a sexual act. Despite the fact that the sex trade has both a selling and a buying side, the research has mostly been one-sided and focused on the people who sell, which has led to the buying side being relatively unexplored. Media, on the other hand, sheds light on both sides of the subject, which gives them power to influence society's view of sex buyers. At the same time, the media is to a large extent influenced by social policy and reflects the current power structures. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine how the media portrays sex buyers and how the sex purchase discourse reflects both gender norms and gender-related power structures. The theoretical perspective is based on Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis and radical feminist theory. With Fairclough's three-dimensional model I have examined and analyzed 153 articles from Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet between 1 January 2018 and 31 May 2020. The study shows that four different sub-discourses can be distinguished in the discourse about sex buyers in media: (1) anonymization of men who buys sex and the reference to them as "ordinary" men, (2) the description of them as predators, perpetrators and conscienceless, (3) portraying sex buyers as victims and also provide space for compassion and (4) use of market discourse. The analysis also shows that different discourses reflect gender norms and current power structures to varying degrees, where some even act challenging and follows the law and the radical feminist perspective on sex purchases.
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Lundberg, Lina, and Fanny Lövbom. "EN MEME SÄGER MER ÄN TUSEN ORD : Memes som opinionsverktyg i onlinefeminismens händer." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146671.
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Drawing upon the opportunity that the Internet and social media provides anyone with internet access to create, consume, publish and produce digital content, this study aims to examine one of the new means of communication. In today’s digital society creating content and communicating across boarders is easier than ever, but actually getting the point across is not – with an evergrowing number of posts, users and sites there is a struggle close the gap between posting a message and actually having it noticed. This study examines memes – normally seen as easily understood jokes – as means of accessible and simplistic communication by qualitatively examining fifteen feminist memes on Twitter. The study aims to see what the memes are conveying in means of social criticism and feminist orientations, their relation to the online feminist discourses and, lastly, explore the memes’ potential role in the political sphere. The theoretical framework firstly explains memes in relation to Henry Jenkins’ participatory culture, Lawrence Lessig’s remix culture and relates memes to the political sphere based on both Limor Shifman’s meme theory and the two theories mentioned above. Secondly, first-, second- and third-wave feminism is introduced along with radical feminism and the feminist concept of sisterhood. Lastly, the social constructivism sets the groundwork for the study’s choice of method; critical discourse analysis. The critical discourse analysis is used in a modified version along with the ‘verbal-visual unity’; a method designed to take the memes structure – the combination of text and images – into account. These methods are used to identify themes, connotations, modality, interdiscursivity, social criticism and the feminist orientation of the memes. The result reveals that there are four main points of social criticism emphasized in the memes; regarding body norms, regarding belittling of women’s opinions and actions, regarding patriarchal structures and regarding men in general. The main feminist orientation visible in more than half the memes is radical feminism, while second-wave feminism is visible in a third. Meanwhile, the memes’ relation to the feminist discourses varies; smaller discourses have low levels of interdiscoursivity, while the main discourse for online feminism show high levels. The study shows that memes’ – potential – roles in the political sphere are as means of spreading opinion, as ways of constituting new norms in a new reality, and as means of shifting the structures of power in society.
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Bood, Sofie. "WE CAN DO IT... OR CAN WE? : A Radical Feminist Analysis on the Strategies and Challenges of Female Political Participation in the 2011 Revolution in Egypt." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35960.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse female political participation in the 2011 revolution in Egypt with the help of a radical feminism theoretical framework, which effectively ensures that the female participation is analysed from an intersectional point of view. The research will be conducted as a desk study. In order to do this, the research will specifically look at the means of mobilisations used by female protesters, as well as examine the reasons why women chose to join the protests throughout Egypt between January 25 and February 11, 2011. Furthermore, the strategies used to overcome challenges and obstacles in and after the revolution will be analysed. The main result of this research is that women to a large extent used and benefited from ‘online activism’ on websites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube both in the lead-up to and during the revolution. The research will show that women gained legitimacy during the protests by not pushing for a gender-specific agenda, but instead joined the protest under the common battle-cry of ‘bread, freedom, and dignity’ as well as taking up traditionally female roles during the protests. Moreover, the thesis will argue that the wide spread practice of female genital mutilation as well as the staggeringly high prevalence of sexual harassment and gender-based violence are severe hindrances for women to access the public sphere, and will show how the post-revolutionary government in Egypt effectively worsened the socio-political climate for women.
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Östlund, Rosanna. "Går det att stympa kärlek? : Den liberala och radikala feminismens syn på kvinnlig könsstympning i Etiopien." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34942.
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The purpose of my work is to understand and examine the reasons why Ethiopia has not developed a larger decline of female genital mutilation, despite their ban on it? A ban that has been operating for ten years should reasonably have reached a greater change than the one Ethiopia has developed today. Based on two different branches of feminist theory, the liberal feminist theory and radical feminist theory, I will try to understand the potential power relationship that can be a immense reason for Ethiopia's continued practice with regard to female genital mutilation. I will examine the liberal feminist approach when it comes to seeing the state as the source of the balance of power that generate inequality in the world between men and women. I will also apply the radical feminist theory on my case study and understand the problem of patriarchy and its already set roles for men and women that we are following in the society today, resulting in gender inequality. The result shows that the radical feminist approach with patriarchy as essential explanation, which articulates that because of ancient traditions and the exercise of power, the amendment must be the changing of power relations between men and women in the private sphere rather than the liberal feminist approach which applies that the state repair the problem.
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Moore, Brittany. "Evaluating Rape Myths at a Midwestern University." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1471533323.
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Ahmadi, Sanaz. "Will I Ever Be Enough? : A Marxist Analysis of Women Protesting Obligatory Veiling in the Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364820.
Full textAbstract:
The My Stealthy Freedom (MSF) movement on social media has garnered over 1 million likes on Facebook and continues to make headlines in major media outlets. The founder Masih Alinejad routinely speaks out against obligatory veiling in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This study analyses hijab and the MSF movement from a Marxist feminist perspective, evaluating the emancipatory potential for women. The study attempts to untangle Islam from the discourses around the oppression of women to find the material roots of oppression upon which the discourse has been built. The legislation of women’s clothing and women’s bodies has a long history, with just the hijab having been made compulsory and forbidden three times in Iran within the previous century. Through the use of Multimodal Critical Discourse analysis, photographs and videos from the MSF movement are compared to hijab propaganda by the IRI to identify whether the concern of the MSF movement is limited to obligatory hijab, or if it places within the broader movement for women’s emancipation. The results show that despite the visual emphasis on the hijab, the MSF movement has a broader aim emancipating women as expressed by the activists of the movement.