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1

Birch, David. "Talking politics: Radio Singapore." Continuum 6, no. 1 (January 1992): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304319209359383.

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2

Dinsman, Melissa. "Politics, Eugenics, and Yeats's Radio Broadcasts." International Yeats Studies 3, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.34068/iys.03.01.05.

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Much has been written about the right-wing politics and eugenicist sympathies of Yeats’s late-1930s poetry in general and about On the Boiler in particular. Yeats’s focus on Ireland’s degeneration and his calls for its regeneration through cultural (and even biological methods) coincided with his dalliance with the Irish Blueshirts and his frustrations with the transformations of the Irish Free State under Éamon de Valera. However, these years also proved to be Yeats’s most active in terms of radio broadcasting, with six of his nine broadcasts made between 1937 and 1938. In this essay, I read Yeats’s broadcasts, in particular “In the Poet’s Pub,” “In the Poet’s Parlour,” and “My Own Poetry” alongside On the Boiler to show how themes of degeneration and regeneration link these works. As a medium, radio could advance the cultural degeneration and pandering to the masses to which Yeats was opposed. However, it was also within radio’s capabilities to control modes of broadcasting, influencing the public and regenerating Irish culture through the dissemination of poetry.
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3

Thomas, Pradip. "The Politics of Radio in India." Media Asia 34, no. 2 (January 2007): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2007.11726851.

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4

Skuse, Andrew. "Radio, Politics and Trust in Afghanistan." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 64, no. 3 (June 2002): 267–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17480485020640030401.

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5

Turner, Graeme. "Politics, radio and journalism in Australia." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 10, no. 4 (July 15, 2009): 411–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884909104948.

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6

Sen, Krishna. "Radio days: Media-politics in Indonesia." Pacific Review 16, no. 4 (December 2003): 573–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274032000132263.

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7

Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "Talkback Radio and Australian Politics since the Summer of 1967." Media International Australia 122, no. 1 (February 2007): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712200114.

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This article explores the intersections between Australian party politics and commercial talkback radio from 1967 to 1983. It considers the eagerness of individual politicians such as John Gorton and R.W. Askin to exploit the possibilities of ‘dial-in’ radio, addresses how political parties came to view the usefulness (and the dangers) of talkback radio, and assesses the political interventions of Brian White, Ormsby Wilkins and John Laws. In doing so, the article traces the radio industry's campaign against the ban on pre-election comment, the evolution of the Fairness Code for Broadcasters, and the relationship between media monitoring and talkback radio.
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8

Huber, Katherine M. "Aural Interruptions: The Politics of Sound in Teresa Deevy's Radio Plays." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 7, no. 1 (April 29, 2024): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v7i1.3240.

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Despite becoming deaf at a young age from Ménière’s disease, Teresa Deevy uses sound in radio dramas to critique how conceptions of the past were materially constraining the possible futures for women in mid-century Ireland. While Deevy remains an understudied playwright, scholars like Caoilfhionn Ní Bheacháin have shown how Deevy’s stage plays challenge gender hierarchies during the Cumann na nGaedhael government and rework forms of naturalism. Few scholars offer sustained analyses of Deevy’s later plays or work on radio, though Emily Bloom’s foundational work on Irish radio modernisms and theorisation of Deevy’s unique forms of engagement with radio and radio dramas inform my examinations of four plays Deevy wrote specifically for radio. Building on current scholarship, this article examines how Deevy drew on the aurality of radio and the in medias res feel of the one-act radio play to reimagine gendered relationships to narrative, place, history and material and built environments amid shifting media and cultural landscapes in mid-century Ireland. In heeding Deevy’s contributions to radio modernism through feminist, ecofeminist and media studies lenses, my analyses demonstrate methods for reading sounds in scripts that reframe how scholars approach Deevy’s later work as they expand studies of Irish radio modernism. Reading sound elements in Dignity (1939) and Within a Marble City (1949) shows how Deevy reworks realist and naturalist forms limiting women’s agency. The auralities in Going Beyond Alma’s Glory (1951) and One Look and What It Led To (1964) meta-critically reflect on the medium of radio to point to a more modernist multiplicity for women’s self-determination. Sounds and silences in and across Deevy’s four radio dramas revise and expand understandings of mid-century Irish naturalisms, realisms and modernisms as they establish an overlooked feminist Irish radio modernism that points to multiple narrative possibilities for women’s self-determination literally hanging in the air.
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9

Berkman, Dave. "Politics and Radio in the 1924 Campaign." Journalism Quarterly 64, no. 2-3 (March 1987): 422–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908706400219.

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10

Doliwa, Urszula, and Gabriella Velics. "Community Radio in Hungary and Its Place in the Society, Politics, and Education." Polish Political Science Yearbook 52, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202392.

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This article examines the community radio scene in Hungary, focusing on two stations in Budapest: Tilos Radio and EPER Radio. The authors explore the unique characteristics and principles of community radio in Hungary through desk research and interviews with key players in the community radio movement conducted in October 2022. They highlight how these two stations, while differing in their specific forms of community broadcasting, share a commonality of being independent and offering an alternative to mainstream and public radio programming. Sustainability was identified as a significant challenge facing community radio stations in Hungary, primarily because of unfriendly media policy promoting voices supporting the government. The article also provides characteristics of the community radio concept and the historical context of community radio in Hungary, noting that this country was the first in Central and Eastern Europe to incorporate the third broadcasting sector into media law.
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11

Ouzounian, Gascia. "Contemporary radio art and spatial politics: The critical radio utopias of Anna Friz." Radio Journal:International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 5, no. 2 (July 21, 2008): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rajo.5.2-3.129_1.

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12

Kruglova, Liudmila, and Yulia Dunze. "Genres, Themes and Expressive Means of Moscow FM Information Radio Stations." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 10, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2021.10(1).51-62.

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The article presents the results of an intermediate stage of a comprehensive study of information radio broadcasting. Using a content analysis, the authors study the morning broadcast of all-news radio stations Business FM, Vesti FM and Kommersant FM in the period of May 14–20, 2018. The criteria for the analysis include genre and theme preferences, time-line, expressive means, the structure of information sessions, formats and forms of the news programs, the work of radio hosts and reporters, and others. According to the results of the research, Business FM and Kommersant FM broadcast informational programs rather than analytical ones, while Vesti FM includes long live analytical talk-programs in its running order, which dilutes the informational format of the radio station. The programs of the informational genre are mainly informational message, press review, and mail review. The state radio station Vesti FM still broadcasts radio reports, while the two independent radio stations have stopped using them in favor of the so-called «package». Vesti FM focuses mostly on issues of international politics and social problems, whereas the commercial stations Business FM and Kommersant FM prefer mainly internal and international politics and economic problems. All the three-radio stations do not fully use the expressive means of radio; the key ones are the voice and underscoring.
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13

Slugoski, Ben R. "Review of Radio call-ins and covert politics." Canadian Psychology/Psychologie canadienne 32, no. 3 (1991): 539–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0084636.

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14

CODDINGTON, AMY. "A “Fresh New Music Mix” for the 1980s: Broadcasting Multiculturalism on Crossover Radio." Journal of the Society for American Music 15, no. 1 (February 2021): 30–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196320000462.

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AbstractThis article examines the racial politics of radio programming in the United States by focusing on the development of a new radio format in the late 1980s. This new format, which the radio industry referred to as Crossover, attracted a coalition audience of Black, white, and Latinx listeners by playing up-tempo dance, R&B, and pop music. In so doing, this format challenged the segregated structure of the radio industry, acknowledging the presence and tastes of Latinx audiences and commodifying young multicultural audiences. The success of this format influenced programming on Top 40 radio stations, bringing the sounds of multicultural publics into the US popular music mainstream. Among these sounds was hip hop, which Crossover programmers embraced for its ability to appeal across diverse audiences; these stations helped facilitate the growth of this burgeoning genre. But like many forms of liberal multiculturalism in the 1980s and 1990s, the racial politics of these stations were complex, as they decentered individual minority groups’ interests in the name of colorblindness and inclusion.
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15

Birdsall, Carolyn, and Viktoria Tkaczyk. "Hörspiel in the lab: The politics of interdisciplinary radio research in Germany (1928–45)." Radio Journal:International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 22, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00088_1.

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This article focuses on the establishment of new laboratories for radio research in Germany between 1928 and 1945, whereby the new discipline of radio studies and the collective work of artists, engineers and humanities scholars crucially advanced the development of the German Hörspiel (radio play). In turn, the embedding of the Hörspiel in these new ‘radio labs’ serves as an instructive prism for understanding the interdisciplinary and simultaneously highly political nature of these endeavours. Examining three case studies for radio research in this period, in Berlin, Leipzig and Freiburg, the article demonstrates how each adapted the laboratory culture of the engineering sciences to the needs of research in the humanities and their relationship to changing political conditions during the Weimar and National Socialist periods. It highlights a forgotten chapter in radio history and humanities research, particularly amidst the current enthusiasm for ‘humanities labs’ in the era of digital humanities.
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16

Weiss, Allen S. "Radically Recalcitrant Radio." Resonance 1, no. 1 (2020): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.1.6.

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What would it mean to consider the last works of Antonin Artaud, including his major radio piece, To Have Done With the Judgment of God—written after his return to language following years of aphasia during his incarceration in the psychiatric asylum of Rodez and upon his return to Paris just before his death—as poetry? Based upon a veritable rhetoric of repulsion and abjection, effecting an obsessive resistance to readability, Artaud utilized numerous tactics to reject the reader: unmentionable blasphemy, putrid scatology, unintelligible glossolalia, hideous violence, abhorrent politics, obscene curses, unfathomable contradictions, bewildering lists, inexorable negations, disorienting syntax, unsettling non sequiturs, undefinable neologisms, uncanny repetitions. Were these writings to be inserted into the French poetic canon, they would necessitate a radical reconsideration of poetry and poetics, indeed of the French language itself, based upon the nihilistic powers of performance and performativity.
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17

Inthorn, Sanna. "Listening while doing things: Radio, gender and older women." Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00025_1.

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This article investigates the role of radio in older women’s everyday lives. Based on interviews with listeners in Britain and Germany, it argues that patriarchy structures women’s radio listening into old age. The women who participated in this study accommodated their radio listening to their role as housewives, deliberately choosing content that does not distract from their work and making sure they do not invade their husbands’ space with radio sound. Across their radio day, older women move in and out of different forms of listening, characterized by different levels of attentiveness. They enjoy radio as background noise to domestic labour, but they also use radio as a resource for identity work and a critical engagement with gender politics.
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18

Jewell, Katherine Rye. "Buttermore’s Dream Come True." Resonance 3, no. 2 (2022): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2022.3.2.145.

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WRAS at Georgia State assumed status as one of the nation’s leading college radio stations in the 1980s. Yet as this article reveals, participants confronted a crucial moment in the emergence of college radio’s role in the music industry and the emergence of alternative rock as they debated the station’s new format in 1979. While the format fight revealed the dynamics between DJs who preferred a sound that was familiar and palatable to a wide range of audiences versus those who wished to air less conventional, more adventurous rock music, the surrounding politics instead reveal the inseparability of college radio and its role in popular culture from campus politics, particularly the ongoing Black Campus Movement. WRAS’s internal format fight, while heated, neglected the concerns of other students at Georgia State, particularly Black students, who felt shut out of the power dynamics of these stations. Federal regulatory shifts also influenced station affairs through a more public relations–oriented administration, all of which reveal the intersection between institutional and regulatory politics and the soundscapes being created by college radio participants in the early 1980s. The debates regarding genre and sound at Georgia State thus reveal the dynamics that shaped college radio, yet which nonetheless rendered Black students as bystanders in determining the sound of that influence. This article argues that college radio’s “modern” reputation as the home of college rock obscures campus dynamics that were important in shaping college radio culture and practices, which belie stations’ commitment to liberal values of sonic diversity. This history expands beyond the influence of a single, powerful station, moreover, and reveals the potential for expanded research into the emerging network and influence of college radio throughout its history.
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19

Patiño-Santos, Adriana. "The politics of identity in diasporic media1." Language, Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lcs.00032.pat.

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Abstract By following a sociolinguistic, ethnographic approach, this paper explores the intricacies behind the construction of a collective identity in the practices of a community radio station, off- and on-air, that serves the Spanish speaking Latin American community in London. The analysis of the information gathered from a 6-months ethnography conducted in a well-established radio station in South London, allowed me to document how the politics of identity delivered on air, far from being a straightforward process, entails some decisions regarding what to say and how, in order to deliver harmonious relations. The shared use of the Spanish language, albeit in different varieties, and some perceived shared values, become the salient markers to present this harmonious identity. Projecting a unified group identity is seen as an important aim for migrants when navigating diaspora in the UK.
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20

Pinseler, Jan. "The Politics of Talk on German Free Radio Stations." Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/wpcc.51.

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21

Mudavanhu, Selina Linda. "The politics of ‘patriots’ and ‘traitors’ on Radio Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.6.3.327_1.

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22

Turner, Graeme, Elizabeth Tomlinson, and Susan Pearce. "Talkback Radio: Some Notes on Format, Politics and Influence." Media International Australia 118, no. 1 (February 2006): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0611800114.

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This paper presents early results from an ARC-funded research project on the content, audience and influence of Australian talkback radio. Drawing upon the analysis of data from a survey of three talkback programs — John Laws and Neil Mitchell from the commercial sector and Australia Talks Back from the ABC — the paper focuses upon two aspects: the topics canvassed and the participation of the callers. Although very preliminary, the results of this survey narrow down the kinds of questions we need to ask as we move towards more sophisticated analysis of this media format.
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23

Morawska, Ewa. "The Recognition Politics of Polish Radio MultiKulti in Berlin." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 34, no. 8 (September 9, 2008): 1323–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830802364882.

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Uche, Luke Uka. "The Politics of Nigeria's Radio Broadcast Industry: 1932-1983." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 35, no. 1 (February 1985): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654928503500102.

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25

Craddock, Patrick. "REVIEW: Unique flavour of Pacific public radio." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v6i1.689.

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Review of Radio Happy Isles: Media and Politics at Play in the Pacific, by Robert Seward. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. It was a pleasure to open Robert Seward's Radio Happy Isles to find an excellent summation of some of the intricacies of radio media at work in the small island countries, both below and above the Equator. It also contains references to Australia and New Zealand, as both run a regular short-wave service with programmes aimed at audiences at the Pacific region.
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Oyarce-Cruz, Jacqueline, Melissa Medina Paredes, and Markus Maier. "Indigenous Amazonians on air: Shipibo–Konibo radio broadcasters and their social influence in Peru." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 15, no. 2 (January 22, 2019): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1177180118823561.

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This article describes how Peruvian Shipibo–Konibo people instrumentalize local radio stations to participate in civil society and to become social leaders supported by their communities. The investigational group consisted of Shipibo–Konibo communicators, all of them are men, who work at local radio stations located in the region Ucayali, Amazonas, Peru. The indigenous radio broadcasters interviewed were chosen from the most popular radio stations of Ucayali. Topics in radio programs are politics, corruption, abuse, mishandling, as well as celebrations, traditional holidays, communities’ anniversaries, and other cultural activities. Promoting social demands of their localities has given rise to new generations who now attend university and conduct radio programs in Shipibo–Konibo and Spanish, to communicate their concerns. It is an exploratory type research with a qualitative approach, focused on radio programs that got more local audience in the Peruvian Amazonia.
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27

Winthrop, Robert. "The Real World: Talk Radio!" Practicing Anthropology 20, no. 4 (September 1, 1998): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.20.4.xtu4v54901033871.

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The art of persuasion is integral to politics and policy. As an experienced political pundit once said, "It is not enough to know what we ought to say; we must also say it as we ought." (The statement is Aristotle's, from his Rhetoric III, 1.) One of the many reasons that we anthropologists are so often absent without leave in policy discussions is that we are not trained to communicate our knowledge clearly and effectively to non-anthropologists. If there is any stylistic rule taught in anthropology graduate programs, it is to write so as to be completely unintelligible to outsiders. (Perhaps this is appropriate, since tenure decisions are made on the same basis.)
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Tham, Jen Sern, Wei Wenn, Brendan Ong, and Lean Yee Lim. "Media Agenda in Politics: How Malaysian RTM Radio Stations Cover 14th General Election." IIUM JOURNAL OF HUMAN SCIENCES 2, no. 1 (June 28, 2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/ijohs.v2i1.114.

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The media and communication technologies have changed media consumption for good, and traditional media publishers are struggling to integrate their businesses using communication technologies. However, when fake news is increasingly prevalent on social media, where everyone can be the prosumer-produce and consume news, the people seek to verify the facts through different media, and traditional media have therefore made a comeback. This research paper attempts to answer “What are the issues reported by the media”. This study provides findings made during the 14th General Election campaigning period on the political issues reported by traditional media, in this case, radio. This study used a purposive sampling method, with the sample drawn from nomination day to the voting day (April 28 – May 9, 2018); a total of 12 days. The radio stations chosen for this study are operated by a national broadcasterRadio Television Malaysia (RTM), which were Nasional FM (95.3 MHz), Ai FM (89.3 MHz) and Traxx FM (100.1 MHz). The findings showed that the news reporting patterns among the three radio stations were consistent throughout the examination period. Most of the news reported by the three radio channels were neutral but 10 RTM reports were still pro-Barisan Nasional (BN), which was the leading slant of the reports ahead of anti-PKR ones. Media-related issues (false news, imbalance news, inaccurate information) were received the second higher-ranked of issues reported by the radio channels.
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29

Solo, Ashu M. G., and Jonathan Bishop. "Network Politics and the Arab Spring." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 3, no. 1 (January 2016): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2016010102.

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Network politics is examined in the context of the Arab Spring. Network politics refers to politics and networks. These networks include the Internet, private networks, cellular networks, telephone networks, radio networks, television networks, etc. Network politics includes the applications of networks to enable one or more individuals or organizations to engage in political communication. Furthermore, network politics includes government regulation of networks. Finally, network politics includes the accompanying issues that arise when networks are used for political communication or when there is government regulation of networks. The domain of network politics includes, but is not limited to, e-politics (social networking for driving revolutions and organizing protests, online petitions, political blogs and vlogs, whistleblower websites, online campaigning, e-participation, virtual town halls, e-voting, Internet freedom, access to information, net neutrality, etc.) and applications of other networks in politics (robocalling, text messaging, TV broadcasting, etc.). Network politics has played a crucial role in the Arab Spring.
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30

Marsh, Charity. "In & Out of the Classroom: Reflections on Identity, Technology, and the Radio Project." Articles 26, no. 2 (December 7, 2012): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013228ar.

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In this article I share my reflections on the radio project, a pedagogical tool that I incorporated in my upper-level seminars while teaching at University of Regina from 2004 to 2006. My analysis interrogates the merits (and disappointments) of the radio project as a productive (and potentially transgressive) pedagogical tool. I draw on theorists Spivak and Britzman in order to think about how social bonds are mediated by a technological environment outside the conventional university classroom. Furthermore, I explore how, through alternative pedagogies such as the radio project, social bonds may develop through processes of identification rather than identity politics.
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31

Williams, Maude. "Radio and Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939." French History 31, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crx004.

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32

Stremlau, Nicole. "Hostages of peace: the politics of radio liberalization in Somaliland." Journal of Eastern African Studies 7, no. 2 (May 2013): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2013.776274.

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33

Benjamin, L. M. "Sound Business: Newspapers, Radio, and the Politics of New Media." Journal of American History 99, no. 1 (May 22, 2012): 336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas105.

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34

Smith, Reed. "The Case of WGST Radio, Georgia Politics, and the FCC." Journal of Radio Studies 8, no. 1 (May 2001): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15506843jrs0801_10.

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35

Daley, Patrick, and Beverly James. "Warming the Arctic Air: Cultural Politics and Alaska Native Radio." Javnost - The Public 5, no. 2 (January 1998): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1998.11008674.

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36

Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "Sound Business: newspapers, radio, and the politics of new media." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 32, no. 2 (June 2012): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2012.669197.

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37

Brinson, Susan L. "Politics and Defense: The FCC's Radio Intelligence Division, 1940–1947." Journal of Radio & Audio Media 16, no. 1 (May 6, 2009): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376520902847915.

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38

Moder, Carol Lynn, and Gene B. Halleck. "Planes, politics and oral proficiency." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 32, no. 3 (January 1, 2009): 25.1–25.16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2104/aral0925.

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This study investigates the variation in oral proficiency demonstrated by 14 Air Traffic Controllers across two types of testing tasks: work-related radio telephony-based tasks and non-specific English tasks on aviation topics. Their performance was compared statistically in terms of level ratings on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) scale. The results demonstrate significant differences in the performance of the test-takers across task types, differences that were not fully predictable across subjects. The differences between general English proficiency and specific purpose proficiency were even greater than those we would expect for other LSP situations. We discuss the implications of these findings for fairly and safely assessing Aviation English using ICAO standards in a politicized context.
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Moder, Carol Lynn, and Gene B. Halleck. "Planes, politics and oral proficiency." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 32, no. 3 (2009): 25.1–25.16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.32.3.05mod.

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This study investigates the variation in oral proficiency demonstrated by 14 Air Traffic Controllers across two types of testing tasks: work-related radio telephony-based tasks and non-specific English tasks on aviation topics. Their performance was compared statistically in terms of level ratings on the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) scale. The results demonstrate significant differences in the performance of the test-takers across task types, differences that were not fully predictable across subjects. The differences between general English proficiency and specific purpose proficiency were even greater than those we would expect for other LSP situations. We discuss the implications of these findings for fairly and safely assessing Aviation English using ICAO standards in a politicized context.
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40

Saleem, Anila, Wajiha Raza Rizvi, and Maria Saleem. "Role of Radio Pakistan in Advancing Socio-Economic Development of Rural Areas." Global Regional Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-ii).38.

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This doctoral study examines the role of Radio Pakistan in influencing socio-economic development in Central Punjab through its radio stations situated in Lahore, Faisalabad, and Sargodha by analyzing the policy, content and the format of the programs related to socio-economic development focusing on the social indicators of religion, healthcare, education, culture, and politics as well as economic indicators of agriculture, trade & business, small & medium enterprise, infrastructure, and China Pakistan Economic Corridor during 2008-2013. The research design of this study included the qualitative approach of research. Survey method from radio listeners of Radio Pakistan Lahore, Faisalabad and Sargodha. Although a lot of appreciable work has done by the radio which is the biggest source of information in rural areas but still more work is needed to be done. Through radio Pakistan, it is now easier for women to get an education without making opponents to their parents and strict family heads.
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41

Brown, Karl. "The Spirit of Radio: Hungary 1956, Radio Free Europe, and the Shadow Public Sphere." Hungarian Cultural Studies 11 (August 6, 2018): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2018.324.

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This study explores popular responses to communist rule in Hungary and the role of Western media in the years leading up to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Most scholars to date have focused on the guiding role of the intelligentsia and the influence of Radio Free Europe. While these were indeed necessary ingredients in the revolutionary stew, Brown argues that the roots of the revolution are more complex. Hungarians from all social strata listened to many Western radio stations; as a result, many of them adopted critical and informed perspectives on the propaganda directed at them from both Moscow and Washington. As Hungarians listened in on the West, their discussion of news and politics generated a shadow public sphere, in which Radio Free Europe came to occupy a preeminent role despite its biased and propagandistic tone. The shadow public sphere incubated the postwar dream of an egalitarian and democratic Hungary until open political discourse became possible once more in October 1956.
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Brisset-Foucault, Florence. "A CITIZENSHIP OF DISTINCTION IN THE OPEN RADIO DEBATES OF KAMPALA." Africa 83, no. 2 (May 2013): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000028.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates practices of speech and sociability in open radio debates in Kampala to decipher imaginaries of citizenship in contemporary Uganda. In these ebimeeza (‘round tables’ in Luganda, also called ‘people's parliaments’) orators are engaged in practices of social distinction when compared to those they call the ‘common men’. These spaces of discussion reflect the importance of education in local representations of legitimacy and morality, whether in Buganda ‘neotraditional’ mobilizations or Museveni's modernist vision of politics. The ebimeeza and the government ban imposed on them in 2009 reveal the entrenchment of the vision of a ‘bifurcated’ public sphere, the separation of a sphere of ‘development’ and a sphere of ‘politics’, the latter being only accessible to educated ‘enlightened’ individuals – despite the revolutionary discourse and the institutionalization of the Movementist ‘grassroots democracy’ model in 1986.
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Aslam, Rukhsana. "Media, politics and the threats to journalists in Pakistan." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.156.

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This article examines how the fundamental right of freedom of expression for news media in Pakistan continues to be threatened both by the government and conflicting parties, an issue that is compounded by the threat to the journalists’ safety and survival. Giving examples of three Pakistani journalists who lost their lives after their investigations during the America’s so called ‘War on Terror’, the article gives an account of the nature of the dangers and threats that are faced by the journalists in Pakistan who report on armed political conflicts. Drawing on the experiences of five other journalists, who were interviewed during research visits to Pakistan in 2012 and 2014, the author also reflects on the role of journalists in the light of the social responsibility theory and explores some of the factors that contribute towards making conflict reporting a dangerous business in Pakistan.Pictured: Figure 1: The Press in Stress report in 2012. Shown in the cover image is a curbside radio-seller in Quetta. FM radio is hugely popular in Balochistan. Image: Aurangzazib Khan
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Haydari, Nazan. "Sabun Köpüğü." Feminist Media Histories 1, no. 4 (2015): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2015.1.4.108.

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This article contextualizes the significance of popular culture and the everyday in feminist communication practices through the example of Sabun Köpüğü (Soap Bubble), a feminist radio production in Turkey that ran from May 2000 to October 2001. The research draws from the author's interviews with Müge İplikçi, the main producer of Sabun Köpüğü, and Ömer Madra, the founder of Açık Radyo, in 2004; the content of the episodes; and the author's observations as a listener and as a guest speaker on the program. Sabun Köpüğü was not publicly announced as a feminist program; however, it implicitly aimed to genderize discourses along lines that were elsewhere excluded from public debate. The author argues that the significance of Sabun Köpüğü as discursive-level feminist radio activism was mediated by a specific set of political conditions (e.g., gender politics, censorship, broadcasting regulations, the role of the state, and media ownership); by the history of feminist and intellectual movements; and by the economic, social, and political context that framed its production. Through the incorporation of gendered knowledge into areas where gender dimensions were marginalized and excluded, and through the promotion of dialogue and a conversational style, the program contributed to the politics of feminism in the space of radio
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Costăchescu, Adriana. "Les soviétismes en roumain et dans les langues romanes." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 134, no. 1 (March 7, 2018): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2018-0009.

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AbstractThe article focusses on the fate of Sovietisms in modern Romanian, i.e. the situation of words or phrases borrowed from Russian in the period of Soviet control over Eastern Europe (1945–1989). The borrowings reflect relevant concepts of Soviet-Communist economics, culture, politics and propaganda. Romanian received the largest number of Sovietisms of all Romance languages, mainly because of its close political relationship with the URSS. The use of terms which implicated a critical attitude towards the Soviet-Communist dictatorship (samizdat ‘samizdat’, aparatcic ‘apparatchik’, gulag ‘goulag’, etc.) was forbidden both in the URSS and in socialist Romania, but they passed into Russian and Romanian through western radio broadcasts, mainly Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Today, most of those Sovietisms are no longer in use in Romanian.
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Plummer, Brenda Gayle, and Barbara Dianne Savage. "Broadcasting Freedom: Radio, War, and the Politics of Race, 1938-1948." Journal of Southern History 66, no. 4 (November 2000): 902. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2588059.

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Zilversmit, Arthur, and Barbara Dianne Savage. "Broadcasting Freedom: Radio, War, and the Politics of Race, 1938-1948." History of Education Quarterly 40, no. 4 (2000): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369739.

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Dauncey, Hugh. "Radio and the politics of sound in interwar France, 1921–1939." Modern & Contemporary France 26, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2017.1379970.

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LEONARDO, MICAELA DI. "Grown folks radio: U.S. election politics and a “hidden” black counterpublic." American Ethnologist 39, no. 4 (November 2012): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2012.01386.x.

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Goldsmith, Michael, and Robert Seward. "Radio Happy Isles: Media and Politics at Play in the Pacific." Pacific Affairs 73, no. 3 (2000): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672066.

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