Relevant bibliographies by topics / Radical right voting behavior

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
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Academic literature on the topic 'Radical right voting behavior'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Radical right voting behavior"

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Lubbers, Marcel, and Marcel Coenders. "Nationalistic attitudes and voting for the radical right in Europe." European Union Politics 18, no. 1 (2017): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516678932.

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Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right’s nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perce
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Cavallaro, Matteo, David Flacher, and Massimo Angelo Zanetti. "Radical right parties and European economic integration: Evidence from the seventh European Parliament." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (2018): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518760241.

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This article explores the differences in radical right parties' voting behaviour on economic matters at the European Parliament. As the literature highlights the heterogeneity of these parties in relation to their economic programmes, we test whether divergences survive the elections and translate into dissimilar voting patterns. Using voting records from the seventh term of the European Parliament, we show that radical right parties do not act as a consolidated party family. We then analyse the differences between radical right parties by the means of different statistical methods (NOMINATE,
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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, and Thomas Kurer. "Economic Risk within the Household and Voting for the Radical Right." World Politics 73, no. 3 (2021): 482–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000046.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates how unemployment risk within households affects voting for the radical right. The authors contribute to recent advances in the literature that have highlighted the role of economic threat for understanding the support of radical-right parties. In contrast to existing work, the authors do not treat voters as atomistic individuals; they instead investigate households as a crucial site of preference formation. Combining largescale labor market data with comparative survey data, they confirm the expectations of their theoretical framework by demonstrating that the
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Rickardsson, Jonna. "The urban–rural divide in radical right populist support: the role of resident’s characteristics, urbanization trends and public service supply." Annals of Regional Science 67, no. 1 (2021): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00168-021-01046-1.

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AbstractIn a number of recent elections in Western Europe, support for far-right populist parties has been significantly higher in non-urban areas than in urban areas. This paper answers the following questions; (1) Can the urban–rural divide in voting behavior be explained by the fact that urban and non-urban populations differ in terms of education, income and other individual characteristics of voters, or by variations in immigration? (2) Can variations in public service supply explain parts of the urban–rural divide in far-right populist support? and (3) How does population growth and publ
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Mosimann, Nadja, Line Rennwald, and Adrian Zimmermann. "The radical right, the labour movement and the competition for the workers’ vote." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780317.

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This article analyses the capacity of radical right parties to attract support from union members in recent elections in Western Europe. It is argued that unionized voters resist the appeals of the radical right better than non-union members. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010–2016, the article shows that union members are overall less likely to vote for the radical right than non-union members. Even though it is found that unionized working-class and middle-class voters are less likely to vote radical right than their non-unionized peers in the pooled sample, it is also observed
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Mayer, Sabrina J., Carl C. Berning, and David Johann. "The Two Dimensions of Narcissistic Personality and Support for the Radical Right: The Role of Right–Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation and Anti–Immigrant Sentiment." European Journal of Personality 34, no. 1 (2020): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2228.

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This paper offers an explanation of the link between grandiose narcissism and support for radical right parties. Drawing on representative data of the GESIS Panel ( N = 2827), focusing on support for the German radical right populist party Alternative for Germany in 2016 and treating grandiose narcissism as a two–dimensional concept, it is shown that the effects of grandiose narcissism are indirect rather than direct. The paper also reveals that it is mainly narcissistic rivalry that accounts for radical right party support, whereas narcissistic admiration has a protecting relationship. Finall
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Hoerner, Julian M., Alexander Jaax, and Toni Rodon. "The long-term impact of the location of concentration camps on radical-right voting in Germany." Research & Politics 6, no. 4 (2019): 205316801989137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019891376.

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Of all atrocities committed by state actors in 20th century Europe, the systematic killings by Nazi Germany were arguably the most severe and best documented. While several studies have investigated the impact of the presence of concentration camps on surrounding communities in Germany and the occupied territories in terms of redistribution of wealth and property, the local-level impact on voting behaviour has not yet been explored. We investigated the impact of spatial proximity to a concentration camp between 1933 and 1945 on the likelihood of voting for far-right parties in the 2013 and 201
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Cutts, David, and Matthew J. Goodwin. "Getting out the right-wing extremist vote: extreme right party support and campaign effects at a recent British general election." European Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (2013): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000288.

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Despite strong evidence in the wider study of electoral behaviour that party campaigning can have important effects on performance, and a large pan-European literature on populist radical right and extreme right campaigns, we know very little about the impact of the latter on electoral performance. Drawing on a range of innovative campaign-related data at the aggregate and individual level, we examine the electoral impact of the British National Party (BNP) at the 2010 British general election. Our analysis reveals that whereas the extreme right polled strongest in working class manufacturing
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Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "EXPLAINING GERMANY’S ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlyi
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Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "Explaining Germany's Electoral Geography." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlyi
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Radical right voting behavior"

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Kim, Jia. "Anti-Immigrant Attitudes, Internet Use, and Radical Right Voting: A Cross-National Study in Eight Western European Countries." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41587.

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This thesis seeks to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the empirical link between citizens’ negative perceptions of immigrants and electoral support for Western European radical right parties, and in doing so, to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics of radical right voting behavior based on an analysis of radical right parties’ online activities. Despite radical right parties' great popularity and important presence online, little scholarly attention has been paid to their activities in an online space. Accordingly, most empirical research on radical right voting behavior has
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Larsson, Victor. "Mixed Coalitions and the Populist Radical Right : Evidence from Swedish Local Elections." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-387899.

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I analyse whether coalitions consisting of one or several parties from both political blocs have a causal effect on the following election results of the Sweden Democrats using election data. I find that, when the largest bloc is unable to reach a seat majority in a municipal assembly and forms a coalition with one or several parties from the other bloc, the Sweden Democrats increase their municipal vote share by on average 11.71 percentage points the following election. I interpret the result as support for the view that Swedish voters punish the established parties when they are perceived as
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Engelmark, Maria. "Extreme Right-Wing Voting Behavior; A Case Study on Swedish Immigrant Voters." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-46140.

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Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in
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Busch, Kathrin Barbara [Verfasser], André [Gutachter] Kaiser, and Ingo [Gutachter] Rohlfing. "No Shortcut To Voting. The Limited Influence of Parties’ Left-Right Positions on Voting Behavior / Kathrin Barbara Busch ; Gutachter: André Kaiser, Ingo Rohlfing." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1173321888/34.

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Wickström, David. "Dawn of the radicals : The connection between economic growth and political radicalism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-47340.

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This thesis explores how economic performance, measured as real GDP-growth per capita, affects the vote share of parties which relies on radical ideological platforms. Using a fixed effect model with panel data, based on real electoral outcomes of 18 western European democracies, the result reveals an ambiguous reality. The overall conclusion implies that low growth rates benefit the electoral success of radical-right parties and holds for robustness checks. No solid evidence of the relationship is found on the radical-left side.The result further reveals that the individuals decision to vote
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Karlsson, Anton. "The Left-Right Scale : An analysis of its connection to preferences on economic issues." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165611.

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This thesis deals with the nature of the Left-Right scale. Theories and ideas about the Left-Right scale have been tested by a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods. The research questions are, in short, firstly if voters’ preferences on political issues, where economic issues are tested in this specific thesis, can consistently explain voters’ Left-Right self-placement, secondly if this level of explanation can vary depending on changes in national political discourse, and finally if a high level of correlation between issue and Left-Right self-placement facilitates the matching pro
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Rottenbacher, Jan Marc. "Validity of the ideological left/right continuum during 2011 Presidential Elections in Lima-Peru." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/100304.

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This study analyzes the relationship between political ideology, voting behavior and emotional responses after Peruvian presidential elections in 2011. Scales of intolerance for ambiguity, need for closure, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and the right-wing political orientation were used to assess right-wing political conservatism. A structural equation model proposes that intolerance of ambiguity and need for closure exert a direct effect on RWA. Also, RWA influences directly the right-wing political orientation, which exerts a direct influence on negative emotional responses and an invers
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Siroky, Lenka Bustikova. "Revenge of the Radical Right: Why Minority Accommodation Mobilizes Extremist Voting." Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5575.

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<p>How can we explain variation in support for radical right parties over time and across post-communist democracies? This project suggests that support for radical right parties is driven by the politics of accommodation, and is aimed at counteracting the political inroads, cultural concessions and economic gains of politically organized minorities. It differs from other studies of extremist politics in three primary respects: (1) Unlike current approaches that focus on competition between the extreme and mainstream parties, I emphasize dynamics between the radical right party and non- proxim
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Books on the topic "Radical right voting behavior"

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Coffé, Hilde. Gender and the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.10.

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This chapter discusses the claim that radical right parties are typically led and supported by men, and explores various aspects of gender bias as they relate to radical right parties and support for these parties. The first section considers the so-called gender gap in radical right voting, with women being significantly underrepresented among the radical right electorate compared with men. The second section examines how explanations for radical right voting behavior may differ between women and men. Whereas the majority of the research on radical right voting has taken for granted that wome
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Miller Idriss, Cynthia. Youth and the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.18.

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This chapter argues that the most compelling explanations for far right engagement are ones that show how structural and cultural elements work together to attract youth to far right political parties, organizations, movements, subcultures, and scenes. For example, it suggests that youth who experience structural conditions such as economic uncertainty are more vulnerable to far right parties’ and groups’ rhetoric in part because they find cultural elements such as the desire to belong and the desire to resist mainstream authority more appealing. Beginning by attempting to define “youth” and “
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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2012.

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Givens, Terri E. Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Fitzgerald, Jennifer. Close to Home: Local Ties and Voting Radical Right in Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2018.

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Ford, Robert, and Matthew J. Goodwin. Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (Extremism and Democracy). Routledge, 2014.

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Tillman, Erik R. Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.001.0001.

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The book provides a novel explanation of rising Euroscepticism and right-wing populism in Western Europe. The changing political and cultural environment of recent decades is generating an ongoing realignment of voters structured by authoritarianism, which is a psychological disposition towards the maintenance of social cohesion and order at the expense of individual autonomy and diversity. High authoritarians find the values and demographic changes of the past several decades a threat to social cohesion, which has created an opportunity for populist radical right (PRR) parties to gain their s
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Arzheimer, Kai. Explaining Electoral Support for the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.8.

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The literature on the radical right’s electorate offers a plethora of potential explanations as to why people vote for the radical right. This chapter organizes the presumptive causes of right-wing voting along the lines of the familiar micro-meso-macro scheme, focusing both on a number of landmark studies and on some of the latest research. In doing so, it weighs the evidence in favor of and against some prominent hypotheses about the conditions for radical right party success, including the pure-protest hypothesis, the charismatic-leader hypothesis, and the silent-counterrevolution hypothesi
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Bornschier, Simon. Globalization, Cleavages, and the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.11.

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This chapter underscores the merit of studying the emergence and growth of the radical right from a cleavage perspective, which sees party system change as rooted in large-scale transformations of social structure. The chapter begins by discussing explanations for the rise of the radical right in terms of the educational revolution, the processes of economic and cultural modernization, and globalization, showing where these perspectives converge and where they differ. It then goes on to show how the structuralist perspective has been combined with a focus on agency. Under conditions of multidi
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Oscarsson, Henrik, and Sören Holmberg. Issue Voting Structured by Left–Right Ideology. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.14.

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Swedish voters are highly ideologically motivated. In the party-centered system, parties’ policy positions and voters’ issue standpoints have always had a large explanatory power in models of voting behavior. In perhaps the most unidimensional political system in the world, the traditional left–right dimension has been structuring party competition and voting behavior at least since the 1880s. Although the left–right order is constantly challenged by new conflicting issue dimensions, such as immigration, green ideology, Christian values, and gender equality, left–right ideological predispositi
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Book chapters on the topic "Radical right voting behavior"

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Tillman, Erik R. "Authoritarianism and the Evolution of Voting Behaviour." In Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0009.

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This chapter analyses the evolution of the relationship between authoritarianism and party support from 1990 to 2017. The chapter presents the analyses of eight different countries, and two conclusions emerge. First, high authoritarians have shifted towards radical right parties over the past three decades though there was no prior cross-national relationship between authoritarianism and party support in each country. As a result, different mainstream parties in each country have lost support as high authoritarians increasingly vote for PRR parties. This finding challenges the popular narrative that PRR parties have gained at the expense of social democratic parties, which only holds true in certain countries. The analysis also shows that low authoritarians have shifted towards left-liberal parties such as the greens, further contributing to the worldview evolution. As high authoritarians move towards radical right parties and low authoritarians towards left-liberal parties, traditional centre-left and centre-right parties that were based on twentieth-century class and religious conflicts struggle for support, particularly as generational replacement results in the depletion of their traditional voters.
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McDonnell, Duncan, and Annika Werner. "Radical Right Populists and Group Formation in the European Parliament." In International Populism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500859.003.0002.

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This chapter first discusses in depth the book’s core concept of “radical right populist”, before examining the history of co-operation (and mostly non-cooperation) between radical right populists in the European Parliament. It sets out the main theories, in particular policy congruence, which have been used to explain why parties form groups in the European Parliament. It then looks at how these theories might apply to radical right populist parties. Finally, the chapter presents the data and methods used in the study. These include Chapel Hill Expert Survey data, EP group finance and voting behaviour data, as well as interviews conducted with representatives and officials from a wide range of radical right populist parties and their allies.
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Tillman, Erik R. "Authoritarianism and Potential Support for the Radical Right in Ireland." In Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0007.

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Although the radical right is gaining support in many West European societies, there remain a few states such as Ireland without a successful radical right party. This absence raises the question of whether unique historical or cultural factors prevent the rise of the radical right in these countries or whether it is contingent. This chapter examines potential electoral support for a radical right party in Ireland. It presents the results of a novel survey experiment, in which voters read about the formation of a hypothetical new party and expressed their willingness to vote for it compared to existing parties. The results show that high authoritarians express greater willingness to vote for a hypothetical new radical right party compared to a hypothetical new mainstream party, while low authoritarians display the opposite pattern. In addition, high authoritarians express greater concern about declining social cohesion in Ireland. Because authoritarianism does not structure voting behaviour, a new radical right party could draw high authoritarians from all of the established parties. These results confirm that the same latent patterns of radical right party support exist in Ireland as in other West European societies and challenge arguments emphasizing cultural uniqueness.
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Tillman, Erik R. "A Worldview Evolution in West European Politics." In Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0002.

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This chapter develops the worldview evolution argument that is tested in this book. West European societies have experienced major economic and socio-cultural changes in the past several decades, with the rise of the post-industrial economy, deepening and widening of European integration, and growing multiculturalism and values liberalism. As a result, older political divisions centred on class and religion have given way to new conflicts over national community and identity. Authoritarianism is the key to understanding this evolution of voting behaviour. The changes of the past several decades have generated perceptions of threat to social cohesion among high authoritarians, who have responded by moving towards populist radical right (PRR) parties that promise to fight those threats. Low authoritarians welcome these changes because they perceive them as enhancing individual autonomy and diversity, so they move towards parties that support them. The result is an emerging political conflict organized around rival worldviews: high authoritarians support parties committed to preserving social cohesion and national community, while low authoritarians support parties committed to enhancing individual autonomy and diversity. Because established parties had organized around earlier class and religious divisions, they struggle to maintain voter support in this new era as newer left-liberal and radical right parties gain at their expense. The chapter concludes by describing hypotheses about the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and public support for the EU and voting behaviour, respectively.
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"The Radical Right." In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.003.

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"Voting Radical Right in Western Europe." In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.001.

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"Coalitions and Strategic Voting: Analysis." In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.007.

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"Who Votes for the Radical Right?" In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.004.

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"Coalitions and Strategic Voting: A Model." In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.006.

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"Introduction." In Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511510113.002.

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Conference papers on the topic "Radical right voting behavior"

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Xin-ping, Xia, Zou Zhen-song, and Yu Ming-gui. "Voting Power, Bankruptcy Risk and Radical Debt Financing Behavior of Family Firms: Empirical Evidences from China." In 2006 International Conference on Management Science and Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmse.2006.314258.

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Lindau, Björn, Mikael Rosenqvist, Lars Lindkvist, and Rikard Söderberg. "Challenges Moving From Physical Into Virtual Verification of Sheet Metal Assemblies." In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-51024.

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Within industry there is an established need for enhanced virtual tools and methods to improve product tolerance setting and conditions for successful manufacturing of non-rigid assemblies. A significant amount of research has been performed in the area, but there is still a need to find efficient working methods and the right preconditions in practice. This paper reports experiences and findings made during recently performed virtual matching and trimming of sheet metals in a real automotive industrial setting. A case is presented, demonstrating the possible use of the Computer Aided Toleranc
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