Dissertations / Theses: 'Radio in politics'

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Ramakhula, Abeloang Ramakhula. "The role of the private radio stations in promoting participatory democracry in Lesotho : the case of Moafrika FM, Catholic FM, Peoples's choice FM and Harvest FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/859.

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This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.

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Mhlanga, Brilliant. "The politics of ethnic minority radio in South Africa." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2010. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/90715/the-politics-of-ethnic-minority-radio-in-south-africa.

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The discourse on the implications of ethnicised radio, for example, in the Nigerian ethnic conflicts, the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and in the Kenyan ethnic violence of 2008 have brought more focus on challenges involved with policing ethnic media and managing ethnic relations in contemporary Africa. This study focuses on attempts by the reformed South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), to develop and manage an ethnic minority radio sector in ways that would promote “simunye” or “national unity” as part of its public service mandate and to foster majority rule, in the post-1994 period with the objective of building a “rainbow nation”. The South African case is chosen on account of its long and complex history of apartheid and the overt use of ethnicity for political purposes. Further, it is informed by the post-apartheid efforts to emphasize the centrality of ethnicity; as part of the pluralist policies furthering the neo-liberal economic agenda. My research in 2008-2009 involved five carefully selected ethnic minority radio stations (Lotus FM, Munghana Lonene FM, Phalaphala FM, Radio Sonder Grense FM (RSG) and X-K FM), all owned and managed by the SABC as part of its public service mandate. Using a case study research methodology, the study investigated the development of ethnic minority radio broadcasting policies in post-apartheid South Africa, in the context of residual and incremental broadcasting policy models from the apartheid era. The nexus of ethnic minority radio and nationalism cohesion is a huge challenge in many other African countries and South Africa’s attempts at radio pluralism are a cautious walk on a tight rope given their history, which much like her economy, have local, regional and global aspects. Various theories are used as a conceptual framework; the public service broadcasting (PSB); models of ethnic minority media; and theories of ethnicity and nationalism. The study shows the challenges faced by PSBs in an African context. The discussion also involves the role of radio in the construction of a transient national identity and nation-building as a process. The main findings included the simmering tensions, intense politics and rivalry between groups running the ethnic minority radio stations. The appointment of top SABC personnel on ethnic basis feeds into the perceptions of ethnic relations at the stations and the marked feelings of ethnic consciousness at the radio stations that ubiquitously feed into the ‘rainbow nation’ project as part of the ‘retribalisation’ process. It affirms the rights of ethnic minorities to communicate through radio in their own languages within a multi-ethnic society; thereby giving meaning to its enigmatic instance. However, South Africa’s bold experiment with cultural pluralism in the radio sector offers Africa a delicate but workable way of dealing with ethnicity in public radio broadcasting. This research is an original analysis of policies, politics, history and aspects on the continuity of the ethnic radio sector in a local but rapidly globalising context. The study is important for its epistemological rethinking of public broadcasting and ethnicity in a non-Western context.

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Wachanga, David Ndirangu O'Connor Brian C. "Sanctioned and controlled message propagation in a restrictive information environment the small world of clandestine radio broadcasting /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-5113.

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Smith, David Mark. "Politics through the microphone : BBC radio and the 'New Jerusalem' 1940-1945." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390616.

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Wachanga, David Ndirangu. "Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment: The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5113/.

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This dissertation seeks to identify the elements that inform the model for competing message propagation systems in a restrictive environment. It pays attention to message propagation by sanctioned and clandestine radio stations in pre- and post-independent Zimbabwe. This dissertation uses two models of message propagation in a limiting information environment: Sturges' information model of national liberation struggle and Chatman's small world information model. All the message propagation elements in the Sturges and Chatman's models are present in the broadcast texts analyzed. However, the findings of this dissertation indicate that communication in a restrictive information environment is designed such that its participants make sense of their situation, and come up with ways to solve the challenges of their small world. Also, a restrictive information environment is situational, and message propagators operating in it are subject to tactical changes at different times, accordingly altering their cognitive maps. The two models fail to address these concerns. This dissertation focused on message propagation in Zimbabwe because there is military belligerence involved in the information warfare. It therefore provides an extreme situation, which can help our understanding of more everyday instances of communication and interference of communication. Findings of this dissertation recommend the need to emphasize that information input, output and suppression are components dependent on each other; not discrete and independent categories of information activities.

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Whittington, Ian. "Writing the radio war: British literature and the politics of broadcasting, 1939-1945." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119399.

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The social and political transformations of the Second World War in Britain required a massive coordination of public opinion and effort. "Writing the Radio War: British Literature and the Politics of Broadcasting, 1939-1945" examines the mobilization of British writers through their involvement in radio broadcasting. Drawing on theories of mass communication from the 1930s to the present day, this dissertation argues that the power of radio as a medium of propaganda and national identity-formation lay in its ability to generate an aura of intimacy that encouraged listener identification with the national community. Capitalizing on this intimacy, writers imagined listening publics that were at odds with official projects of national unity. Confronted with the Anglophone fascism of pro-Nazi broadcaster William Joyce, Nancy Mitford and Rebecca West used their writings to neutralize the threat of autochthonous extremism by depicting Joyce as a laughable ideological non-national subject. Even among patriotic Britons, political fractures appeared, as when J.B. Priestley used his radio "Postscripts" to frame debates about postwar British society along socialist lines. In the mixed documentary-dramatic genre of the radio "feature," Louis MacNeice modelled collective gain through collaborative effort in The Stones Cry Out, Alexander Nevsky, and Christopher Columbus. On the Overseas Service, George Orwell and E.M. Forster attempted subtle compromises to keep Indian listeners loyal to the Empire, while Jamaican poet Una Marson repurposed the BBC's networks in order to imagine alternative communities. Marson turned the program Calling the West Indies into an incubator for a vibrant Caribbean literary scene. Collectively, these writers used the wireless to guide British listeners through the social and political changes brought on by the war: having entered the conflict as an imperial nation riven by class and ideology, Britain emerged ready to embark on the massive social experiment of the multicultural postwar welfare state with a renewed sense of possibility and promise.
Les transformations sociales et politiques de la deuxième guerre mondiale en Grande-Bretagne ont nécessité une mobilisation énorme d'opinion et d'effort publique. "Writing the radio war: British literature and the politics of broadcasting, 1939-1945" examine la participation des écrivains britanniques dans cette mobilisation au niveau de leur engagement dans la radiodiffusion. Cette thèse utilise diverses théories de communication datant des années 1930 jusqu'au présent pour démontrer la puissance de la radio comme moyen de propagande et de gestion d'identité nationale en raison de sa capacité d'engendrer une semblance d'intimité entre les auditeurs et leur communauté nationale. Les écrivains de cette période ont pris avantage de cette intimité pour imaginer des publiques qui contredisaient les projets officiels d'unification nationale. Face au fascisme anglophone de William Joyce, un propagandiste pronazi, Nancy Mitford et Rebecca West se sont servies de leurs écrits pour rendre neutre la menace d'une extrémisme autochtone en décrivant Joyce comme une aberration idéologique, risible et étranger. Les divisions politiques sont apparues même parmi les Britanniques patriotiques; avec son programme "Postscripts" sur la BBC, J.B. Priestley a poursuit un avenir socialiste pour la Grande Bretagne, ce qui contrevenait les intentions du gouvernement pendant la guerre. Avec ses productions documentaires et dramatiques, incluant The Stones Cry Out, Alexander Nevsky, et Christopher Columbus, Louis MacNeice a modelé un processus de travail collectif au bénéfice du collectif. Dans le Overseas Service du BBC, George Orwell et E.M. Forster tentaient des compromis subtils pour assurer la fidélité des auditeurs indiens à l'Empire Britannique. La poète jamaïquaine Una Marson a profité des réseaux impériaux pour imaginer des communautés autres que celui de l'Empire en transformant le programme Calling the West Indies en incubateur pour une scène littéraire caraïbe dynamique. Ensemble, ces écrivains ont profité de la radiodiffusion pour piloter le public britannique à travers les changements sociopolitiques de la guerre. Ayant rentré dans la guerre une nation impériale fendu par l'idéologie et par les classes sociales, la Grande Bretagne est ressortie avec un esprit de possibilité et se trouvait prêt à embarquer sur la grande expérimentation de l'état social démocratique de caractère multiculturelle.

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Sumner, Carolyne. "John Weinzweig, Leftist Politics, and Radio Drama at the CBC During the Second World War." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35215.

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Since its rise to prominence in the 1920s, Canadian radio drama has become a topic of growing interest among scholars in the fields of media studies, communications, and literature. During the Second World War, radio drama became an important medium of entertainment for home front civilians, and was utilized as propaganda by the CBC to garner support for the Canadian war effort. At this time, radio drama also became an important artistic outlet for wartime artists to express their political and social values and beliefs during the war. While scholars have examined the art of radio drama in light of its artistic, dramatic and literary value, few have yet to examine the music composed for these dramas. This thesis draws on these scholars as well as archival materials from the John Weinzweig fonds and the CBC Music Library fonds located at Library and Archives Canada, and the CBC radio drama script collection located at the Concordia Centre of Broadcasting and Journalism Studies to examine the incidental music written by John Weinzweig for CBC wartime radio dramas. By considering how composing for this artistic medium impacted his musical language at this time, this thesis examines his scoring for the series New Homes for Old. Specifically, I problematize the modification and simplification of the serial technique in his incidental works, and consider the challenges that informed Weinzweig’s approach to radio drama composition. I propose that Weinzweig’s simplification of his serial technique may be understood in relationship to the social and political climate of the 1930s and 1940s, and within the context of leftist socialist movements, notably the Popular Front. I argue that Weinzweig’s engagement with radical socialism during this period may have prompted him to adopt a simpler and more accessible musical language that reflected and embodied the cultural, political, and aesthetic ideals of the Popular Front. Le théâtre radiophonique canadien est devenu un sujet très prisé parmi les chercheurs dans les domaines des médias, des communications, et de la littérature. Pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le théâtre radiophonique est devenu une forme de divertissement populaire pour les Canadiens et était souvent utilisé comme un outil de propagande par la CBC. À cette même époque, le théâtre radiophonique est aussi devenu une forme d’expression pour les artistes du temps de guerre pour exprimer leurs valeurs sociales et politiques. Bien que plusieurs chercheurs aient examiné l’art du théâtre radiophonique sous l’angle de sa valeur artistique, dramatique, et littéraire, peu ont examiné la musique qui a été composée pour ces drames. En se servant des matériaux d’archives trouvés dans les fonds “John Weinzweig” et les fonds “CBC music library” situés à la Bibliothèque et Archives Canada (BAC), ainsi que la collection “CBC Radio Dramas” située au Centre for Broadcasting and Journalism Studies (CCJBS) à l’Université Concordia, cette thèse examine la musique de scène écrite par John Weinzweig pour les émissions de théâtre radiophoniques présentées par la CBC pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. En considérant comment le genre radiophonique a influencé le langage musical de Weinzweig, cette thèse examine ses oeuvres pour la série New Homes for Old. Plus précisément, cette thèse examine la modification et simplification de la technique sérielle utilisé par Weinzweig dans ses oeuvres radiophoniques, et considère les défis qui ont influencé son approche compositionnelle. Je suggère que la simplification de la technique sérielle utilisée par Weinzweig peut être étudiée en fonction des conditions politiques des années 1930 et 1940, et aussi en fonction des mouvements politiques de gauche et plus particulièrement du Front populaire. Je soutiens que l’engagement de Weinzweig avec les valeurs socialistes lui a permis d’adopter un langage accessible qui reflète les idéaux culturels, politiques, et esthétiques du Front populaire.

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Senger, Saesha. "Gender, Politics, Market Segmentation, and Taste: Adult Contemporary Radio at the End of the Twentieth Century." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/music_etds/150.

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This dissertation explores issues of gender politics, market segmentation, and taste through an examination of the contributions of several artists who have achieved Adult Contemporary (AC) chart success. The scope of the project is limited to a period when many artists who figured prominently in both the broader mainstream of American popular music and the more specific Adult Contemporary category were most commercially viable: from the mid-1980s through the 1990s. My contention is that, as gender politics and gendered social norms continued to change in the United States at this time, Adult Contemporary – the chart, the format, and the associated music – was an important, if overlooked or even trivialized, arena in which these shifting gender dynamics played out. This dissertation explores the significance of the Adult Contemporary format at the end of the twentieth century through analysis of chart performance, artist image, musical works, marketing, and contextual factors. By documenting these relevant social, political, economic, and musical factors, the notable role of a format and of artists neglected by scholars becomes clear. I explore these issues in the form of lengthy case studies. Examinations of how Adult Contemporary artists such as Michael Bolton, Wilson Phillips, Matchbox Twenty, David Gray, and Mariah Carey were produced and marketed, and how their music was disseminated, illustrate record and radio industry strategies for negotiating the musical, political, and social climate of this period. Significantly, musical and lyrical analyses of songs successful on AC stations, and many of their accompanying promotional videos highlight messages about musical genre, gender, race, and age. This dissertation ultimately demonstrates that Adult Contemporary-oriented music figured significantly in the culture wars, second and third wave feminism, expressions of masculinity, Generation-X struggles, postmodern identity, and market segmentation. This study also illustrates how the record and radio industries have managed audience composition and behavior to effectively and more predictably produce and market music in the United States. This dissertation argues that, amid broader social determinations for taste, the record industry, radio programmers, and Billboard chart compilers and writers have helped to make and reinforce certain assumptions about who listens to which music and why they do so. In addition, critics have weighed in on what different musical genres and artists have offered and for whom, often assigning higher value to music associated with certain genres, socio-political associations, and listeners while claiming over-commercialization, irrelevance, aesthetic insignificance, and bad taste for much other music.

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Shalabieh, Mahmoud I. "A comparison of political persuasion on Radio Cairo in the eras of Nasser and Sadat /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487262513408362.

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Webb, Rebecca. "Diminished Democracy? Portland Radio News/Public Affairs After the Telecom Act of 1996." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/157.

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News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.

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Pillay, Divinia. "Identity in the media in a post-apartheid radio station in South Africa: the case of Lotus FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5709.

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This research study investigates Lotus FM, as one of many South African Media components that are catering for one specific cultural or religious group. The investigation explores the implications of practice of a pecific media component that caters for specific cultural or religious groups operating in a post-apartheid South Africa. After the end of the apartheid era in South Africa, a number of South African media components have proclaimed their commitment to reconciliation and nation building within South Africa by attempting to unite audiences. The South African Broadcasting Corporation, which held the monopoly on South African Broadcasting for decades, has promulgated the notion of the rainbow nation to audiences in South Africa. Since 1994, sub-components of the different South African media segments were developed to cater for specific ethnic or cultural groups by the station managements. This was aimed at reversing the effects of pre-1994 media that catered for the former ruling minority only or ethnic groups that were categorized by the former political dispensation. It is possible, however, that this has resulted in a renewed and continued separation of interest groups present in South Africa today.

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Forsman, Michael. "Lokalradio och kommersiell radio 1975−2010 : En mediehistorisk studie av produktion och konkurrens." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-56940.

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The main question in this dissertation is: How can the emergence of local and commercial radio and the ensuing changes within each be understood in relation to intermedial and intramedial competition? This overarching question is broken down into four research questions. What driving forces contributed to the implementation of local and commercial radio respectively? (How can the competitive context of these two radio forms be described and periodized? In what ways have the practices of producing radio output, radio audiences and brands changed during the period covered by this study? What similarities and differences have emerged between local radio and commercial radio over time? This study can be seen as an institutional media history, focusing on two distinctive periods in the history of Swedish radio and television, Decentralization (1977-1987) and Commercialization (1987 onwards). The empirical material consists of documents, press clippings and some forty semi-structured in-depth interviews. Theoretically the dissertation combines political economy with a cultural perspective on media production and institutional intentionality. The empirical content is a two-part study on local radio and on commercial radio, presented through narrative principles of chronology and periodization. The results of the study are integrated to a large extent into the historical presentation that makes up the major part of the dissertation. More specifically, this historical exposition shows that issues of competition were important also before the deregulation of Swedish radio in 1993, and that the competitive conditions for these two parts of the Swedish radio landscape are on the one hand fundamentally different and on the other have become more similar over the years, especially when it comes to competitive strategies and production philosophies.

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Couture, André Michel. "Elements for a social history of television : Radio-Canada and Quebec Society 1952-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61992.

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Sandström, Stina, Emelie Looyenga, and Anna Åslund. "From hate media to great media? : Rwandan radio journalist’s view of the media climate in their country." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-52405.

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In 1994 a brutal genocide took place in Rwanda were one part of the population killed over 800 000 of their own people over a period of one hundred days. Rwandan radio, the biggest and most influential medium in the country, played a crucial part in the tragedy and today, almost 22 years after the genocide, Rwanda is trying to rebuild the media system as well as the trust between the public and the journalists. Over recent years Rwanda has made a huge development within the media sector and keeps moving forward from its dark history. This study aims to examine how radio journalist at the government owned radio channel RBA, Rwanda Broadcasting Agency, experiences the changes in the media climate and focus will mainly lie on the period after the introduction of new media laws in 2013. This study also examines how journalists have experienced different international collaborations, especially between Western countries and Rwanda, that are aiming to develop the media system. In total eleven radio journalist from RBA were interviewed and our research questions were as follows; How do Rwandan radio journalists within the RBA experience the media situation in the country today? How do Rwandan radio journalists within the RBA regard their role within their profession? How can Rwanda’s media climate be interpreted through different normative media systems? To understand the media climate at RBA three theoretical perspectives were used as a base; Agenda Setting Theory, globalisation and domestication. To study the media situation an ethnographic method was applied and put into the context of Rwanda's history and culture. During our interviews we have talked about how the journalists regard their role in the society, how it has changed, what may still change, how they value their independency as journalists and what they think the future holds for Rwandan media development. The informants all agreed that Rwandan journalism is constantly developing and journalists are learning how to work in a society where the media's biggest aim is to be trusted by the public. Rwandan journalists and international journalists, the latter group also partly represented in the study, regard Rwanda's media situation differently but both parts agree upon the fact that the country has a long way to go to reach an open media climate. Our result leads up to a cultural conclusion; it is difficult to make a fair judgement of the media situation in Rwanda only by measuring the country's development and the journalistic competence according to Western ideals.

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Gauthier, Michelle (Michelle Marie) Carleton University Dissertation Communication. "CBC's and Radio-Canada's structured mediation of the constitutional crisis; a comparative analysis of The Journal's "Untying the knot" and Le Point's "Le Nationalisme Quebecois."." Ottawa, 1992.

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MARQUES, Edmilson Ferreira. "A HISTÓRIA DO RÁDIO EM GOIÁS (1942-1947)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2009. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/2344.

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This research proposes a systematic history of the first radio stations built in the State of Goiás, the story started in the 1940s, more precisely between the years comprising the period from 1942 to 1947. In this search for objective evidence to both the national and international historical context, as state and local time. It also proposed a theoretical discussion to examine these radio stations and in addition, a systematic timeline of the first experiments performed in Goiás communication through technological means of communication, occurring even before the emergence of the first radio broadcast, which occurred from in the year 1920. Finally addressed is the relationship of the first radio broadcast and other electronic media created in the state of Goiás until 1940, with capitalism, the state and political parties, and concludes with a discussion about the culture of the radio in Goiás.
Esta pesquisa propõe sistematizar a história das primeiras emissoras de rádio edificadas no Estado de Goiás, história essa iniciada na década de 1940, mais precisamente entre os anos que compreende o período de 1942 a 1947. Na busca por este objetivo evidencia-se tanto o contexto histórico internacional e nacional, quanto estadual e local da época. É proposta também uma discussão teórica para analisar estas estações de rádio e, além disso, uma sistematização cronológica das primeiras experiências comunicacionais realizadas em Goiás através de meio tecnológicos de comunicação, ocorridas antes mesmo do surgimento das primeiras emissoras de rádio, que se efetivou a partir do ano de 1920. Por fim é abordada a relação das primeiras emissoras de rádio e de outros meios eletrônicos criados no Estado de Goiás até 1940, com o capitalismo, com o Estado e com partidos políticos; e conclui-se com uma discussão sobre a cultura do rádio em Goiás.

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Lourenço, André Luís. "Rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas /." Bauru : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89472.

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Orientador: Juliano Maurício de Carvalho
Banca: Maria Cristina Gobbi
Banca: Adilson Cabral
Resumo: A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim
Abstract: The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end
Mestre

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Osório, Jackeline Gonçalves. "Cidadania rompida: a cobertura midiática religiosa durante um processo eleitoral." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/7342.

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The research in question aims to understand the dynamics of the communication produced by radio stations that carry out religious programming during the electoral period. This methodological approach was based on the analysis of content in order to observe issues such as the guarantee of rights and the interests of religious denominations when carrying out communication procedures.
A pesquisa em questão visa compreender a dinâmica da comunicação produzida por emissoras de rádio que realizam programação religiosa durante período eleitoral. Esta investida metodológica foi produzida a partir da análise de conteúdo tendo em vista a observação de questões como a garantia de direitos e os interesses das denominações religiosas quando realizam procedimentos de comunicação.

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Bruno, Adam P. "Getting History Right: Conservatism and the Power of the Past in the Long Culture Wars (1992-2010)." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556792499617022.

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Lourenço, André Luís [UNESP]. "Rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89472.

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Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP)
A pesquisa parte da afirmação de Habermas (1997) de que, em sociedades democráticas complexas, a esfera pública forma uma estrutura comunicativa baseada em microesferas públicas ou arenas públicas, nas quais as opiniões públicas se consolidam e são levadas ao debate público, e que esses espaços democráticos de discussão, embora não tenham o poder de decisão administrativa, podem contribuir para a composição de uma opinião pública suficientemente representativa capaz de influenciar, ainda que sem garantias, os processos de decisão política na medida em que suas mensagens percorrem as instâncias de decisão constitucionalmente consolidadas e coagem os agentes políticos - levando-se em consideração que a esfera pública, ou o fluxo de informação nela existente, é estruturado em grande medida pelos veículos de comunicação de massa regidos por interesses comerciais. Para tanto, a dissertação utiliza os métodos descritivo e dialético com o fenômeno das rádios comunitárias e suas atribuições em sociedades democráticas, evidenciando elementos comuns à estrutura do conceito de arena pública, de modo a evidenciar que uma rádio comunitária pode ser considerada uma arena pública. A dissertação faz uso de pesquisas documental e bibliográfica, já que a investigação será sustentada por materiais já publicados - como livros, artigos de periódicos e disponibilizados na internet, como documentos e relatórios de entidades da sociedade civil e do Estado. Por fim, a dissertação sugere parâmetros para a análise sobre a atuação das rádios comunitárias como arenas públicas, que estão ligado, sobretudo, ao nível de participação da população no debate empreendido na rádio comunitária e a estrutura consolidada no veículo para esse fim
The inquiry leaves from the affirmation of Habernas (1997) of which, in democratic complex societies, the public sphere forms a communicative structure based on public microsphere or public arenas, in which the public opinions are consolidated and are taken to the public discussion, and which these democratic spaces of discussion, though they have not the power of administrative decision, can still contribute to the composition of a sufficiently representative public opinion able to influence, that without guarantees, the processes of political decision in so far as his messages go through the persistence of decision constitutionally consolidated and compel the political agents - when are taken into account that the public aphere, or the flow of information in existent her, is structured in a large extent by the vehicles of communication of mass governed by commercial interests. For so much, the dissertation uses the descriptive and dialect methods with the objective to expose the characteristics of the phenomenon of the communication radios and his atributions in democratic societies, showing common elements up to the structure of the concept of public arena, of way to show up that a communitarian radio can be considered a public arena. The dissertation does use of documentary and bibliographical inquiries, since the investigation will be supported by already published materials - like books, article of magazines and available in the Internet, like documents and reports of entities of the civil society and of the State. Finally, the dissertation suggests parameters for the analysis on the acting of the communication radios like public arenas, which are tied, especially, at the level of participation of the population in the discussion undertaken in the communication radio and the structure consolidated in the vehicle for this end

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Chanter, Alaine, and alaine chanter@canberra edu au. "Contested Identity: the media and independence in New Caledonia during the 1980s." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 1996. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040923.133021.

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This thesis analyses the discursive struggle in the New Caledonian media over the question of independence during the period of most acute conflict during the 1980s. It seeks to demonstrate that the discursive struggle was central to the political struggle, particularly in its emphasis on the development of discourses on identity which authorised particular forms of political engagement. Colonial discourses in New Caledonia provided a well tested armory of identifications of the territorys indigenous people which were mobilised in the anti-independence media, particularly the territorys monopoly daily newspaper Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes. The thesis attempts to demonstrate how these identifications connoted, in effect, the non-existence of Kanaks through a denial of a Kanak identity: Melanesians who identified themselves as Kanaks and took a pro-independence stance were not recognised within the colonial identity constructions of Caledonian and Melanesian, and their claims to constitute a people were vociferously denied. They existed within colonial discourses as a human absence, and were therefore considered to have no rightful claim on Caledonian political life. In the face of such identifications, the pro-independence movement articulated in its media notions of Kanakness and the Kanak people which sought to hyper-valorise their identity as human and rightful.¶ It is argued that an analysis of media discourses requires consideration of the type of institutional constraints operating within the media institutions from within which these discourses emerge. The thesis therefore analyses the major constraints operating within Les Nouvelles Calédoniennes and the two major pro-independence media organisations, Kanakys first newspaper Bwenando and Kanakys first radio station Radio Djiido.¶ As an overarching concern, the thesis attempts to work through and apply different theoretical approaches relevant to the analysis of media reporting in situations of heightened political contestation, negotiating through aspects of neo-Marxist and post-structuralist approaches. It assesses the relevance of the notion of ideological effect as an analytical tool in assessing the effects of power produced by particular discourse, concluding that some theoretical notion concerned with elucidating the differential effects of power is required.¶

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Rossi, Gustaf. ""Several media reports today" – A comparative analysis of discursive practices within Swedish immigration critical media and public service media." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22562.

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Syftet med den här masteruppsatsen är att förstå nyhetsdiskurser i public service och invandringskritiska alternativmedier i Sverige. Uppsatsen fokuserar på hur de fyra största politiska partierna behandlar invandringsfrågan månaden före det riksdagsvalet 2018. Uppsatsen syftar mot att förstå skillnader och likheter i diskursiva praktiker om invandringsfrågan i två public service medier (Sveriges Television och Sveriges Radio) samt två invandringskritiska alternativmedier (Fria Tider och Nyheter Idag), och för att undersöka hur detta kan kopplas till minskat förtroende i traditionella medier.Uppsatsen grundar analysen på diskursteori av Fairclough i sammanhanhet av minskat förtroende för traditionella nyhetsmedier. För analys av resultaten används gestaltningteorin och dagordningsteorin, tillsammans med teorier om kommersialiserad journalistik.Metoderna som används är en kritisk diskursanalys baserad på Faircloughs tredimensionella modell, tillsammans med en retorisk analys som appliceras på Faircloughs textnivå. Dessa metoder användes på tolv medietexter som handlade om samma nyhet under augusti 2018.Resultaten visade en Överlägsenhetsdiskurs, där de invandringskritiska medierna intar en roll som överlägnsa de andra deltagarna i det politiska "spelet". Jag presebterar också en erkännandediskurs för att förklara en tredimensionell modell som innehåller politiker i botten, traditionella medier på andra nivån och invandringskritiska medier på toppen. Den sista diskursen är en "Vänskaps"-diskurs där de invandringskritiska medierna intar en "vänskaplig" roll mot andra aktörer i det politiska spelet, vilket ytterligare expanderar på teorier om politisk nyhetsjournalistik som ett spel.Framtida forskning kan riktas mot att bredda analysen och inkludera flera sorters alternativa medier, utföras i andra länder eller utveckla den model jag presenterar.
The aim of this master’s thesis is to understand news discursive practices in public service and the immigration critical alternative media of Sweden. The thesis focus on how the four largest political parties addresses the topic of immigration the month before the Swedish election in 2018. The thesis aims at identifying and understanding similarities and differences in the discursive construction of immigration as a political topic in two public service media (Sveriges Television and Sveriges Radio) and two immigration critical alternative media (Fria Tider and Nyheter Idag), and to examine how this connects to the diminished trust in mainstream media.The thesis bases the analysis on discourse theory by Fairclough, and the context of distrust in traditional news media. To analyze the result, framing and agenda setting theories are used along with the theory of commercialized journalism.The methods used are a Critical Discourse Analysis based on Fairclough’s model supported by a rhetorical analysis which is applied on the text layer in Fairclough’s model. These methods are applied to a total of twelve media texts that covered the same stories during August of 2018.The results showed a superiority discourse where the immigration critical media enters a role of superior to other actors in the political “game”. I also present an acknowledgement discourse to support a three-level model, which consists of politics at the bottom, the mainstream media on the second level, and the alternative media on the top. The final discourse is the “Friendship” discourse where immigration critical media takes on a “friendship” role towards other actors in the political game, to further expand upon political journalism as a game.Future research could be aimed at widening the analysis to cover other forms of alternative media, be placed in other countries, or develop the model I propose.

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Lanfranconi, Ana. "Walter Benjamin: infancia y politización." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/461379.

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El presente trabajo de investigación traza un recorrido por ciertos momentos de la producción textual de Walter Benjamin siguiendo el hilo trenzado entre nuestro autor y las nociones de infancia y politización. Nuestro análisis toma como eje tres modos distintos de abordar la cuestión de la infancia, desde tres modalidades enunciativas divergentes. Del modo abiertamente político y partidista inaugurado por el Programa de teatro infantil proletario y las reseñas pedagógicas de finales de los años veinte, a la politización larvada e insidiosa de los textos sobre la infancia propia que componen Infancia en Berlín hacia 1900 y de las emisiones radiofónicas dirigidas al público infantil agrupadas en Aufklärung für Kinder, la infancia va ganando consistencia y complejidad, problematizando cada vez con más ahínco todos los elementos que los textos le arriman. Asimismo lo político, a la vera de la infancia, cambia de términos y fórmulas, sigue manteniendo su pulso aunque busque otros fundamentos y prácticas en los que asentarse y desplegarse. Hemos primado en nuestros análisis, pues, formas de abordar la infancia que permiten tender puentes a la reelaboración y cuestionamiento de nociones políticas con las que nos confrontamos a diario: lo colectivo, la masa, la acción y la decisión, la relación con los discursos de tintes emancipatorios o abiertamente reaccionarios, la persistencia de la destrucción y la guerra, la transformación de los modos de vida. Sin caer en el adoctrinamiento, la infancia se va fraguando caminos propios desde donde cuestionar el orden de cosas dado. Dirección única se convierte, aquí, en nuestra guía de lectura. Por un lado, abordamos los textos sobre la infancia propia y lo propio a la infancia agrupados en torno a Infancia en Berlín hacia 1900. Las escrituras de la historia se pondrán en entredicho a partir de este trabajo de elaboración del pasado que excede los límites de lo autobiográfico. El recorrido es de largo alcance y amplio espectro: la infancia se entrelaza, aquí, al trabajo sobre los lugares de la historia que en paralelo Benjamin está elaborando en el proyecto de los pasajes y que entronca, aun, con el trabajo sobre el tiempo histórico del ensayo sobre el drama barroco. El siglo XIX será el espacio de tiempo en el que despleguemos estas cuitas histórico-políticas: Auguste Blanqui, Johann Jakob Bachofen y Claire Démar, las figuras que cabe poner en situación, leídas al amparo del arco que se traza, en los textos de Benjamin, entre el surrealismo y el materialismo antropológico. En un segundo momento abordamos los textos que Benjamin redacta y performa para la radio entre 1927 y 1933. El recorrido general sobre las prerrogativas propias a los aparatos de comunicación de masas desemboca en un análisis más pormenorizado sobre las tentativas críticas que subyacen a los trabajos radiofónicos de Benjamin. Propondremos una lectura de las emisiones dirigidas en exclusiva al público infantil y juvenil editados en Aufklärung für Kinder. Estos textos interrumpen el quehacer habitual de la radio, como correa de transmisión de valores y formas de comunicación presente. El gesto infantil atravesado por la práctica teatral apuntará, por otro lado, al quiebre de la compacidad del presente de la comunicación: el Programa de teatro infantil proletario será el encargado de desplazar la cuestión de la transmisión de discursos al ámbito más lábil, y polémico, de los comportamientos. Los modos de transmisión son, pues, un espacio preponderante desde donde modular respuestas políticas. El terreno de las conductas, donde de facto se juegan las formas de gobierno, que eclosionará en los textos sobre la mímesis de los años treinta, será el último lugar de disputa que cristalice la relación fehaciente entre infancia y politización.
This research project traces a line through specific moments of Walter Benjamin’s textual production, following the thread interwoven between the author and the notions of childhood and politicization. My analysis is sustained using three different means to tackle the issue of childhood, which result in three divergent expository methods. From the manifestly political and biased method portrayed in the Program for a Proletarian Children’s Theater and the pedagogical reviews of the late twenties, to the veiled and cunning politicization of the texts within Berlin Childhood Around 1900 on the author’s own childhood and the radiocasts addressed to children that make up Aufklärung für Kinder, childhood becomes ever-increasingly consistent and complex, further problematizing all the elements brought by the texts. Furthermore, the political aspect, in tangent with the issue of childhood, changes its terms and manners, maintaining its firmness despite trying to find other grounds and practices on which to settle and unfold. Thus, my analysis brings to the fore those ways to tackle childhood that enable the possibility of remaking and questioning political notions that we face in our every-day life: the collective, the masses, the notions of action and decision, the relationship to either discourses with emancipatory touches or blatantly reactionary ones, the persistence of destruction and war and the transformation of lifestyles. Without ever becoming indoctrinating, childhood gradually sets its own ways from where to question the given order of things. At this point, One-Way Street becomes my reading guide.

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Chagas, Luãn José Vaz. "JORNALISMO E ESFERA PÚBLICA: A COBERTURA ELEITORAL DE 2014 PELAS EMISSORAS DE RADIODIFUSÃO EM GUARAPUAVA." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2016. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/55.

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This work questions the exercise of radio journalism in regional towns, as Guarapuava, production of news and the influences that politicians can play in shaping public opinion. Journalistic processes four stations Guarapuava are identified, Culture AM 560, Difusora AM 1250, Cacique AM 760 and 92 FM during 2014 elections's coverage and preferences adopted in formats, fonts and themes addressed in controlled concessions or linked to agents of elected positions. In a general election, the contest for positions of state and federal deputies, the Senate and the State Government reflect options adopted by local leaders and the positions of both the political field, as the communication. In this light it is considered the election coverage in a means of communication as central to the debate and to provide information relevant to the daily life of the population. From concepts like public sphere of opinion formation and subsidies that provide analyzes of the regional journalism posture means radio in the programs, "Assunto é Noticia", "Combate", "Lobo Notícias" and "Cidade Fala", the text demonstrates how the production of radio journalism is present in the public sphere and how their social impacts can determine the decision of voters in the region of Guarapuava, Paraná state.
O presente trabalho problematiza o exercício do radiojornalismo regional em cidades do interior, como Guarapuava, a produção da notícia e as influências que os políticos podem exercer na formação da opinião pública. São identificados os processos jornalísticos de quatro emissoras de Guarapuava, Cultura AM 560, Difusora AM 1250, Cacique AM 760 e 92 FM durante a cobertura das eleições de 2014 e as preferências adotadas em formatos, fontes e temáticas abordadas em concessões comandadas ou ligadas a mandatários de cargos eletivos. Em uma eleição geral, a disputa aos cargos de deputado estadual e federal, ao senado e ao Governo do Estado, refletem opções adotadas pelas lideranças locais e as posturas tanto do campo político, como do comunicacional. Nesta ótica considera-se a cobertura eleitoral de um meio de comunicação como fundamental para o debate e o fornecimento de informações relevantes ao cotidiano da população. A partir de conceitos como esfera pública, formação da opinião e de subsídios que forneçam análises sobre a postura do jornalismo regional do meio rádio nos programas, “Assunto é Notícia”, “Combate”, “Lobo Notícias” e “Cidade Fala”, o texto demonstra como a produção do radiojornalismo está presente na esfera pública e de que forma seus impactos sociais podem determinar a decisão dos eleitores na região de Guarapuava, interior do Paraná.

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Fajardo, Alexander. "A ATUAÇÃO DOS EVANGÉLICOS NO RÁDIO BRASILEIRO: ORIGEM E EXPANSÃO." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2011. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/199.

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The aim of this paper is to communicate the research that was undertaken on the ways and the shapes in which Brazilian evangelicals, traditionals protestants and pentecostals, used the radio as the main media for communicating his message in Brazil since the 1930s. We try to understand what are the main steps, goals, motivations and difficulties that they had over the decades. For this research we gathered newspapers and magazines that registered this insertion, especially in the "golden age of radio" in years 40 and 50. During the investigation it became clear that the Pentecostal movement was the best adapted to the "age of radio", perhaps because of its emphasis on orality. Hence the growth in the decades from 60 to 80 of the segments that used initially, radio, and following decades, the television. Alongside the growth in the number of believers there was also an involvement of churches, their leaders and entrepreneurs in the evangelical political landscape. The result was the achievement of a significant number of radio stations granted by government authorities to groups and churches who helped with the election of politicians. The survey also studied the gospel-culture phenomenon, the emergence of consumerism and entertainment, focusing on the role that gospel music and radio have been playing during this period.
O objetivo deste texto é comunicar a pesquisa que foi empreendida sobre as maneiras e as formas como os evangélicos brasileiros, protestantes tradicionais e pentecostais, usaram o rádio como principal mídia na comunicação de sua mensagem no Brasil a partir da década de 1930. Buscamos entender quais foram os principais passos, objetivos, motivações e dificuldades que tiveram no decorrer das décadas. Para isso pesquisou-se em jornais e revistas o registro dessa inserção, principalmente na chamada época de ouro do rádio nos anos 40 e 50. No decorrer das investigações ficou bem claro que o pentecostalismo foi o movimento que melhor se adaptou à era do radio , talvez pela sua ênfase maior na oralidade. Daí o crescimento nas décadas de 60 a 80 dos segmentos que empregaram, inicialmente, o rádio, e nas décadas seguintes, a televisão. Ao lado do crescimento no número de fiéis houve também um envolvimento das igrejas, de suas lideranças e de empresários evangélicos no cenário político. O resultado foi a conquista de um significativo número de estações de rádio concedidos pelas autoridades governamentais para os grupos e igrejas que ajudaram na eleição desses políticos. Por fim, averiguo-se o fenômeno da cultura gospel, o aparecimento do consumismo e do entretenimento, privilegiando-se na análise o papel que a música gospel e o rádio têm desempenhado no decorrer desse período.

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Banjade, Arjun. "Community Radio in Nepal: A Case Study of Community Radio Madanpokhara." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1187208846.

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Parnis, Deborah L. Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. ""Tuning in": the political economy of commercial radio broadcasting in Canada." Ottawa, 1994.

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Nunes, Paulo de Tarso. "Se a Clube não deu, é porque não aconteceu." Florianópolis, SC, 2001. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/80250.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política.
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Este trabalho objetiva narrar e interpretar uma história da Rádio Clube de Lages, o pioneiro veículo de comunicação social de massa da região serrana de Santa Catarina, concebido e criado a partir da implantação de um serviço de alto-falantes denominado "A Voz da Cidade", que funcionou no início da década de 40, na cidade de Lages, pela iniciativa de Carlos Joffre do Amaral. Desde o nascimento da rádio, em 1946, a entrada definitiva no ar, em 1949, se busca apontar os marcos fundamentais da trajetória da Rádio Clube de Lages, como a conquista da identidade com o público, a consolidação e a expansão, até o advento da Rádio Cacimba FM, do Jornal e TV Planalto e a formação do chamado Sistema Catarinense de Comunicação Por dentro da história da Clube, como não poderia deixar de ser, correm as suas relações econômicas e políticas. E nestas, a convivência e a intimidade com o poder nas suas diversas fontes e esferas. É intento desta pesquisa analisar essas relações, suas qualidades, defeitos e peculiaridades.

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Ogoso, Erich Opolot. "Talk radio and public debate : a case study of three Ugandan radio stations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007723.

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This study is a comparative examination of approaches to talk radio as a genre on three Ugandan radio stations. The aim is to draw conclusions, from observations made about these stations, about the potential of talk radio to encourage public debate around social issues and improve democratic participation despite pertinent challenges in Uganda. The study first outlines a theoretical framework, which is informed by Habermas's theory of the media as a 'public sphere'. This framework is applied to an exploration of traditions of talk radio that have emerged globally in order to assess the potential of these traditions to play a role in contributing to the establishment of such a 'public sphere'. The study then goes on to discuss the historical development of radio in Uganda and the establishment of the current broadcast landscape. The focus is on the way in which this history has been defined by a struggle around public expression, in which government has repeatedly sought ways to control media as a vehicle for public expression. It is proposed that Ugandan talk radio has the potential to play an important role in ensuring broad participation in public expression. It is against this background that the study then describes and analyses the development of the talk genre at three Ugandan radio stations (each one an example of, respectively, a commercial, community and public service station). It is explained that staff on all three stations emphasise the importance of talk radio in encouraging participation, by their audiences, in the public debate of social and political issues. It is argued that, because of limitations that exist within these stations, none of the talk show teams fully realize the potential of the genre for participation in such debate. The picture that emerges is one of unequal access, with those sections of radio audiences in positions of privilege being further empowered, while those on the margins remain excluded from public discussion. The study finally recommends ways to improve public participation on Ugandan talk radio, noting the need to review government support, the problems of organizational culture within the stations, the need for more guidelines on practical arrangements around talk show production and the question of contradictions that exist at policy level.

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Горпінченко, А. "Політичні програми в ефірі українського радіо." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2019. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/77224.

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Suggs, Vickie L. "The production of political discourse annual radio addresses of Black college presidents during the 1930s and 1940s /." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07242008-220731/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Philo Hutcheson, committee chair; Richard Lakes, Marybeth Gasman, Joyce King, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 13, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-165).

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Simila, Leonel António. "O papel da rádio Moçambique na democratização da cultura política em contexto multiétnico: caso da rádio Moçambique, delegação de Nampula." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669642.

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Moçambique é habitado por um povo caracterizado pela diversidade etnolinguística como consequência de fatores sociopolíticos e económicos que marcaram a história de África ao longo dos séculos. Antes da presença colonial, as estruturas políticas organizavam-se conforme a dimensão e distribuição dos grupos etnolinguísticos pelas regiões. Contudo, esta realidade foi subjugada pelo processo de colonização. Já, após independência nacional em 1975, a etnicidade impôs desafios à construção e consolidação da nação moçambicana, na perspetiva política traduzida em termos de unidade e identidade nacionais. Ou seja, a integração nacional implicava assegurar que todos os grupos etnolinguísticos se sentissem representados nos processos de governação e valorização das suas tradições. Neste contexto, a viabilidade e eficácia de qualquer sistema político, é determinada, parcialmente, pela atenção dada às questões identitárias. A socialização política com o uso das línguas nacionais, permite que grande parte das populações participe nos processos de governação. Assim, na década de 1990, a Rádio Moçambique, pode ter contribuído na socialização política transmitindo programas de Educação Cívica Eleitoral nas línguas locais. Tese foi elaborada com base no método qualitativo, ou seja, qualitativo. A base teórica consistiu na discussão dos conceitos: identidade étnica, cultura política e socialização política. Moçambique é uma ex-colónia portuguesa situada na África Austral, independente desde 1975. Em resultado da Conferência de Berlim (1884-1885), as atuais fronteiras dos países africanos não obedecem a distribuição dos grupos étnicos de que África dispõe. Este facto, é uma das explicações para presença de vários grupos étnicos num único país e a partilha deles entre países vizinhos. Após a descolonização, instalou-se uma realidade marcada pela pretensão de cada grupo étnico ver-se representado nos processos de governação. Isto tem imposto desafios aos diferentes sistemas políticos que cada país foi adotando e ao processo de construção da nação na perspetiva moderna. Aliás, esses sistemas apresentam-se como tentativa de substituição das formas tradicionais de organização que prevalece entre as sociedades africanas. Portanto, em certa medida, a etnicidade mostra-se como um dos fatores potenciais de conflito. Moçambique conserva características herdadas na Conferência de Berlim e nos movimentos migratórios impulsionados por várias crises a nível da África Austral. Alguns dos grupos 6 étnicos existentes em Moçambique são partilhados com países vizinhos. Esta realidade impos sérios desafios à implementação do marxismo-leninismo e ao processo de democratização, este ultima iniciado na década de 1990. A participação das populações no quadro democrático é condicionada pela socialização política com recurso às línguas locais, considerando que se está perante a implantação de um sistema importado de outros contextos com características diferentes de Moçambique. A Rádio Moçambique enquanto agente de socialização política, mostrou-se relevante no processo de educação cívica do eleitorado. O uso das línguas locais pela RM representa um ato de inclusão do ponto de vista identitário cujo impacto é a mobilização na adesão aos programas de governação. Com efeito, o presente tese procura analisar a forma como a RM assegurou a transmissão de valores políticos aos cidadãos considerando a diversidade etnolinguística. Nisso, assumimos como indicadores, o sentimento de inclusão (representação) e a participação política (adesão ao processo eleitoral). A análise do tema insere-se no quadro da introdução da democracia no país marcado pela aprovação da Constituição de 1990 no âmbito da qual foram aprovadas as leis de imprensa, eleitoral e realizadas as primeiras e segundas eleições gerais.
Mozambique is inhabited by a people characterized by ethnolinguistic diversity as a consequence of socio-political and economic factors that have marked the history of Africa over the centuries. Prior to the colonial presence, political structures were organized according to the size and distribution of ethnolinguistic groups across regions. However, this reality was subdued by the colonization process. Already, after national independence in 1975, ethnicity posed challenges to the construction and consolidation of the Mozambican nation, in the political perspective translated into terms of national unity and identity. In other words, national integration meant ensuring that all ethnolinguistic groups felt represented in the processes of governance and appreciation of their traditions. In this context, the viability and effectiveness of any political system is partly determined by the focus on identity issues. Political socialization through the use of national languages allows most populations to participate in governance processes. Thus, in the 1990s, Radio Mozambique may have contributed to political socialization by broadcasting Electoral Civic Education programs in local languages. Thesis was elaborated based on the qualitative method, that is, qualitative. The theoretical basis consisted of the discussion of the concepts: ethnic identity, political culture and political socialization. Mozambique is a former Portuguese colony based in southern Africa, independent since 1975. As a result of the Berlin Conference (1884-1885), the current borders of African countries do not obey the distribution of ethnic groups that Africa has. This is one of the explanations for the presence of several ethnic groups in a single country and their sharing among neighboring countries. After decolonization, a reality was established marked by the claim of each ethnic group to be represented in the processes of governance. This has posed challenges to the different political systems that each country has been adopting and to the nation-building process from a modern perspective. In fact, these systems are presented as an attempt to replace the traditional forms of organization that prevail among African societies. Therefore, to some extent, ethnicity proves to be one of the potential factors of conflict. Mozambique retains features inherited from the Berlin Conference and migratory movements driven by various crises in southern Africa. Some of the existing ethnic groups in Mozambique 8 are shared with neighboring countries. This reality poses serious challenges to the implementation of Marxism-Leninism and to the process of democratization, which began in the 1990s. The participation of the population in the democratic framework is conditioned by political socialization using local languages, considering that it is facing the implementation imported from other contexts with characteristics different from Mozambique. Radio Mozambique as an agent of political socialization proved relevant in the process of civic education of the electorate. The use of local languages by RM represents an act of inclusion from the point of view of identity whose impact is mobilization in adherence to governance programs. Indeed, the present thesis seeks to analyze how RM has ensured the transmission of political values to citizens considering ethnolinguistic diversity. In this, we assume as indicators the feeling of inclusion (representation) and political participation (adherence to the electoral process). The analysis of the theme is part of the introduction of democracy in the country marked by the approval of the 1990 Constitution, under which the press, electoral laws were approved and the first and second general elections were held.

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Starkey, Guy. "Balance and bias in Radio Four's 'Today' programme during the 1997 General Election campaign." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2001. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020364/.

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This research considered aspects of balance and bias in radio broadcasting, focusing on thirty-nine editions of the Today programme (Radio Four) during the last general election campaign period. The rationale for such a selection was that during a campaign, broadcasters are under the greatest obligation, both morally and legally, to ensure overall 'balance' in their coverage. In Chapter One, a literature survey compares different perspectives on balance and bias, both professional and academic, and relates them to public controversies about political coverage in the period preceding the election. In Chapter Two, the survey extends to interviewing techniques and the presence of confrontation in political interviews. Both chapters set Today in a wider context. Chapter Three considers the research methodology. Attention is paid to the potential for reflexivity in such an analysis, and the possibility of textual readings being distorted through additional hermeneutic layers. During the campaign period, a self-selected but coincidentally representative group of listeners provided both quantitative and qualitative feedback via an original questionnaire. This is reported in Chapter Four as producing some interesting conclusions about audience reading of radio texts and perceptions of balance and bias. These data were compared with readings by a party political monitor whose role during the campaign was to analyse political coverage on Today. Chapters Five and Six present a detailed textual analysis, by both quantitative and qualitative means, of the programmes themselves. Emphasis is placed on the objective rather than the subjective, determining common points of reference and comparing like elements. Finally, a number of specific conclusions are reached, about the conduct of the programme makers themselves and about more general practices in political coverage by broadcasters.

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Lima, José Hélio de. "Programa "A voz do Brasil para Cristo": a relação estabelecida entre o líder pentecostal Manoel de Mello e o rádio." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2008. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2502.

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Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa
This work present analyses the use of the radio as a mean of communication by the missionary Manoel de Mello, who promoted changes in some of the religious paradigm of the brazilian pentecostalists, turning the church O Brasil para Cristo into the main point between 1950 and 1970. His daily presence at radio programes, that were transmited by radio stations from São Paulo, specially radio Tupi which reached lots of Brazilian cities and some South American countries that have their frontiers with Brazil, made Mello a popular evangelist. On the program A Voz do Brasil Para Cristo he preached for the divine cure, analyzed daily-facts, prayed for the listeners cure who did their requests by calls and letters, and announced the Evangelistic Campaign that was taken place at the whole country. At the beginning of the 50 s the two biggest Brazilian Pentecostal churches were against the radio program, by considering it the devil s instrument. Manoel de Mello innovated the religious section that resulted on lots of retaliations. With his popularity he took his followers and admires from different evangelic associations to choose, by vote, the first pentecostal church congressman. Mello had success when he joined his religious proposal, that faced specially the suburb needy population, with the radio which was the most available mean of communication in Brazil, at that time. These successful undertaking was used as a model for the other Brazilian groups to start on the radio media and sequentially the TV media.
Esse trabalho apresenta uma análise sobre o uso do rádio pelo Missionário Manoel de Mello, que promoveu mudanças de alguns construtos religiosos dos pentecostais brasileiros, tornando a Igreja O Brasil Para Cristo o centro das atenções entre os anos de 1950 a 1970. Sua presença diária em programas radiofônicos, que foram transmitidos a partir de emissoras paulistanas - principalmente pela Rádio Tupi que alcançava diversos Estados brasileiros e alguns países sul-americanos que fazem fronteira com o Brasil - fez de Mello um evangelista popular. No programa A voz do Brasil para Cristo , ele pregava sobre a cura divina, analisava os fatos do cotidiano, orava por cura dos ouvintes que faziam seus pedidos por cartas e ligações telefônicas e anunciava as Campanhas Evangelísticas que empreendia em todo o território nacional. Como no início dos anos 50, as duas maiores igrejas pentecostais brasileiras eram contra o uso do rádio, por considerá-lo um instrumento do diabo, Manoel de Mello inovou este segmento religioso que deu origem a uma nova igreja, mas também em uma série de retaliações. Com a sua popularidade, ele atuou como cabo eleitoral e levou seus seguidores e admiradores, das mais diversas agremiações evangélicas, a eleger o primeiro Deputado Federal de uma igreja pentecostal. Mello conseguiu com êxito juntar sua proposta religiosa, que ia ao encontro, sobretudo, da população carente da periferia paulista, com o rádio, que era, até então, o meio de comunicação de massas mais popular disponível no Brasil. O bem sucedido empreendimento serviu de modelo para que outros grupos religiosos brasileiros entrassem para a mídia radiofônica e consecutivamente a televisiva.

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Koštel, Jakub. "K proměně politického prostředí ve Velké Británii v důsledku nástupu masových médií (60.-70. léta 20. století)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165672.

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The main theme of this thesis is the relationship between media and politics in Great Britain mainly in the twentieth century. The research is based on the fact that dynamic post-war growth in technological and economical areas resulted in the development and mass expansion of new media, especially radio and television broadcasting. The main goal of the thesis is to analyze the transformation of British political environment and to verify the hypothesis arguing that this transformation was primarily caused by the development of new media. Changes in the British politics during the twentieth century are demonstrated especially by the election campaigns and methods of political communication. Another part of this work is also the brief analysis of the development of British mass media (press, radio and television) which provides an important context for achieving the stated objectives. The thesis is methodologically based on the research from fields of media history, political history and sociology which concentrates on political communication.

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Fofana, Dalla Malé. "La subjectivité journalistique en entrevue médiatique: une approche rhétorique et interactionnelle de l'émission Péncum Sénégal." Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/7712.

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Résumé: Au lendemain des élections présidentielles de 2000, le Sénégal tourne la page sur quarante ans de régime socialiste, et traverse pacifiquement les élections les plus redoutées de son histoire politique. La presse privée, nouveau contre-pouvoir, contribue grandement à l’élection de son candidat : Abdoulaye Wade. Toutefois, une fois aux commandes, cet homme « idéal » est loin de faire l’unanimité selon les médias indépendants. Du coup, ceux-ci constituent un obstacle pour lui. S’instaure alors un bras de fer entre les ex-alliés. À un an de la fin de ce mandat, une webradio créée par un émigrant sénégalais, voit le jour (Keurgoumak). Le concepteur de la radio déclare son intention de poser un regard neutre et objectif sur le septennat finissant, à travers des entrevues (Péncum Sénégal) de personnalités politiques. Mais une radio au dispositif technique presque assimilable à du « journalisme citoyen », née dans des conditions sociopolitiques si particulières, peut-elle échapper à la partialité, avec des thèmes hautement controversés et un public cible (la diaspora sénégalaise) à la dimension stratégique indéniable? Notre objectif est de déterminer le véritable positionnement du journaliste (neutralité ou partialité). Notre corpus est une transcription d’émissions radiophoniques qui ont eu lieu de février 2006 à août 2006. Dans le cadre du discours médiatique tel que décrit par Charaudeau (2000 à 2009), nous nous appuyons sur la perspective intégrative des travaux d’Amossy (2000, 2010) en matière d’argumentation. Celle-ci s’ouvre autant à l’interaction qu’à l’analyse du discours. Notre analyse est contrastive et comparative. Nous déterminons le positionnement du journaliste à travers une comparaison des caractéristiques interactionnelles formelles des entrevues, des caractéristiques lexico-interactionnelles de son discours interactif et une analyse lexicale et énonciative de ses propos. Nous analysons la relation interpersonnelle que le journaliste tisse avec les invités dans le cadre spécifique de l’interaction familière du pénc. Mots clefs : discours radiophonique, entrevue médiatique, pénc, interaction familière, énonciation, relation interpersonnelle, argumentation, analyse du discours, subjectivité, partialité, wolof, Sénégal.
Abstract: In the aftermath of the 2000 presidential election, Senegal leaves behind 40 years of socialist rule and peacefully goes through one of the most feared elections of its political history. Abdoulaye Wade is elected with a considerable contribution from independent medias. But once in power, the "ideal" man is far from being what the independent medias had anticipated. This situation creates tension between the former allies. One year prior to the end of Abdoulaye Wade’s first term, an independant webradio (Keurgoumak) created by a Senegalese immigrant decides to have a look at Abdoulaye Wade presidency. The designer of the radio declares its intention to take a neutral and objective stance through interviews (Pencum Senegal) with politicians in power and from the opposition. But can any journalistic institution escape subjectivity or bias? Moreover Péncum Senegal has a constitution similar to that of "citizen journalism" and is born in heavily polarized socio-political conditions. The journalist discusses highly controversial issues and targets an audience (the Senegalese diaspora) that holds an undeniable strategic dimension in the country. Our goal is to determine the true position of the journalist (neutrality or favoritism). Our corpus is a transcript of the radio broadcasts that took place from February 2006 to August 2006. We base our analysis on the media discourse theory as described by Charaudeau (2000-2009). We do so within the frame of the integrative perspective by Amossy (2000, 2010). Based on argumentation, it combines rhetoric, interaction and discourse analysis. Our analysis is comparative and contrastive. We observe the interviews’ formal interactional features. We are also interested in the interpersonal relationships that the journalist builds with the guests, as well as the lexical and denunciative clues of his views on the government.

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Timmons, Ronald P. "Radio interoperability addressing the real reasons we don't communicate well during emergencies /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FTimmons.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Susan G. Hutchins. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-101). Also available online.

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Cardoso, Ana Emília Barros. "Processos emancipatórios no MST." Florianópolis, SC, 2004. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/87644.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política.
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Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal analisar a comunicação alternativa, via rádio comunitária, e o processo emancipatório em desenvolvimento no Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem - Terra - MST. A pesquisa empírica realizou-se na região

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39

Bekele, Mesfin Negash. "Political Parallelism in Diaspora-based Transnational Media : The case of Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT)." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38587.

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This study explores political parallelism in the context of diaspora-based transnational media through the experience of the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT). The station is conceived as a party media outlet and transformed into a diaspora-based, non-profit and mainly diaspora funded institution. It has been operating from its three studios in Amsterdam, London and Washington, D.C., until recently. ESAT has emerged as one of the most influential media outlets in the political landscape of Ethiopia in the last ten years. The research, through qualitative and in-depth case study interviews, examines the underlying ideological, political and organizational affiliations that defined ESAT’s position in the media landscape. The study concluded that political parallelism, as an indicator of the dynamics between media and politics, can be used in the diaspora-based transnational media context. However, the study also validated critics on the inapplicability of the two preconditions of political parallelism, namely the existence of competitive system and patterns. The analysis confirms a high level of political parallelism in ESAT in all the five indicators selected for the study. The indicators considered are Ownership, Organizational connections, Party or ideological loyalty, Media personnel’s political involvement, and Journalists’ role orientation. Each of them demonstrated a level of parallelism in ideological orientations or party connection with Ginbot 7 Movement for Democracy and Justice. The study concluded that the salient features of political parallelism should further be studied in the context of the transnational media space of diaspora-based media.

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Stiernstedt, Fredrik. "Från radiofabrik till mediehus : medieförändring och medieproduktion på MTG-radio." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-26591.

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This thesis is a study of how the Swedish media company MTG Radio has developed new strategies and production practices in relation to technological change, new competition and media convergence during the first decade of the 2000s. During this period the media landscape in general has been marked by digitization, the rise of new media platforms and competition from new media companies. The study engages in an ethnographical perspective on media production, but also takes its starting point in political-economic theories on media work (Banks 2007, Hesmondhalgh & Baker 2011, Ryan 1992) in order to raise questions about the relation between technological and organizational changes and relations of power in production. Empirically, the thesis builds on interviews with production staff as well as an analysis of production documents and content produced by MTG Radio. The analysis shows that digital production technologies contribute to anincreased automation and centralization of control over editorial decisions, and hence to “de-skilling” (Braverman 1974/1999, Örnebring 2010). On the other hand, strategies of multiplatform production and the organizational changes taking place contribute to an “upskilling” (Edgell 2012) and give DJs and presenters more autonomy and control within production. This strengthened autonomy involves their possibilities for reflexivity and critical self-evaluation, as well as their control over content and production. Finally, the thesis connects these results to the more overarching question of alienation, arguing that upskilling and increased autonomy do not automatically create better jobs within the media house, or necessarily represent emancipatory possibilities within media work, as has been argued in previous research and theory.

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Biondich, Mark. "The politics of peasantism, Stjepan Radi´c, the Croat Peasant Party and the intelligentsia, 1904-1928." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ41542.pdf.

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42

Conrad, David B. "Lost in the Shadows of the Radio Tower: A Return to the Roots of Community Radio Ownership in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1307383699.

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43

Suggs, Vickie Leverne. "The Production of Political Discourse: Annual Radio Addresses of Black College Presidents During the 1930s and 1940s." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/eps_diss/33.

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The social and political role of Black college presidents in the 1930s and 1940s via annual radio addresses is a relevant example of how the medium of the day was used as an apparatus for individual and institutional agency. The nationalist agenda of the United States federal government indirectly led to the opportunity for Black college leadership to address the rhetoric of democracy, patriotism, and unified citizenship. The research focuses on the social positioning of the radio addresses as well as their role in the advancement of Black Americans. The primary question that informs the research is whether the 1930s and 1940s was a period of rising consciousness for Black America. The aim of this study is to examine the significance of radio during the pre- to post-war era, its parallel use by the United States federal government and historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), and the interrelationship between education, politics, and society. The use of social history allows historical evidence to be viewed from the lens of identifying social trends. The social trends of the period examined include the analysis of economics, politics, and education. An additional benefit of using social history is the way in which it examines the masses and how they help shape history in conjunction with the leaders of a given period of examination. The research method also entails an in-depth analysis of 14 annual radio addresses delivered by three Black college presidents in the South during the 1930s and 1940s: Mordecai W. Johnson, James E. Shepard, and Benjamin E. Mays. Common themes found among radio addresses include morality and ethical behavior; economic, political, and social equality; access and inclusion in a democratic society; and a collective commitment to a just society. Black education as a form of racial uplift unveiled the meaning of access and the collective advancement of the race. Agreeing to deliver the radio addresses as a part of government-sponsored programming resulted in an inter-racial alliance between Black college leadership and the federal government. To this end, Black college leadership operationalized their access and education to benefit the needs of their race.

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Němcová, Jana. "Daně a daňová politika v zemích EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-12076.

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This thesis describes taxes, analyses tax-to-GDP ratio in the European Union countries. Next aim is to compare structure and volume of taxation in chosen European Union countries and the Czech republic and also appreciate plan of tax coordination.

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Leitch, Shirley R. "Unemployment in New Zealand, 1981-1983: a study of the presentation by radio, television and the press of a major social problem." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2451.

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In New Zealand there is a marked scarcity of material on the workings of the indigenous news media. This thesis is intended to partially fill the large gap in New Zealand scholarship in this area. It provides a case study of the production of meaning by mainstream New Zealand news media organisations. Its purpose is to explicate the dominant messages in circulation from 1981 through 1983 regarding unemployment. The neutral face of the news discourse is shown to conceal the routinized signification practices of journalistic professionalism. These practices act to separate the normative from the deviant. They also serve the interests of society's established and legitimated institutions. This process was aided by the simplistic, as opposed to simplified, nature of news media presentations.

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Krivovyaz, Elena. "Political news and propaganda in Russian broadcasting media : The case study of Parliamentary election in Russia in December, 2011 and its media representation." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78323.

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The Parliamentary election in Russia held in December, 2011 caused vote fraud scandal and resulted in a wide-scale protest movement which spread all over the country. The Western media repeatedly compared political situation in Russia to ‘Arab spring’. Russian media, in their turn, got divided in two opposite camps regarding their reporting on the issue. This study examines news coverage of the political conflict in two Russian media outlets and interprets the findings within the framework of propaganda. The analysis incorporates two main levels: institutional and textual. In-depth interviews with the journalists were conducted in order to establish what internal and external factors, such as censorship or state control, shaped news reporting and promoted ideological bias. The comparative analysis of news coverage involved two media outlets Russia Today and Radio Liberty, which adhere to different ideological perspectives. The results show that both media represented contrasting versions of the situation and used information selectively in order to pursue certain goals. Nevertheless, the analysis allows to conclude that Russia Today explicitly supported the views of the Russian authorities and oppressed undesirable facts and opinions. Its news policy also evokes an idea of cold war, as it repeatedly appeals to the image of external enemy – the USA. Radio Liberty, in contrast, provided various opportunities to the discontent part of the Russian society to speak out, which can be considered as an attempt to represent the other side of the story, as it was excluded from the news agenda of the state owned media. However, news policy of Radio Liberty also implied certain propagandistic objectives. The study confirms the assumption that propaganda arguably exists within any political doctrine, but can take explicit and implicit forms which are difficult to detect without thorough scrutiny of overall news reportage of certain media. Further research should look at the role of social media in a series of political scandals and protest movement awakening in Russia, as many media experts link the political situation with emergence of new means of communication. It could also compare news representation of the current political conflict in several Russian domestic independent media to detect distinctions and similarities and try to evaluate what kind of an ideology they communicated to the audience.

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Kanzler, Katja. "The Politics of Imaging the "Machine in the Garden" in Antebellum Factory Literature." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-213491.

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This essay brings a fundamentally Americanist question to bear on Leo Marx’s fundamental piece of Americanist scholarship: What cultural work does the machine-in-the-garden trope perform in literary texts, texts that—as Marx highlighted—emphatically invoke the socio-economic upheavals of industrialization? Rather than asking what the trope means, I am interested in what it does in textual environments that, literally or metaphorically, navigate a protean discourse of class.1 I want to pursue this question in a reading of two texts that directly engage with industrialization and its machinery, two pieces of literature written in markedly different circumstances—one by an eminently canonical writer of the American Renaissance, Herman Melville, the other by a woman who worked in the factories of Lowell, the period’s model industrial town. My reading of these texts aims to draw attention to the ways in which representations of the machine in the garden are perspectivized: While engaging with the juxtaposition of nature and technology, these representations always also work on negotiating social subjectivities—on defining, contrasting, authorizing, critiquing subject positions in the rapidly shifting social matrix of an industrializing USA. In other words, I propose to not only attend to the texts’ images of the machine in the garden but also to the imaging that they depict. The texts with which I will be concerned dramatize this imaging as work that is deeply situated and entangled in other practices of selffashioning, practices which resonate with industrialism’s new regimes of social difference. Herman Melville’s short-story "The Tartarus of Maids" (1855) constructs a narrator who renders his encounter with industrialism in a rhetoric greatly informed by the machine-in-the-garden trope. By correlating this figurative practice with the notably limited and biased perspective of its narrator—a perspective whose marking laminates class and gender—the text exposes the work of socio-economic self-fashioning enabled by the trope. The sketch "A Merrimack Reverie" (1840), published in the "factory-girl"2 magazine The Lowell Offering, develops a motif that seems to invert the trope Marx identified—the motif of horticulture in the factory. This motif unfolds much ambiguity in the text which, I will suggest, registers the precarious quality of the magazine’s project to establish the ‘factory girl’ as an affirmative subject position
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48

Robb, Margo L. "Community Radio, Public Interest: The Low Power Fm Service and 21st Century Media Policy." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/315/.

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49

McEwan, Rufus William. "Radio on the internet opportunities for new public spheres? : a thesis submitted to Auckland University of Technology in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Communication Studies (MCS), 2008 /." Click here to access this resource online, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/524.

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This thesis investigates the potential for radio on the Internet to enhance processes of communication and media practice in the form of new a public sphere. Drawing on the work of Marshall McLuhan, the early stages of this thesis present an enquiry into the unique positive qualities of both radio and the Internet. The argument that follows contends that radio presented on the Internet can draw from the perceived technological benefits of each individual medium, combining as a potential site for public spheres. Both Habermas’s liberal public sphere and contemporary critiques of the concept are examined to define a range of principles that could be tested against relevant examples. The increasing commercialisation of the Internet is presented as a challenge to the normative ideals of a public sphere and counter-balances the optimism of a technologically determinist approach. A series of thematic codes are developed from the relevant theory and combined with qualitative interviews. This forms the framework for a thematic analysis of three individual case studies: Unwelcome Guests, an anti-corporate radio programme, SW Radio Africa, “the independent voice of Zimbabwe,” and NH Making Waves, the radio arm of a community peace activist group. The study investigates opportunities for these three individual case studies to act as public spheres, by examining the interplay that occurs between both Internet and radio practices. As the thematic analysis will demonstrate, placing radio content on the Internet presents new opportunities to diversify content and audiences through collaborative production and improved distribution. Recommendations for further research emphasise the need to pursue the Internet’s role in the public sphere potential of radio.

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50

Schlosser, Nicholas J. "The Berlin radio war broadcasting in cold war Berlin and the shaping of political culture in divided Germany 1945-1961 /." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8827.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Radio in politics'

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