Relevant bibliographies by topics / RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS"

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GRINT, KRIS. "THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN JAMES MILL'S POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (2016): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000224.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the Scottish philosopher and historian James Mill's views on the freedom of the press, predominantly as they are expounded in his unpublished commonplace books, and argues that not only were these ideas very radical, they were critical to Mill's wider political thought and, by extension, to that of the early Philosophic Radicals. By virtue of the use of manuscript material, this article also presents evidence for various intellectual influences upon Mill, and argues that whilst Jeremy Bentham is of central importance to Mill's ideas, he takes inspiration from a wi
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Braun, S. Stewart. "Pope Francis and Economic Democracy: Understanding Pope Francis’s Radical (yet) Practical Approach to Political Economy." Theological Studies 81, no. 1 (2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563920907077.

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This article explains how Pope Francis’s economic views are both radical and practical. His views are practical in the sense that they are sensitive to social realities, not theoretical abstractions; and they are radical in the sense that they undermine traditional economic ideologies. To demonstrate these points, I show how Francis’s pronouncements are consistent with “economic democracy.” In economic democracy efforts are made to create a more equal dispersal of capital assets and the economy is more squarely oriented around fundamental human ends, including the common good, human dignity, e
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Protic, Milan. "The Serbian Radical movement 1881-1903: A historical aspect." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536129p.

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Focusing on the initial stage (until 1903) of the Serbian Radical movement the paper attempts to delineate and explicate the main phases of its political maturation. In its initial stage Serbian Radicalism passed through several significant phases. The earliest phase (1869-80) may be named the period of rudimentary Radicalism. The movement was unorganized and oscillated between the ideas of socialism, anarchism and peasant democracy. The year 1881 saw the founding of the Radical Party as the first organized political party in Serbia with its own internal structure and programme. It opened the
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Reuchamps, Min, Dave Sinardet, Jérémy Dodeigne, and Didier Caluwaerts. "Reforming Belgium’s Federalism: Comparing the Views of MPs and Voters." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (2015): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.29.

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Consociational theory posits that political elites in divided societies will show a stronger ‘spirit of accommodation’ than the groups they represent, and that this prudent leadership on behalf of the elites explains why divided societies hold together. Belgium has long been considered to be one of the best examples of such a consociational democracy. Yet in this country the spirit of accommodation of prudent leaders was questioned and discussed publicly during the 2010–11 political gridlock. The question is therefore whether Belgian political elites are indeed less radical and hold less extre
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Sihlongonyane, Mfaniseni Fana. "The Invisible Hand of the Royal Family in the Political Dynamics of Swaziland." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2003): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149419.

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AbstractWhy does Swaziland remain authoritarian despite the democratic political changes that have occurred in the other parts of the African continent since the 1990s? Does it mean that Swaziland is immune to political change? The answers to these questions are diverse and wide-ranging from the international relations view to the radical perspectives and to the functionalist view. But the tendency of these views is to analyse Swazi politics according to historically constructed and particularised contexts and dynamics without fusing the wide-ranging factors that play various roles in the poli
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Ferguson, Susan. "The Radical Ideas of Mary Wollstonecraft." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (1999): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013913.

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AbstractRecent scholarship on Mary Wollstonecraft portrays her as either a liberal who disrupts the boundaries between public and private spheres or as a proto-socialist paving the road for a class-based feminism. Neither of these characterizations adequately captures the radical quality of her work. A close study of her views on class and family place her squarely within the liberal tradition of political economy. While she politicizes these institutions and, in so doing represents a threat to the latenineteenth-century British ruling classes, she neither disrupts the basic tenets of liberali
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Todosijevic, Bojan. "Politics in Serbia 1990-2002: A cleavage of world views." Psihologija 39, no. 2 (2006): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0602121t.

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The paper analyzes socio-psychological sources of political divisions in post-communist Serbia. Following the argument that authoritarianism is intrinsically associated with the opposition to pro-democratic political change, it is hypothesized that authoritarianism is associated with the support for the former communists, and increasingly over time for radical nationalists. The data analysis utilizes three data sets, from 1990, 1996 and 2002, that is from periods that represent three crucial stages in the development of the Serbian post-communist politics. Discriminant analysis of party prefer
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Wall, Steven. "Radical Democracy, Personal Freedom, and the Transformative Potential of Politics." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002600.

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In recent years, theorists of radical democracy have criticized the liberal pluralist model of politics, a model which views the political forum primarily as a space for bargaining and the aggregation of individual preferences. While conceding that some measure of bargaining and preference aggregation is probably an ineliminable feature of democratic politics, radical democrats have charged that this model underestimates or ignores the transformative effects of democratic political interaction. In particular, liberal pluralism does not allow for the possibility that democratic politics can gen
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Terchek, Ronald J., and David K. Moore. "Recovering the Political Aristotle: A Critical Response to Smith." American Political Science Review 94, no. 4 (2000): 905–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586215.

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Thomas Smith presents an Aristotelian view of the common good that resembles much contemporary political theory in that it focuses on ethics rather than politics. Smith contends that Aristotle is a potent remedy to a society in crisis due to its unconcern about the common good. Against Smith's apolitical reading of Aristotle, we examine how Aristotle's views of common advantage, the multiple needs of citizens, and political friendship support neither harmonizing conceptions of the good nor a personal “radical conversion” that makes the common good our primary political concern. In engaging the
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Rosdiawan, Ridwan. "Memetakan Anatomi Diskursus Islamisme dan Terorisme Islam." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 13, no. 1 (2018): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2018.13.1.1-33.

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Abstract: What is the main factor of terrorism; Islamic doctrine, or political factor? There are three mainstream opinions provide theoretical reviews. Firstly, those who believe that the justification of acts of violence to terrorism is an inherent product of religious doctrine. Secondly, those who consider that terrorism is a profane matter have absolutely nothing to do with religion. Thirdly, the opinion which states that terrorism is syncretism and interrelated modification between politics and religion. This article tries to examine the three views above by dissecting other perspectives i
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS"

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Ecker, Jordan P. "Thomas Paine's (Un)Common Sense and the Politics of Radical Disagreement." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1494169402027553.

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Tervo, Juuso Ville. "Corrosive Subjectifications: Theorizing Radical Politics of Art Education in the Intersection of Jacques Ranciere and Giorgio Agamben." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405954690.

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Freeman, Bradley M. "Asian American Radical Literature: Marxism, Revolution, and the Politics of Form." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405525061.

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Abnet, Dustin A. "RADICAL UNION: GENDER, PERSONALITY, AND POLITICS IN THE MARRIAGE OF META AND VICTOR BERGER." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1155073333.

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Hardes, Jennifer Jane. "SPORT, POLITICS, AND THE 2008 BEIJING OLYMPIC GAMES: SYNTHESIZING IDENTITY POLITICS AND GLOBAL EMANCIPATION THROUGH NEO-PRAGMATIC RADICAL DEMOCRATIC THEORY." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210586293.

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Salvia, Matthew P. Jr. "Narratives and Nationalisms: The Cognitive Politics of Neoliberal Multiculturalism and Radical Black Thought, 1945-2012." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1334582386.

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O'Brien, Emily Jane. "Reclaiming Abortion Politics through Reproductive Justice: The Radical Potential of Abortion Counternarratives in Theory and Practice." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami154363378481013.

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Opal, Jack A. "Rethinking Documentary Photography: Documentary and Politics in Times of Riots and Uprisings." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1366971692.

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Mitchell, Jasmine N. "The History of Afro-Asian Solidarity and the New Era of Political Activism." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin16256964160838.

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Youssef, Lisa. "Reflections on the Ideological Evolution of the Sweden Democrats party : A Qualitative Analysis of party programs over time." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90996.

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In 2018, the Sweden Democrats party has gained 17.5 per cent of the votes during the Swedish general elections. Consequently, with this success, they became the third largest party in the riksdag. However, the party’s rapid growth has created several questions in the political arena and the Swedish society about the party’s ideological affiliations and evolutions. The political scientists, Mudde (2010) and Widfeldt (2008) argue that in order to understand a party’s improvements, it is important to explore a party’s ideological evolution. Scholars have argued that Sweden Democrats have normaliz
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Books on the topic "RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS"

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Rousseau and radical democracy. Continuum, 2010.

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Johari, J. C. M.N. Roy, the great radical humanist: Political biography and socio-political ideas. Sterling Publishers, 1988.

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Hannah Arendt: Radical conservative. Transaction Publishers, 2012.

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The illusion of history: Time and the radical political imagination. Catholic University of America Press, 2012.

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Chisholm, Caroline. Radical, in bonnet and shawl: Four political lectures. Preferential Publications, 1994.

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Encountering Althusser: Politics and materialism in contemporary radical thought. Continuum International Pub. Group, 2013.

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The revolutionary artist: John Lennon's radical years. Lulu, 2008.

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Iji, Edde M. Three radical dramatists: Brecht, Artaud, Soyinka a study. Kraft Books, 1991.

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Alonso, Cecilio. Intelectuales en crisis: Pio Baroja, militante radical (1905-1911). Instituto de Estudios Juan Gil-Albert, 1985.

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Manoel Bomfim: Combate ao racismo, educação popular e democracia radical. Editora Expressão Popular, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS"

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Makhanya, Mandla S. "The Constant of Change: Remaining Relevant in 21st Century Higher Education." In The Promise of Higher Education. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67245-4_34.

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AbstractWhile the old Heraclitan adage: “The only constant in life is change” remains true, it is the scale and impact of that change that distinguishes the routine from the radical, and the evolution from the revolution. This difference is captured succinctly by Palinkas who asserts:“Change uses external influences to modify actions, but transformation modifies beliefs so actions become natural and thereby achieve the desired result ” (Palinkas 2013). Higher education, in its current state of disruption, is forcing us to revisit everything that we know and believe about education, in pursuit of its continued relevance and sustainability as a “new normal”. Key contributors to the state of disruption are fundamental and influential shifts in geo-socio-economic and political practices, rampant technological and scientific innovation, a multiplicity of role players, many of whom reside outside of the traditional higher education sphere, changing views on the nature and value of knowledge and the role of the university, and compelling contextual realities such as the need (and demands) for equity, social justice and redress.
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Vallance, Edward. "‘The insane enthusiasm of the time’: remembering the regicides in eighteenth-and nineteenth-century Britain and North America." In Radical Voices, Radical Ways. Manchester University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106193.003.0011.

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Edward Vallance studies the representation of three English regicides, John Dixwell, William Goffe and Edward Whalley, in early nineteenth-century British fiction via the treatment made of them in late eighteenth-century histories and biographies. Vallance raises the question of what provoked this flurry of literary interest in the three regicides and suggests that the main explanation is to be found in the fit between the story of Dixwell, Goffe and Whalley and the Romantic sensibility. Their story seemed to combine elements traditionally associated with Romantic aesthetic. Vallance then explores the impact of historians’ accounts of the three regicides on the Romantic imagination. Sympathizing with the fate of the radicals did not entail endorsing either their political or religious views, or the act of regicide itself. But by presenting the regicide as an act of madness, writers of fiction ultimately diminished its political threat.
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Mulieri, Alessandro. "Exploring the Semantics of Constructivist Representation." In The Constructivist Turn in Political Representation. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442602.003.0012.

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This chapter draws on Hasso Hoffmann’s analysis of the “semantics” of political representation to compare two alternative interpretations of the constructivist turn, a moderate and a radical interpretation. The moderate interpretation, exemplified by Nadia Urbinati’s theory of democratic representation, describes representation as partly a constitutive process, a form of Darstellung, that presupposes a certain idea of political reality, which comes from a form of Stellvertretung. On the contrary, Frank Ankersmit’s notion of political representation defends a more radical version of constructivist representation which maintains that there is no political reality at all prior to the process of political representation. What are the implications of these two views for democratic representation? The chapter assess how the ‘moderate’ view of constructivist representation enriches the narrative of democratic legitimacy but sounds a note of caution on the implications of the ‘radical’ view of constructivist representation in democratic politics.
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Hewitt, Nancy A. "Shifting Alliances, 1849–1853." In Radical Friend. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640327.003.0007.

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In 1849, Harriet Jacobs joined Posts’ household after Nell returned to Boston, and Sojourner Truth befriended Amy in 1851. The Posts invited black and white friends to their home, and Amy helped organize an interracial dinner during a WNYASS convention. Still aiding a flood of fugitive slaves, the Posts became increasingly involved in woman’s rights, spiritualism, temperance, and the Congregational Friends. Susan B. Anthony settled in Rochester in 1849 and joined Amy in woman’s rights and temperance efforts. As Isaac became absorbed in spiritualism, Amy travelled to antislavery and woman’s rights conventions, visited William Nell in Boston, and toured fugitive communities in Canada. While honing her skills as a conductor across movements, Post also confronted her limits. In 1849 Julia Griffiths arrived from Scotland to aid Douglass’s work. More attracted to political abolitionism and affluent supporters than to radical activists, Griffiths nonetheless hoped to gain Post’s support. Instead, as Douglass grew closer to Griffiths, he became more critical of Post. The gulf widened when Griffiths organized the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society and Douglass embraced political abolitionism. Still, Post remained close with Nell, Jacobs, and Truth, who shared her spiritualist and women’s rights views as well as her radical abolitionism.
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Kymlicka, Will. "3. Liberal Equality." In Contemporary Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198782742.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the notion of liberal equality by considering John Rawls’s alternative to utilitarianism. In his A Theory of Justice, Rawls complains that political theory was caught between two extremes: utilitarianism on the one side, and what he calls ‘intuitionism’ on the other. The chapter presents Rawls’s ideas, first by discussing the two arguments he gives for his answer to the question of justice: the intuitive equality of opportunity argument and the social contract argument. It also analyses Ronald Dworkin’s views on equality of resources, focusing on his theory that involves the use of auctions, insurance schemes, free markets, and taxation. Finally, it explores the politics of liberal equality, arguing that liberals need to think seriously about adopting more radical politics.
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"The Independent Republican." In Martin R. Delany's Civil War and Reconstruction, edited by Tunde Adeleke. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496826633.003.0005.

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This chapter sheds further lights on the dynamics of Delany’s controversial views on social equality and racial reconciliation; his prescriptions and strategies for attaining justice and equality; his views on the shortcomings of Radical Reconstruction; his persistent critique of the Black-Radical Republican Party alliance, his growing alienation from the party; and reactions of ideological opponents and former associates to his controversial and provocative political ideas. The documents expound on the circumstances leading to Delany’s brief alliance with South Carolina State Conservatives, Independents and Ex-Confederates. The alliance symbolized the utilitarian and conflicted nature of his political thought. The documents highlight as well Delany’s political and social conservatism and rationale for the decision to switch to the conservative Democratic Party. They attest to his commitment to racial cooperation, compromise and belief that severing ties with the Radical Republicans, deemphasizing social equality, and embracing the Democratic Party would advance the interests of blacks.
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"The Conservative Republican." In Martin R. Delany's Civil War and Reconstruction, edited by Tunde Adeleke. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496826633.003.0004.

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Documents in chapter three introduce readers to the intricacies and challenges of the first phase of Martin Delany’s entry into the politics of Reconstruction in South Carolina. They elucidate his political philosophy and visions; his advice to blacks on how best to maximize the benefits of their newly acquired citizenship rights; his ambivalent views on black political rights; his controversial stand on social equality; his scathing rebuke of black political aspirations and demands; and insistence that blacks attained some pre-qualification before aspiring for certain political positions. The documents also underscore the conflicting reactions of contemporaries to Delany’s controversial and at times provocative critiques of Radical Reconstruction. Ultimately, his advocacy of compromise, accommodation and racial reconciliation alienated him from the ruling radical Republican Party, prompting his decision to switch party allegiance and join the Democratic Party. The documents represent the conflicts Delany’s ideas provoked and the essential pragmatism of his thoughts.
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Kim, David Haekwon. "“Love Is God, and Work Is His Prophet”." In A Political Companion to W. E. B. Du Bois. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813174907.003.0012.

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This essay, by David Haekwon Kim, examines Du Bois’s political transition during the interwar years from political expressionism to black Marxism. As Du Bois moved from being firmly in one category to entrench himself in the other, his views were broader than those espoused by black Marxism but narrower than those of a radical democrat, best aligning with the theory of decolonial democracy. Du Bois is often hailed as a precursor or progenitor of decolonial thought, as aspects of the central decolonial concept of “coloniality” are sprinkled throughout his work. Kim argues that the tension and complexity of different aspects of Du Bois’s politics reveal Du Bois as a distinctive type of decolonial thinker who experimented with a fusion of black radicalism and the Gandhian notions of liberation and nonviolent resistance.
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Mangham, Andrew. "Charles Kingsley." In The Science of Starving in Victorian Literature, Medicine, and Political Economy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850038.003.0003.

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This chapter considers the conflict-laden work of Charles Kingsley. Kingsley was an avid follower of scientific developments. In 1842 he urged one of his correspondents to ‘study medicine [… I am studying it’. In the social novels Yeast (1848), Alton Locke (1850), and Two Years Ago (1857), we see the fruits of these labours, particularly in how the languages and methods of biology offer Kingsley a means of challenging views of starvation as an inevitable, necessary evil. In his portrayals of radical characters, Kingsley discusses how scientific ideas precluded the political appropriation of starvation as a means to beat the well-to-do. Famous for locking horns with John Henry Newman on the abstract question of what constitutes truth, Kingsley argues a case for seeing topics like the physiology of hunger not as a symbol of providentialist or radical thinking, but as the means of creating a more intelligent understanding of poverty.
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Wilson, Riley. "Zines, Polyvocality, and Sound: How Modernist First-Wave Feminism Inspired Riot Grrrl." In Virginia Woolf and the World of Books. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781942954569.003.0027.

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This essay compares Virginia Woolf to Riot Grrrl's punk feminists, presenting the latter as leaders of an informed political and literary movement. It examines the way in which Woolf's writing was foundational in developing third-wave theory: Wilson views Woolf's work through a radical lens that emphasises the subversion of the novel and intersectional class consciousness.
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Conference papers on the topic "RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS"

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Alzaidy, Rashid. "The Iraqi political system between reform and change." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp49-72.

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It is no secret to anyone that the political system in Iraq has gone through and is still going through several crises and suffers from many problems that are difficult to limit and define within a specific research scope. Despite that, there are two main trends prevailing about the general view of the political system and its future in Iraq, which are centered on two visions: First: Seeing the possibility of reforming the political system Second: seeing the impossibility of reforming the political system and the political system must be changed) This was accompanied by developments; And reper
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Murray, Chris, David Wild, Ann McCall, John Mathieson, and Ben Russell. "Legitimacy as the Key: The Long-Term Management of Radioactive Waste in the UK." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4828.

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This paper provides an overview of the current status of radioactive waste management in the UK from the point of view of Nirex, the organisation responsible for providing safe, environmentally sound and publicly acceptable options for the long-term management of radioactive materials. Essentially, it argues that: • the waste exists and must be dealt with in an ethical manner; • legitimacy is the key to public acceptance of any attempt to solve the waste issue; and • credible options and a new political will allow, and indeed, compel this generation to deal with it. In doing this, the paper ta
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