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Journal articles on the topic 'RADICAL POLITICAL VIEWS'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

GRINT, KRIS. "THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN JAMES MILL'S POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (2016): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000224.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the Scottish philosopher and historian James Mill's views on the freedom of the press, predominantly as they are expounded in his unpublished commonplace books, and argues that not only were these ideas very radical, they were critical to Mill's wider political thought and, by extension, to that of the early Philosophic Radicals. By virtue of the use of manuscript material, this article also presents evidence for various intellectual influences upon Mill, and argues that whilst Jeremy Bentham is of central importance to Mill's ideas, he takes inspiration from a wi

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Braun, S. Stewart. "Pope Francis and Economic Democracy: Understanding Pope Francis’s Radical (yet) Practical Approach to Political Economy." Theological Studies 81, no. 1 (2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563920907077.

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This article explains how Pope Francis’s economic views are both radical and practical. His views are practical in the sense that they are sensitive to social realities, not theoretical abstractions; and they are radical in the sense that they undermine traditional economic ideologies. To demonstrate these points, I show how Francis’s pronouncements are consistent with “economic democracy.” In economic democracy efforts are made to create a more equal dispersal of capital assets and the economy is more squarely oriented around fundamental human ends, including the common good, human dignity, e

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Protic, Milan. "The Serbian Radical movement 1881-1903: A historical aspect." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536129p.

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Focusing on the initial stage (until 1903) of the Serbian Radical movement the paper attempts to delineate and explicate the main phases of its political maturation. In its initial stage Serbian Radicalism passed through several significant phases. The earliest phase (1869-80) may be named the period of rudimentary Radicalism. The movement was unorganized and oscillated between the ideas of socialism, anarchism and peasant democracy. The year 1881 saw the founding of the Radical Party as the first organized political party in Serbia with its own internal structure and programme. It opened the

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Reuchamps, Min, Dave Sinardet, Jérémy Dodeigne, and Didier Caluwaerts. "Reforming Belgium’s Federalism: Comparing the Views of MPs and Voters." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (2015): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.29.

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Consociational theory posits that political elites in divided societies will show a stronger ‘spirit of accommodation’ than the groups they represent, and that this prudent leadership on behalf of the elites explains why divided societies hold together. Belgium has long been considered to be one of the best examples of such a consociational democracy. Yet in this country the spirit of accommodation of prudent leaders was questioned and discussed publicly during the 2010–11 political gridlock. The question is therefore whether Belgian political elites are indeed less radical and hold less extre

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Sihlongonyane, Mfaniseni Fana. "The Invisible Hand of the Royal Family in the Political Dynamics of Swaziland." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2003): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903322149419.

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AbstractWhy does Swaziland remain authoritarian despite the democratic political changes that have occurred in the other parts of the African continent since the 1990s? Does it mean that Swaziland is immune to political change? The answers to these questions are diverse and wide-ranging from the international relations view to the radical perspectives and to the functionalist view. But the tendency of these views is to analyse Swazi politics according to historically constructed and particularised contexts and dynamics without fusing the wide-ranging factors that play various roles in the poli

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Ferguson, Susan. "The Radical Ideas of Mary Wollstonecraft." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (1999): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013913.

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AbstractRecent scholarship on Mary Wollstonecraft portrays her as either a liberal who disrupts the boundaries between public and private spheres or as a proto-socialist paving the road for a class-based feminism. Neither of these characterizations adequately captures the radical quality of her work. A close study of her views on class and family place her squarely within the liberal tradition of political economy. While she politicizes these institutions and, in so doing represents a threat to the latenineteenth-century British ruling classes, she neither disrupts the basic tenets of liberali

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Todosijevic, Bojan. "Politics in Serbia 1990-2002: A cleavage of world views." Psihologija 39, no. 2 (2006): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0602121t.

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The paper analyzes socio-psychological sources of political divisions in post-communist Serbia. Following the argument that authoritarianism is intrinsically associated with the opposition to pro-democratic political change, it is hypothesized that authoritarianism is associated with the support for the former communists, and increasingly over time for radical nationalists. The data analysis utilizes three data sets, from 1990, 1996 and 2002, that is from periods that represent three crucial stages in the development of the Serbian post-communist politics. Discriminant analysis of party prefer

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8

Wall, Steven. "Radical Democracy, Personal Freedom, and the Transformative Potential of Politics." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002600.

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In recent years, theorists of radical democracy have criticized the liberal pluralist model of politics, a model which views the political forum primarily as a space for bargaining and the aggregation of individual preferences. While conceding that some measure of bargaining and preference aggregation is probably an ineliminable feature of democratic politics, radical democrats have charged that this model underestimates or ignores the transformative effects of democratic political interaction. In particular, liberal pluralism does not allow for the possibility that democratic politics can gen

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9

Terchek, Ronald J., and David K. Moore. "Recovering the Political Aristotle: A Critical Response to Smith." American Political Science Review 94, no. 4 (2000): 905–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586215.

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Thomas Smith presents an Aristotelian view of the common good that resembles much contemporary political theory in that it focuses on ethics rather than politics. Smith contends that Aristotle is a potent remedy to a society in crisis due to its unconcern about the common good. Against Smith's apolitical reading of Aristotle, we examine how Aristotle's views of common advantage, the multiple needs of citizens, and political friendship support neither harmonizing conceptions of the good nor a personal “radical conversion” that makes the common good our primary political concern. In engaging the

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10

Rosdiawan, Ridwan. "Memetakan Anatomi Diskursus Islamisme dan Terorisme Islam." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 13, no. 1 (2018): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2018.13.1.1-33.

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Abstract: What is the main factor of terrorism; Islamic doctrine, or political factor? There are three mainstream opinions provide theoretical reviews. Firstly, those who believe that the justification of acts of violence to terrorism is an inherent product of religious doctrine. Secondly, those who consider that terrorism is a profane matter have absolutely nothing to do with religion. Thirdly, the opinion which states that terrorism is syncretism and interrelated modification between politics and religion. This article tries to examine the three views above by dissecting other perspectives i

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Nurahman, Taufik, Yufis Azhar, and Nur Hayatin. "Analisis Sentimen Konten Radikal dalam Kontestasi Politik 2019 di Media Twitter Menggunakan Interjection dan Punctuation." Jurnal Repositor 2, no. 7 (2020): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/repositor.v2i7.868.

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Sentiment analysis is now a trend to identify people's opinions and emotions in responding to a situation. In the political year, many opinions were scattered both written in print and social media. Political actors have different views, so that raises a lot of opinions that lead to radical actions such as SARA to people with different opinions. Research related to the analysis of radical sentiments via Twitter has been done by several researchers before, but there have been no studies of radical sentiment analysis using extraction features. This study proposes to conduct a radical content sen

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Legras, H. "Jose Maria Arguedas and Ricardo Piglia: Two Radical Views on Political Subjection in Latin America." NOVEL A Forum on Fiction 47, no. 1 (2014): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00295132-2414102.

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13

Zaostrovtsev, A. "Liberal Political Economy And Philosophy Of James Buchanan." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 20, 2013): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2013-11-34-52.

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The article examines the scientific legacy of the Nobel Prize-winning economist James Buchanan (1919—2013). The focus is on the evolution of his views on constitutional political economy. The article shows the displacement of Buchanan’s preferences from the expansion of inclusiveness of collective choice rules and the number of constitutional constraints to the generality principle — a non-discriminatory democracy as a means to counteract majoritarian democracy failures. It is concluded that finally Buchanan adopted radical subjectivism of the Austrian economic school and post-Keynesianism emb

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Wendling, Karen. "A Classification of Feminist Theories." Les ateliers de l'éthique 3, no. 2 (2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044593ar.

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In this paper I criticize Alison Jaggar’s descriptions of feminist political theories. I propose an alternative classification of feminist theories that I think more accurately reflects the multiplication of feminist theories and philosophies. There are two main categories, “street theory” and academic theories, each with two sub-divisions, political spectrum and “differences” under street theory, and directly and indirectly political analyses under academic theories. My view explains why there are no radical feminists outside of North America and why there are so few socialist feminists insid

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Nagayoshi, Kikuko. "The Political Orientation of Japanese Online Right-wingers." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 1 (2021): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/20219415.

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Since the early 2000s, Japan has witnessed the growing salience of so-called netto uyoku (online right-wingers). This group is characterized by strong anti-China and anti-Korea sentiments, nationalistic political views, and online political engagement. While online radical right movements in Europe are often regarded as support bases for radical right candidates or parties, few studies have investigated whether this assumption applies to Japanese online right-wingers. The present study sought to shed light on this issue by conducting a large-scale web survey with 77,084 respondents living in t

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Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural pr

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Krasikov, Vladimir. "Gender Hatred in RuNet: Masculists and Radical Feminists." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2020, no. 3 (2020): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2020-4-3-235-244.

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Numerous non-political radical ideas that appeared in the digital space of the RuNet require a thorough theoretical analysis as potentially extremist. The present research featured views and activities of radical gender Internet communities. The research objective was to assess their potential threat to society. The study was based on both empirical and theoretical analyses. The author developed a set of criteria that made it possible to refer some Internet communities to "hate groups." He used a specially compiled thesaurus in search engines and social media search programs. The empirical inf

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Kodirova Mukhayyakhon Solievna. "THE ROLE OF IBRAKHIM DAVRON IN JADID LITERATURE." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 12 (2020): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.971.

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The end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century was a period of radical changes, new views and new goals not only in the political and social life of society, but also in the cultural and literary spheres. Undoubtedly, at the forefront of these serious changes were jadids, who were determined to reform the society life, to form new views in the minds of the people, and to inspire hope in the hearts of the local people.

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Margalit, Yotam. "Political Responses to Economic Shocks." Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (2019): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050517-110713.

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How does the experience of economic shocks affect individuals' political views and voting behavior? Inspired partly by the fallout of the financial crisis of 2008, research on this question has proliferated. Findings from studies covering a broadening range of countries and economic contexts highlight several notable patterns. Economic shocks—e.g., job loss or sharp drop in income—exert a significant and theoretically predictable, if often transient, effect on political attitudes. In contrast, the effect on voting behavior is more limited in magnitude and its manifestations less understood. Ne

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BURMISTROVA, EKATERINA. "GENDER ISSUES IN THE ANTI-IMMIGRANT AGENDA OF EUROPEAN RADICAL RIGHT." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 4 (2020): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-4-72-80.

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An attempt to show the role of women's rights in the anti-immigrant agenda of European radical right has been undertaken in the article. The author addresses to representative trends of modern right-wing radicals in Europe. The concept of «Eurabia» and the theory of Great Replacement are used as the theoretical substantiation of the anti-migrant views of right-wing radicals. The main message of these theories is related to the fact that the decline in the birth rate in Europe, combined with the increase in migrant flows, will lead to the replacement of European politics and lifestyle with Isla

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Burmistrova, E. S., and A. A. Chuprikova. "FAR-RIGHT POLITICAL FORCES OF THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN: IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS TO THREATS TO NATIONAL IDENTITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 3 (2019): 339–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-339-351.

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The article attempts to analyze the rhetoric and methods of promoting the ideas of far-right groups in the United States of America and Great Britain in the context of immigration processes and the multiculturalism policy connected with them. The authors draw attention to the tendency that right-wing radical groups hold different positions: from moderate to most radical. The focus of the study is on comparing the tactics and discourse of such organizations whose degrees of radicalism differ because of their positions on the problem of national identity. The study attempts to highlight the acti

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Godler, Yigal. "Why Anti-Realist Views Persist in Communication Research: A Political Economic Reflection on Relativism’s Prominence." Critical Sociology 44, no. 1 (2016): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516645935.

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The article seeks to explain why denials of reality are tolerated and go largely unchallenged in communication research. It proposes that the acceptance of anti-realist views is related to communication theorists’ general hostility toward radical political economic critiques of media institutions and coverage. Unwilling to undertake research which lucidly exposes the central power relations in society, communication scholars sympathetic to corporate ownership and elite opinion resort to a particular form of obscurantism. This form of obscurantism does not only misrepresent uncongenial work, bu

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CLARKE, P. D. "Peter the Chanter, Innocent III and Theological Views on Collective Guilt and Punishment." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 1 (2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690000600x.

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Innocent III regularised ecclesiastical usage of several penalties which punished the innocent along with the guilty, notably the interdict. His actions need to be understood in their intellectual as well as political context. It has long been thought that Peter the Chanter taught the future pope when he studied theology at Paris. This article presents evidence of the Chanter's radical influence on Innocent's attitude to collective guilt and punishment and compares their views with canonistic doctrine.

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Elshtain, Jean Bethke. "Luther Sic— Luther Non." Theology Today 43, no. 2 (1986): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368604300202.

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“Luther is far more paradoxical, and interesting, than the popular image holds and far less the unambiguous patriarch than narrowly construed feminist argumentation would have it.… Luther emerges as radical in his views, penning a political-theology that bears both liberating—with our notion of freedom in mind—and baneful implications.”

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Haldane, John J. "Christianity and Politics: Another View." Scottish Journal of Theology 40, no. 2 (1987): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600017567.

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AbstractThe essay explores the relationship between Christian faith, ethical thought and political action. It examines two views of the matter. First, the autonomy thesis, advanced by writers such as Edward Norman in his Reith Lectures and elsewhere, which claims that Christianity in general is independent of political concerns, and that Church leaders in particular have no business engaging in political debate, or using their teaching authority to commend or condemn the actions of governments. Second, the commitment thesis, here derived from writings of Kenneth Leech, which maintains that fid

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Seymour, Anna. "Culture and Political Change: British Radical Theatre in Recent History." Theatre Research International 21, no. 1 (1996): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300012657.

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To speak of placing any theatre work within its ‘social and political context’ has become almost a matter of course, but, at the same time, the epistemological problems presented by the proliferation of critical theory based on fragmented views of society (or society as fragments), proposing tentative opinions and ‘open readings’, makes this a difficult task and expresses the insecurity of the age. The pluralistic accommodations demanded by theories based on identity, for example, can add to this insecurity. It may become ‘safer’ and considered virtuous to offer ‘partial readings’, thus sugges

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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.164-173.

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The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membersh

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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.

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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States

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Marszał, Maciej. "Bolshevism in the political thought of Adolf Kliszewicz." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 42, no. 3 (2021): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.42.3.4.

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Adolf Kliszewicz (born 1879) was one of the leading publicists of the Second Polish Republic connected with the Christian-conservative trend. He was a publicist for many conservative magazines, including Przegląd Powszechny, Nasza Przyszłość or Ateneum Kapłańskie. The article concerns views of Adolf Kliszewicz on the doctrine and political system of Bolshevism. It should be noted that Kliszewicz based his analysis of Russian communist thought on the background of political tendencies that began to dominate in Europe. For him, Italian fascism and German national socialism were the reference poi

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Walicki, Andrzej. "The paradoxes of Jaruzelski's Poland." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 2 (1985): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004410.

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Many people in the West see Jaruzelski's Poland as a particularly oppressive totalitarian regime; from this perspective the main problem of contemporary Poland is, obviously, the lack of freedom and the constant violation of human rights by the Polish Communist rulers. This is the view which the radical opposition in Poland's emigre press wants us to adopt. In fact, however, only the younger generation in Poland can express such views in good faith; the older generation which has experienced Stalinism and knows what totalitarianism is like cannot really maintain that Jaruzelski's government is

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Smirnov, V. N. "Paradoxes of the political romanticism of Kireevsky I.V.: between an universal monarchy and a national state." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2021.1.017-030.

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The article deals with the political views of Ivan Vasilievich Kireevsky in connection with the history of censorship prohibition of the journal “European” published by him. The text of the report due to which the journal was closed is analyzed. Special attention is paid to the idea of “merging minds together”, interpreted in the text of the denunciation as the basis of Republican beliefs. The author reconstructs Kireevsky's political views in the context of the influence of German romantic ideas on Russian social thought in the first half of the XIX century. The author clarifies Kireevsky's a

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Giroux, Henry A. "Schooling and the Politics of Ethics: Beyond Liberal and Conservative Discourses." Journal of Education 169, no. 2 (1987): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002205748716900203.

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One of the major struggles for control currently being waged in American society is around the issue of schooling and moral values. However, radical educators have effectively removed themselves from this debate by substituting the discourse of moral indignation for a theory of ethics. In part, this has meant that they have been unable either to ground their own political projects and views of schooling in a moral vision or to effectively challenge the retrograde and formalistic views of ethics and schooling that have been put forth by various conservatives and liberals. This article examines

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Magliocca, Gerard N. "George W. Bush in Political Time: The Janus Presidency." Law & Social Inquiry 34, no. 02 (2009): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2009.01153.x.

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This essay places George W. Bush's presidency and the Bush administration in some historical context by applying the model of “political time” developed in recent books by Stephen Skowronek (2008) and Keith Whittington (2007). My thesis is that Bush's political failure during his second term was largely the result of structural tensions created by the attacks of September 11, 2001, that no leader could have overcome. This argument is an extension of Skowronek's and Whittington's views that the executive branch's relationship to other governing institutions is shaped primarily by the president'

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Huysmans, Jef. "International Politics of Exception: Competing Visions of International Political Order between Law and Politics." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 31, no. 2 (2006): 135–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540603100202.

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Both political leaders and academics often claim exceptional times. But what does it mean to speak of exceptional politics in international relations? In one sense exceptionality is a descriptive category referring to a radical change in the systemic conditions of international politics. In this article a different notion of exception is examined. It refers to a particular method of conceptualizing the nature of international political order. The exception defines political order by means of constitutional-legal reasoning in which different understandings of the nature and status of internatio

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Özdamar, Özgür, and Erdem Ceydilek. "European populist radical right leaders’ foreign policy beliefs: An operational code analysis." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (2019): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119850254.

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Despite the significance of the subject, studies on the foreign policy preferences of European populist radical right leaders are scarce except for a handful of examples. Are European populist radical right leaders more hostile than other world leaders or comparatively friendly? Do they use cooperative or conflictual strategies to achieve their political goals? What are the leadership types associated with their strategic orientations in international relations? Using the operational code construct in this empirical study, we answer these questions and depict the foreign policy belief systems

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Suleiman, Ibrahim. "The Role of Contemporary Islamic Movement towards Social and Political Changes of Modernity." American Economic & Social Review 1, no. 1 (2017): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aesr.v1i1.148.

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This paper studies the role of contemporary Islamic movements towards social and political changes of the 21st century. Contemporary Islamic movements is a modern phenomenon; it is rooted in the historically and spatially recurring cyclical phenomena of "reform" (Islah) and "renewal" (Tajdid) which provide the models and symbols that link modernity to authentic elements of Islamic teachings. The study employs secondary source as a method of data collection. Based on these past rejuvenations, contemporary Islamic scholars are interacts with modern cultural, social, political and religious circu

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WALLACE, VALERIE. "Benthamite Radicalism and its Scots Presbyterian Contexts." Utilitas 24, no. 1 (2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820811000434.

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This article argues that James Mill's immersion in Presbyterianism inspired an aversion to hierarchical government and a bias in favour of the Church of Scotland. These views are discernible in Bentham'sChurch-of-Englandism. Bentham argued for disestablishment on principle but, praising the Scottish Church as a ‘model of perfection’, omitted the Kirk from his church reform manifesto. His position on disestablishment, however, and his endorsement of Presbyterianism were aligned with a voluntaryist strain of Presbyterian ecclesiological theory; Presbyterian dissenters and Benthamite Radicals beg

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Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "Democracy, Equality, and Eidê: A Radical View from Book 8 of Plato's Republic." American Political Science Review 92, no. 2 (1998): 273–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585663.

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A Plato opposed to democracy fills the literature, and while some scholars question whether Plato adequately captures Socrates' possibly favorable views of democracy, Plato himself remains a paragon of elitism. I argue that Plato's response to democracy is far more theoretically interesting than simple disdain for the unenlightened masses. Rather, in Book 8 of the Republic he explores the fundamental tensions of a regime identified with freedom and equality, which he presents as characterized by formlessness, and the epistemological and theoretical problems posed by the absence of forms (eidê)

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David Lewis, John. "Xenophon’s Poroi and the Foundations of Political Economy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 26, no. 2 (2009): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000158.

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In the Poroi, Xenophon’s radical solution to Athens’ financial problems includes several ideas vital to the field of political economy. His identification of justice with the pursuit of wealth provides an alternative to the power politics that for half a century had taken Athens into a series of self-destructive imperial wars. He supports his idea of economic growth with arithmetic calculations, and he connects the results to traditional Greek views of public rewards and benefits. From this he crafts a goal-directed strategy for economic growth designed to foster good will through incentives r

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Aboul-Ela, Hosam. "Methods for a neoliberal order: views on Yemen." Race & Class 60, no. 3 (2018): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818812001.

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In Barbara Harlow’s last works, there was a distinctive methodological shift as she confronted the new realities of the post-9/11 world. The implications of this methodological movement are explored in this article through a reading of the history of the Yemeni city of Aden. Aden’s history – as a protectorate, an Arabic-speaking port, a virtual city-state and a link to East Africa – suggests the ways in which historical particularity often fits the colonial discourse paradigm imperfectly. Aden also later became a centre of radical anti-colonial solidarity in the 1970s, a centre of extreme jiha

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Reese, Ellen, Christopher Chase-Dunn, Kadambari Anantram, et al. "Research Note: Surveys of World Social Forum Participants Show Influence of Place and Base in the Global Public Sphere." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 13, no. 4 (2008): 431–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.13.4.273005678t026361.

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This article examines survey findings on the political characteristics of attendees of the 2005 and 2007 World Social Forum meetings and the 2007 U.S. Social Forum in Atlanta. At each meeting, social forum attendees were generally less satisfied with the major institutions shaping the global economy and more active within social movements compared to the general population. Nevertheless, there was considerable variation in the political views and activities of attendees across these three venues, attesting to the importance of the forum location and local organizers for shaping participant com

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Wagemakers, Joas. "Defining the Enemy: Abū Muhammad al-Maqdisīs Radical Reading of Sūrat al-Mumtahana." Die Welt des Islams 48, no. 3 (2008): 348–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x364712.

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AbstractThis article examines the interpretation of “the enemies” in Sūrat al-Mumtahana (60) by the Jordanian ideologue Abū Muhammad al-Maqdisī, one of the most influential jihādī-Salafī theorists alive. Al-Maqdisī's reading of the sūra's text and his interpretation of its context turn this part of the Qur'ān, which seems to have been meant to warn the early Medinan Muslims of the dangers of befriending hostile Meccan idolaters, into the basis of a radical ideology. Special attention is paid to the far-reaching consequences of al-Maqdisī's political interpretation of the text, especially when

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Lawrence, Sean. "“I’m a Pacifist”: Peace in the Thought of Emmanuel Levinas." Religions 10, no. 2 (2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020084.

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This paper develops and examines the idea and importance of peace in the ethical philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas, starting from an anecdote regarding his parody of Ernst Cassirer during a student performance in Davos. It examines Levinas’s stated views on peace from across his career, arguing Levinas should be viewed as a pacifist, albeit a highly original one, who shows that political structures are characterized by violence but reveal their origins in the radical peace of the face-to-face encounter.

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Jennings Jr., Theodore W. "Pasolini’s Specters of Paul." Biblical Interpretation 27, no. 4-5 (2019): 507–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-02745p03.

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AbstractThis essay explores the remarkable radicalities as well as ironies of the Paul featured in both Pasolini’s screenplay and other receptions of Paul’s letters. Pasolini’s depiction stages a series of potential historical correspondences by setting the words written or attributed to the apostle (in those letters and the Acts of the Apostles) into the times of Pasolini’s own life. This juxtaposition allows for a more complex view of the radical, passionate, but manipulative saint and more recent politics of revolution, corruption, and accommodation. The tension between two different views

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Aydın-Düzgit, Senem, and Evren Balta. "When elites polarize over polarization: Framing the polarization debate in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 60 (November 21, 2018): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2018.15.

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AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the d

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Aydın-Düzgit, Senem, and Evren Balta. "When elites polarize over polarization: Framing the polarization debate in Turkey – RETRACTED." New Perspectives on Turkey 59 (November 2018): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2018.22.

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AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the d

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Valenta, Jiri. "Nicaragua: Soviet-Cuban Pawn or Non-aligned Country?" Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165605.

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It is now six years since the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) toppled the regime of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Even today, the nature of the FSLN - its road to power, its political complexion and orientation, and its objectives - remains the subject of heated debate. Some still argue that the Sandinista regime is a nationalistic, non-aligned, although radical, Third World government. Others emphasize the Marxist-Leninist overtones characterizing its seizure and consolidation of power, its foreign relations, and its efforts to introduce socialist transformation to

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Clarke, Michelle Tolman. "On the Woman Question in Machiavelli." Review of Politics 67, no. 2 (2005): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500033507.

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Although Machiavelli has been widely condemned as a misogynist, his three central political works feature dozens of women who engage in efficacious and often praiseworthy political action. To appreciate fully the character and value of their activity and ultimately Machiavelli's views on women as potential political agents, one must first carefully attend to his conception ofanimo. Usually translated as “spiritedness,”animorepresents the natural assertiveness, energy, and resoluteness that forms the basis of virtù if properly disciplined – usually by a city's modes and orders. By examining the

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Qodir, Zuly. "Gerakan Salafi Radikal dalam Konteks Islam Indonesia: Tinjauan Sejarah." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 3, no. 1 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2008.3.1.1-15.

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This paper is aimed at describing the advent and development of the radical Salafi movement in Indonesia. Historically speaking, such movement was originated in the Middle East especially in Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Syria. In these countries movements like Hizbut Tahrir and Wahhabiya –to mention but few- were found and well-established. Movements such as these were actually banned subsequently in their countries of origin mainly for propagating the idea of Khilafah and for trying to topple the legitimate government. In Indonesia interestingly, the Salafi radical movements survived and even flo

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Bader, Anton. "The Civil War as a Type of Armed Violence: Definition of the Phenomenon in Ukrainian and Foreign Political Science." Grani 23, no. 3 (2020): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172030.

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The article analyzes the main concepts and theories regarding the characterization, origins and consequences of civil wars as a type of armed violence. During the work the views on the problem of leading Ukrainian and foreign scientists were considered, in particular, E. Ankudinov, I. Artsybasov, T. Garr, O. Huseynov, S. Danilov, G. Demin, A. Kasesse, V. Korchmit-Matyushov, O. Ladinenko, S. Mosova, S. Nefedova and others. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the concept of civil war, its essence, causes and consequences, which was formed by the Ukrainian scientist S. Vovk.Having considere

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