Academic literature on the topic 'Radical Numbers'

This book is the first comprehensive study of postwar antisemitism in the Netherlands. It focuses on the way stereotypes are passed on from one decade to the next, as reflected in public debates, the mass media, protests and commemorations, and everyday interactions. The Holocaust, Israel and 'the Jew' explores the ways in which old stories and phrases relating to 'the stereotypical Jew' are recycled and modified for new uses, linking the antisemitism of the early postwar years to its enduring manifestations in today's world. The Dutch case is interesting because of the apparent contrast between the Netherlands' famous tradition of tolerance and the large numbers of Jews who were deported and murdered in the Second World War. The book sheds light on the dark side of this so-called 'Dutch paradox,' in manifestations of aversion and guilt after 1945. In this context, the abusive taunt 'They forgot to gas you' can be seen as the first radical expression of postwar antisemitism as well as an indication of how the Holocaust came to be turned against the Jews. The identification of 'the Jew' with the gas chamber spread from the streets to football stadiums, and from verbal abuse to pamphlet and protest. The slogan 'Hamas, Hamas all the Jews to the gas' indicates that Israel became a second marker of postwar antisemitism. The chapters cover themes including soccer-related antisemitism, Jewish responses, philosemitism, antisemitism in Dutch-Moroccan and Dutch- Turkish communities, contentious acts of remembrance, the neo-Nazi tradition, and the legacy of Theo van Gogh. The book concludes with a lengthy epilogue on 'the Jew' in the politics of the radical right, the attacks in Paris in 2015, and the refugee crisis. The stereotype of 'the Jew' appears to be transferable to other minorities. Now also available as paperback!

This book is the first comprehensive study of postwar antisemitism in the Netherlands. It focuses on the way stereotypes are passed on from one decade to the next, as reflected in public debates, the mass media, protests and commemorations, and everyday interactions. The Holocaust, Israel and 'the Jew' explores the ways in which old stories and phrases relating to 'the stereotypical Jew' are recycled and modified for new uses, linking the antisemitism of the early postwar years to its enduring manifestations in today's world. The Dutch case is interesting because of the apparent contrast between the Netherlands' famous tradition of tolerance and the large numbers of Jews who were deported and murdered in the Second World War. The book sheds light on the dark side of this so-called 'Dutch paradox,' in manifestations of aversion and guilt after 1945. In this context, the abusive taunt 'They forgot to gas you' can be seen as the first radical expression of postwar antisemitism as well as an indication of how the Holocaust came to be turned against the Jews. The identification of 'the Jew' with the gas chamber spread from the streets to football stadiums, and from verbal abuse to pamphlet and protest. The slogan 'Hamas, Hamas all the Jews to the gas' indicates that Israel became a second marker of postwar antisemitism. The chapters cover themes including soccer-related antisemitism, Jewish responses, philosemitism, antisemitism in Dutch-Moroccan and Dutch- Turkish communities, contentious acts of remembrance, the neo-Nazi tradition, and the legacy of Theo van Gogh. The book concludes with a lengthy epilogue on 'the Jew' in the politics of the radical right, the attacks in Paris in 2015, and the refugee crisis. The stereotype of 'the Jew' appears to be transferable to other minorities.

In Art and Politics, Segal explores the collision of politics and art in seven enticing essays. The book explores the position of art and artists under a number of different political regimes of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, traveling around the world to consider how art and politics have interacted and influenced each other in different conditions. Joes Segal takes you on a journey to the Third Reich, where Emil Nolde supported the regime while being called degenerate; shows us Diego Rivera creating Marxist murals in Mexico and the United States for anti-Marxist governments and clients; ties Jackson Pollock's drip paintings in their Cold War context to both the FBI and the CIA; and considers the countless images of Mao Zedong in China as unlikely witnesses of radical political change.

Bob Hale championed the view that some objects exist of necessity, most prominently, mathematical objects like numbers. In contrast, this chapter upholds radical contingentism, the view that no object exists necessarily, and seeks to undermine the idea that the best possible candidates for necessary existence, the natural numbers, exist necessarily, despite there being in fact many contingent objects. Even the best neo-Fregean arguments for the existence of natural numbers depend on assumptions a nominalist may reject. A positive account of cardinalities as belonging to multitudes shows that every finite cardinality is exemplified only if there are two or more individuals, but that there are at least two individuals is not a necessary truth. Hence, even if numbers were admitted to abstract existence contingently upon their being exemplified—which the chapter denies—they would not exist necessarily.

This chapter explores the radical Anglican contribution to the sudden upsurge of political radicalism which Britain experienced in the late 1960s. As the Sixties progressed, increasing numbers of Anglican radicals were drawn to revolutionary politics by their readings of Christian eschatology, a phenomenon which split the movement between revolutionaries and moderates. Since the secularization metanarrative was becoming increasingly normalized, and since politics was not one of the churches’ historically recognized areas of special authority, radical Christianities played only a contributory role in Britain’s ‘1968’. Nonetheless, radical Christian organizations were often financially and organizationally privileged compared to their secular counterparts, and this allowed them to punch above their numerical weight. Radical Anglican expectations of a coming political revolution peaked in 1968 and 1969; the disappointment of these hopes in the early 1970s provided a central catalyst for the disintegration of Christian radicalism as a cohesive movement.