Journal articles on the topic 'Radio listenership'

Previous researches on radio convergence showed that various radio stations in Ponorogo have implemented convergence by using new media platforms, such as, radio and video streaming, Youtube, and social media. However, evaluations on radio convergence has never been done before. Therefore, this research was conducted to study the effect of convergence to the listenership as well as to evaluate the implementation of radio-convergence in Ponorogo radio stations from April to July 2019. Using a survey method, the researchers administered a set of questionnaires to 267 respondents in Ponorogo to find out the listenership trends in Ponorogo community on its radio and other convergence platforms. The results of the study showed that the convergence implemented by the radios failed to raise awareness and number of radio listeners. Low awareness affects the community’s media habit. It was apparent in the fact that 84% of the respondents preferred conventional (analog) radio to a convergence platform. The results of this study also showed that convergence was unable to foster community involvement with radio. In other words, the radio was not the primary choice of the Ponorogo community in accessing information or entertainment.

Subject area The subject areas are marketing management and brand management. Study level/applicability The study is applicable to post-graduate brand management course and post-graduate marketing management course. Case overview In December 2015, Justine Cullinan, station manager of 5FM – a commercial, national music-radio station – reviewed the listenership and revenue figures for the year. When she took over as station manager in October 2014, 5FM had been through a three-year period of sharply declining listenership and revenue. Since then, by growing 5FM’s online community and adjusting the station’s overall strategy, the tide of decline had slowed. 5FM’s limited marketing budget prevented it from attracting listeners through traditional marketing avenues. Cullinan wondered how she could grow audiences and revenue and forge a new way for radio to benchmark success in a world where online communities were ever more important. Expected learning outcomes At the end of this case, students will understand the following concepts: brand awareness; brand promise; brand communication; and brand revitalisation strategies. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Subject code CSS: 8: Marketing

In 2011, a study was conducted to look at students’ reception of IIUM.FM, a newly launched online campus radio. Using the Technological Acceptance Model (TAM), the study found that factors such as perceived ease of use, perceived usefulness, and attitude highly influenced audience reception of the online radio. In 2016, a corresponding study, closely based on the original 2011 study was conducted to chart and identify how technological changes and developments have further affected the radio listeners today and whether the factors that determined listenership in 2011 still apply in 2016. The study employed a quantitative research design using the survey method and the questionnaire as the research instrument. A total of 238 respondents were sampled for 2011 and 271 respondents for 2016. Results from the comparisons done between the two studies identified the impact of technological change on the campus radio and offered recommendations and suggestions to the University’s relevant authorities for further improvement.

In 2001, India’s first private FM station – Radio City, Bangalore – came on air, ending an era of state broadcasting that began in 1930. In the past decade, FM radio has enjoyed spectacular success: over 200 stations are now in operation, and the FM industry has seen spectacular growth in listenership and revenues. FM’s impact goes beyond economics; it is now a cultural signifier synonymous with modernity – as the ‘tagline’ for a popular FM network puts it ‘Radio Mirchi – it’s hot!’ FM, I argue in this article, represents a new kind of radio. The shift from state-controlled, nationwide AM transmission to corporate-owned local FM broadcasting signals a profound change in the very philosophy of radio in India. This article offers a brief account of the history of Indian radio and analyzes the social and economic factors that necessitated a change in modes of broadcasting. It also brings its claims into focus through using a case study that looks at the business structure, programming policies, and audience management strategies of one very popular FM station – Radio Mirchi, Kolkata – in order to demonstrate how these newly shaped practices are reinventing the role of radio in contemporary India.

Using the Irish Radio Industry as a case study, this chapter illustrates how the Public Service Broadcaster (PSB), Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ), was slow to react to change and the effect this had on the organisation’s competitiveness. This chapter analyses how RTÉ’s youth radio station, RTÉ 2fm, lost its place as the market leader to the competition including commercial station Beat and other stations as it resisted the required technological, social and economic change which ultimately affected its listenership. The author argues that the independent sector led the way in innovation and affected change which greatly benefited the industry as a whole and brought it into the digital age. This research was based on a methodology involving in-depth interviews, online surveys, textual analysis, direct observation and a longitudinal content analysis.

Subject area Reverse positioning, market segmentation, customer-centric organization. Study level/applicability Postgraduate program; Master in strategic marketing and Master in business administration. Case overview Declining radio listenership is triggered by lack of attention of the radio managers to the desires of radio listeners. Delta FM radio, as part of Masima Media Group, is a radio that realized the need for revitalization. They changed their target audience and positioning to regain its former glory. Delta FM radio get back to the core benefit with the tagline: “100% Great Songs”. Shifting from highlighting the emotional benefits to functional benefits and to cut a variety of benefits is called “reverse positioning”. Expected learning outcomes The objective of this case study is to give deeper comprehension a new concept called reverse positioning or reverse branding. It is an example of the dynamic of hyper competition in media market in practice, in the emerging market such as Indonesia. It provides clear picture of the difference between listener oriented vs advertiser oriented company and the impact of the imbalance portion between them. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.

University campus-based community radio stations (CRS) are widely acknowledged as vehicles for supporting grassroot social and economic development. Despite these stations' popularity, the emerging technologies they exploit to advance such development initiatives, including their exact impact on their economic and social sustainability, remains a grey area. The objectives of this study are two-fold. First, to establish the social media applications that university-based CRS in South Africa employ in fulfilling their broadcasting mandates. Second, to examine how the utilisation of these applications impact the economic/ financial and social sustainability of these stations and their listenership. Drawing insights from in-depth interviews with presenters, station and programme managers, the study found limited appropriation of WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter, station websites, livestreams and podcasts for content programming and broadcasting. Furthermore, while it was unclear how social media livestreaming contributed to economic sustainability, its effects on social sustainability found expression in connecting advertisers to livestreams to support real-time advertising. The implications of these are discussed.

AbstractThe paper set out a platform to investigate the impact of FM radio broadcast in local dialects on rural community development in the Tamale Metropolis of Northern Ghana. The study adopts survey design and also employs probability proportional techniques to select communities for the study. The main thrust of this paper is on the impact of local dialect on rural community development, preferences of development programmes and the community’s participation in the production of radio programmes. Out of 400 questionnaires distributed, 392 was retrieved and analysed. From the results, it is established that local dialect broadcast on radio have an impact on development of rural communities. Also, it improves awareness and knowledge of solutions to community’s development problems in education, agriculture, environment, culture, politics and religion. The paper compare target audience’s preference for local dialect radio programmes to other similar content programmes that were not broadcast in local dialect. It concludes that radio broadcast in local dialect plays a pivotal role in bridging the communication gap between government and rural communities. It proved to be one of the effective mode of communication at the grass-root level. The study shows a positive role played by the indigenous dialect’s radio programmes and recommends that rural development programmes on radio should be packaged in local language. Thus, enhances listenership, interest and positive desired behavioural change.Key Words: Impact, FM Radio Broadcast, Local Dialect, Rural Development, Ghana.

This research is motivated by the importance of the role of community radio which is considered quite strategic, inexpensive and simple in providing agricultural information to residents, especially in rural areas. The purpose of this study was to analyze the characteristics of listeners and their relationship with the level of the listenership of the Community Radio Youth, to analyze the relationship between the broadcasts of community radio broadcasts and the level of satisfaction of the Youth Community Radio listeners. The study used a survey research method of 50 listeners to the FM Youth community radio using accidental sampling techniques, using the Chi-Square statistical test and Spearman Rank. The results of the study showed that the characteristics of respondents who had a negative and significant relationship were age with disability level, namely the frequency of listening, while the frequency and duration of listening to the level of listener satisfaction had a relationship but were not too significant.Keywords: community radio, level of involvement, level of satisfactionABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi pentingnya peranan radio komunitas yang dinilai cukup strategis, murah dan sederhana dalam memberikan informasi pertanian untuk penduduk khususnya di pedesaan. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menganalisis karakteristik pendengar dan hubungannya dengan tingkat keterdedahan pendengar Radio Komunitas Remaja FM, menganalisis hubungan keterdedahan siaran radio komunitas dengan tingkat kepuasan pendengar Radio Komunitas Remaja FM. Penelitian menggunakan metode penelitian survei kepada 50 orang pendengar radio komunitas Remaja FM dengan menggunakan teknik accidental sampling, menggunakan uji statistik Chi Square dan Rank Spearman. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa karakteristik responden yang memiliki hubungan yang negatif dan signifikan adalah umur dengan tingkat keterdedahan yaitu frekuensi mendengarkan, sedangkan frekuensi dan durasi mendengarkan dengan tingkat kepuasan pendengar memiliki hubungan tetapi tidak signifikan.Kata kunci: radio komunitas, tingkat keterdedahan, tingkat kepuasan.

Radio kampus atau radio kolej adalah radio berasaskan prinsip radio komuniti, yang menjadi platform latihan untuk pelajar-pelajar universiti menyampaikan maklumat secara kreatif. Bagaimanapun timbul persepsi yang mendapati medium tersebut agak kurang produktif dan diurus secara kurang berkesan. Justeru, menjadi antara punca minat warga kampus yang rendah untuk mendengar siaran radio kampus. Apakah cabaran dan usaha yang perlu dilaksanakan untuk meningkatkan kemampanan radio kampus khususnya dalam era media baharu? Persoalan kajian tertumpu untuk melihat cabaran yang dihadapi dari sudut pengurusan radio, dan pendekatan-pendekatan lain yang digunakan bagi memastikan operasi radio kampus dilaksana dengan berkesan. Analisis data temubual mendalam dijalankan dalam kalangan 10 ahli produksi daripada 4 buah radio kampus di Malaysia dan Indonesia. Kengkangan kewangan yang amat terhad untuk menguruskan radio kampus menjadi faktor utama hasil kajian utama. Perasaan kepunyaan sebagai alumni sesebuah universiti mendorong mereka lebih bersemangat membantu dan akhirnya menyumbang kepada kemampanan operasi radio kampus di Malaysia dan Indonesia. Program-program radio yang dijalankan adalah bersifat menjana pengetahuan bagi tujuan pendidikan. Kandungan program sesebuah radio juga diubahsuai dari semasa ke semasa untuk disesuaikan dengan dana dan strategi promosi bagi meningkatkan jumlah pendengar. Campus radio or college radio is a non-commercial community-based radio, used as a training platform for university students. However, some campus radio were perceived as unproductive and managed unsystematically. Thus, leading to the campus community’s low interest in tuning in to the campus radio channel. This article addresses the challenges and measures taken in sustaining the broadcast of campus radio programmes. What kind of constraints does campus radio in Malaysia and Indonesia universities faced and the form of approaches they adopted to ensure the continuation of operation? In-depth interviews with ten members of production team across four campus radio stations in Malaysia and Indonesia were gathered. One of the key result highlights that financial constraints are central to the management of campus radio. The sense of belonging to their “alma mater‟, enticed participation among university alumni, which subsequently, contribute to the sustainability of campus radio in Malaysia and Indonesia. Programmes are mainly for generating knowledge and educational purposes. Programme content was reformed to suit funding and station promotion strategies to elevate radio listenership.

Learning outcomes Amongst other things, at the end of this case discussion, the student should be able to: diagnose situational factors that contribute to a brand’s positioning; explore important issues in implementing brand positioning strategies; use relevant models for understanding a firm’s internal and external environments to inform strategic decisions about customers and competition; demonstrate an understanding of target audience; identify the unique attributes of the competition to inform a firm’s positioning and competitive strategy. Case overview/synopsis Kaya FM derives its name from the isiZulu word “ikhaya”, which means “home”. The name reflects the mission of the radio station to provide a home for black South Africans who were denied many opportunities during the apartheid era in South Africa. Kaya FM has been broadcasting since 1997, following the deregulation of the media landscape in South Africa. However, by 2018, the radio landscape has become very challenging. Mainstream advertisers still do not consider Kaya FM as a preferred channel to reach their target audience. Overall, radio listenership is dwindling and advertising sales growth is not encouraging. Greg Maloka, Kaya FM’s station manager is considering how to preserve the station’s unique positioning as it competes with both more dominant stations and new entrants so that Kaya FM can truly be a home for Afropolitans for many years to come. Complexity academic level Honour’s and master’s level, as well as executive education delegates. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 8: Marketing.

AbstractThe International Conference of the LMHI in Koeln (Cologne), Germany in May 1991 had a considerable publicity effect.2 million readers were reached through articles in the daily press. Several large medical and health journals and magazines informed ca. 500,000 readers. Radio stations reached several hundred thousand listeners.In the homœopathic press, 19 journals reported the conference. They printed more than 80 items, including lectures given at the conference, reports on the conference, comments, letters to the editor, etc.The most important dignitaries of Western Germany sent greetings.The reasons for the conference being successful in the eyes of homœopathic physicians were as follows:-high quality scientific and cultural programme,-good interpreters and good quality technical equipment in the conference centre and-location of the conference in the most densely populated area of Germany with good transport connections.

Abstract Background The Fall Army Worm (FAW) radio campaign was implemented between November 2018 and April 2019 in key maize growing areas and locations with reported high severity of fall armyworm as identified by national stakeholders. We evaluated the effectiveness of radio mass extension campaign in achieving scale, and effect on farmers’ knowledge and uptake of management practices for fall armyworm (FAW). We also assessed the factors determining farmers’ participation in radio campaign, to inform future and similar campaigns. Methods Data were gathered through a household survey targeting locations where the campaign was implemented; and 250 male and 215 female farmers were surveyed. The study was conducted in four of the seven provinces where the campaign took place—Eastern, Luapula, Copperbelt and Southern provinces. Selection of the sample provinces was based on reported rainfall distribution during the season and severity of FAW infestation, radio coverage areas and maize growing intensities. Results The radio campaign reached an estimated 1.4 million farmers. Survey results show that both male and female radio listeners were significantly more aware of fall armyworm, and more likely to adopt management practices than non-radio listeners, in particular preventive measures such as frequent monitoring, intercropping and crop rotation. This means that participation in the radio-based extension campaign significantly increased farmers’ knowledge and stimulated uptake of management practices for FAW. However, the survey showed that only 49% of the respondents listened to at least one FAW radio episode. Predictors of farmer participation in radio campaign were; gender, education level, and maize farm size. Conclusions The results imply that deliberate promotion of such programs would enhance listenership and improve interactivity while at the same time integrating other extension approaches. The integration also provides opportunities for equally reaching women as men, given the observed digital divide.

The brand began, quite literally, as a method for ranchers to identify their cattle. By burning a distinct symbol into the hide of a baby calf, the owner could insure that if it one day wandered off his property or was stolen by a competitor, he’d be able to point to that logo and claim the animal as his rightful property. When the manufacturers of products adopted the brand as a way of guaranteeing the quality of their goods, its function remained pretty much the same. Buying a package of oats with the Quaker label meant the customer could trace back these otherwise generic oats to their source. If there was a problem, he knew where he could turn. More important, if the oats were of satisfactory or superior quality, he knew where he could get them again. Trademarking a brand meant that no one else could call his oats Quaker. Advertising in this innocent age simply meant publicizing the existence of one’s brand. The sole objective was to increase consumers awareness of the product or company that made it. Those who even thought to employ specialists for the exclusive purpose of writing ad copy hired newspaper reporters and travelling salesmen, who knew how to explain the attributes of an item in words that people tended to remember. It wasn’t until 1922 that a preacher and travelling “medicine show” salesman-turned-copywriter named Claude Hopkins decided that advertising should be systematized into a science. His short but groundbreaking book Scientific Advertising proposed that the advertisement is merely a printed extension of the salesman¹s pitch and should follow the same rules. Hopkins believed in using hard descriptions over hype, and text over image: “The more you tell, the more you sell” and “White space is wasted space” were his mantras. Hopkins believed that any illustrations used in an ad should be directly relevant to the product itself, not just a loose or emotional association. He insisted on avoiding “frivolity” at all costs, arguing that “no one ever bought from a clown.” Although some images did appear in advertisements and on packaging as early as the 1800s - the Quaker Oats man showed up in 1877 - these weren¹t consciously crafted to induce psychological states in customers. They were meant just to help people remember one brand over another. How better to recall the brand Quaker than to see a picture of one? It wasn’t until the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, as Americans turned toward movies and television and away from newspapers and radio, that advertisers’ focus shifted away from describing their brands and to creating images for them. During these decades, Midwestern adman Leo Burnett concocted what is often called the Chicago school of advertising, in which lovable characters are used to represent products. Green Giant, which was originally just the Minnesota Valley Canning Company’s code name for an experimental pea, became the Jolly Green Giant in young Burnett’s world of animated characters. He understood that the figure would make a perfect and enticing brand image for an otherwise boring product and could also serve as a mnemonic device for consumers. As he watched his character grow in popularity, Burnett discovered that the mythical figure of a green giant had resonance in many different cultures around the world. It became a kind of archetype and managed to penetrate the psyche in more ways than one. Burnett was responsible for dozens of character-based brand images, including Tony the Tiger, Charlie the Tuna, Morris the Cat, and the Marlboro Man. In each case, the character creates a sense of drama, which engages the audience in the pitch. This was Burnett’s great insight. He still wanted to sell a product based on its attributes, but he knew he had to draw in his audience using characters. Brand images were also based on places, like Hidden Valley Ranch salad dressing, or on recognizable situations, such as the significant childhood memories labelled “Kodak moments” or a mother nurturing her son on a cold day, a defining image for Campbell’s soup. In all these cases, however, the moment, location, or character went only so far as to draw the audience into the ad, after which they would be subjected to a standard pitch: ‘Soup is good food’, or ‘Sorry, Charlie, only the best tuna get to be Starkist’. Burnett saw himself as a homespun Midwesterner who was contributing to American folklore while speaking in the plain language of the people. He took pride in the fact that his ads used words like “ain’t”; not because they had some calculated psychological effect on the audience, but because they communicated in a natural, plainspoken style. As these methods found their way to Madison Avenue and came to be practiced much more self-consciously, Burnett¹s love for American values and his focus on brand attributes were left behind. Branding became much more ethereal and image-based, and ads only occasionally nodded to a product’s attributes. In the 1960s, advertising gurus like David Ogilvy came up with rules about television advertising that would have made Claude Hopkins shudder. “Food in motion” dictated that food should always be shot by a moving camera. “Open with fire” meant that ads should start in a very exciting and captivating way. Ogilvy told his creatives to use supers - text superimposed on the screen to emphasize important phrases and taglines. All these techniques were devised to promote brand image, not the product. Ogilvy didn’t believe consumers could distinguish between products were it not for their images. In Ogilvy on Advertising, he explains that most people cannot tell the difference between their own “favourite” whiskey and the closest two competitors’: ‘Have they tried all three and compared the taste? Don¹t make me laugh. The reality is that these three brands have different images which appeal to different kinds of people. It isn¹t the whiskey they choose, it’s the image. The brand image is ninety percent of what the distiller has to sell.’ (Ogilvy, 1993). Thus, we learned to “trust our car to the man who wears the star” not because Texaco had better gasoline than Shell, but because the company’s advertisers had created a better brand image. While Burnett and his disciples were building brand myths, another school of advertisers was busy learning about its audience. Back in the 1920s, Raymond Rubicam, who eventually founded the agency Young and Rubicam, thought it might be interesting to hire a pollster named Dr. Gallup from Northwestern University to see what could be gleaned about consumers from a little market research. The advertising industry’s version of cultural anthropology, or demographics, was born. Like the public-relations experts who study their target populations in order to manipulate them later, marketers began conducting polls, market surveys, and focus groups on the segments of the population they hoped to influence. And to draw clear, clean lines between demographic groups, researchers must almost always base distinctions on four factors: race, age, sex, and wages. Demographic research is reductionist by design. I once consulted to an FM radio station whose station manager wanted to know, “Who is our listener?” Asking such a question reduces an entire listenership down to one fictional person. It’s possible that no single individual will ever match the “customer profile” meant to apply to all customers, which is why so much targeted marketing often borders on classist, racist, and sexist pandering. Billboards for most menthol cigarettes, for example, picture African-Americans because, according to demographic research, black people prefer them to regular cigarettes. Microsoft chose Rolling Stones songs to launch Windows 95, a product targeted at wealthy baby boomers. “The Women’s Global Challenge” was an advertising-industry-created Olympics for women, with no purpose other than to market to active females. By the 1970s, the two strands of advertising theory - demographic research and brand image - were combined to develop campaigns that work on both levels. To this day, we know to associate Volvos with safety, Dr. Pepper with individuality, and Harley-Davidson with American heritage. Each of these brand images is crafted to appeal to the target consumer’s underlying psychological needs: Volvo ads are aimed at upper-middle-class white parents who fear for their children’s health and security, Dr. Pepper is directed to young nonconformists, and the Harley-Davidson image supports its riders’ self-perception as renegades. Today’s modern (or perhaps postmodern) brands don’t invent a corporate image on their own; they appropriate one from the media itself, such as MetLife did with Snoopy, Butterfinger did with Bart Simpson, or Kmart did by hiring Penny Marshall and Rosie O’Donnell. These mascots were selected because their perceived characteristics match the values of their target consumers - not the products themselves. In the language of today’s marketers, brand images do not reflect on products but on advertisers’ perceptions of their audiences’ psychology. This focus on audience composition and values has become the standard operating procedure in all of broadcasting. When Fox TV executives learned that their animated series “King of the Hill”, about a Texan propane distributor, was not faring well with certain demographics, for example, they took a targeted approach to their character’s rehabilitation. The Brandweek piece on Fox’s ethnic campaign uncomfortably dances around the issue. Hank Hill is the proverbial everyman, and Fox wants viewers to get comfortable with him; especially viewers in New York, where “King of the Hill”’s homespun humor hasn’t quite caught on with the young urbanites. So far this season, the show has pulled in a 10.1 rating/15 share in households nationally, while garnering a 7.9 rating/12 share in New York (Brandweek, 1997) As far as Fox was concerned, while regular people could identify with the network’s new “everyman” character, New Yorkers weren’t buying his middle-American patter. The television show’s ratings proved what TV executives had known all along: that New York City’s Jewish demographic doesn’t see itself as part of the rest of America. Fox’s strategy for “humanizing” the character to those irascible urbanites was to target the group’s ethnographic self-image. Fox put ads for the show on the panels of sidewalk coffee wagons throughout Manhattan, with the tagline “Have a bagel with Hank”. In an appeal to the target market’s well-developed (and well-researched) cynicism, Hank himself is shown saying, “May I suggest you have that with a schmear”. The disarmingly ethnic humor here is meant to underscore the absurdity of a Texas propane salesman using a Jewish insider’s word like “schmear.” In another Upper West Side billboard, Hank’s son appeals to the passing traffic: “Hey yo! Somebody toss me up a knish!” As far as the New York demographic is concerned, these jokes transform the characters from potentially threatening Southern rednecks into loveable hicks bending over backward to appeal to Jewish sensibilities, and doing so with a comic and, most important, nonthreatening inadequacy. Today, the most intensely targeted demographic is the baby - the future consumer. Before an average American child is twenty months old, he can recognize the McDonald’s logo and many other branded icons. Nearly everything a toddler encounters - from Band-Aids to underpants - features the trademarked characters of Disney or other marketing empires. Although this target market may not be in a position to exercise its preferences for many years, it pays for marketers to imprint their brands early. General Motors bought a two-page ad in Sports Illustrated for Kids for its Chevy Venture minivan. Their brand manager rationalized that the eight-to-fourteen-year-old demographic consists of “back-seat consumers” (Leonhardt, 1997). The real intention of target marketing to children and babies, however, goes deeper. The fresh neurons of young brains are valuable mental real estate to admen. By seeding their products and images early, the marketers can do more than just develop brand recognition; they can literally cultivate a demographic’s sensibilities as they are formed. A nine-year-old child who can recognize the Budweiser frogs and recite their slogan (Bud-weis-er) is more likely to start drinking beer than one who can remember only Tony the Tiger yelling, “They¹re great!” (Currently, more children recognize the frogs than Tony.) This indicates a long-term coercive strategy. The abstraction of brand images from the products they represent, combined with an increasing assault on our demographically targeted psychological profiles, led to some justifiable consumer paranoia by the 1970s. Advertising was working on us in ways we couldn’t fully understand, and people began to look for an explanation. In 1973, Wilson Bryan Key, a communications researcher, wrote the first of four books about “subliminal advertising,” in which he accused advertisers of hiding sexual imagery in ice cubes, and psychoactive words like “sex” onto the airbrushed surfaces of fashion photographs. Having worked on many advertising campaigns from start to finish, in close proximity to everyone from copywriters and art directors to printers, I can comfortably put to rest any rumours that major advertising agencies are engaging in subliminal campaigns. How do images that could be interpreted as “sexual” show up in ice cubes or elbows? The final photographs chosen for ads are selected by committee out of hundreds that are actually shot. After hours or days of consideration, the group eventually feels drawn to one or two photos out of the batch. Not surprising, these photos tend to have more evocative compositions and details, but no penises, breasts, or skulls are ever superimposed onto the images. In fact, the man who claims to have developed subliminal persuasion, James Vicary, admitted to Advertising Age in 1984 that he had fabricated his evidence that the technique worked in order to drum up business for his failing research company. But this confession has not assuaged Key and others who relentlessly, perhaps obsessively, continue to pursue those they feel are planting secret visual messages in advertisements. To be fair to Key, advertisers have left themselves open to suspicion by relegating their work to the abstract world of the image and then targeting consumer psychology so deliberately. According to research by the Roper Organization in 1992, fifty-seven percent of American consumers still believe that subliminal advertising is practiced on a regular basis, and only one in twelve think it “almost never” happens. To protect themselves from the techniques they believe are being used against them, the advertising audience has adopted a stance of cynical suspicion. To combat our increasing awareness and suspicion of demographic targeting, marketers have developed a more camouflaged form of categorization based on psychological profiles instead of race and age. Jim Schroer, the executive director of new marketing strategy at Ford explains his abandonment of broad-demographic targeting: ‘It’s smarter to think about emotions and attitudes, which all go under the term: psychographics - those things that can transcend demographic groups.’ (Schroer, 1997) Instead, he now appeals to what he calls “consumers’ images of themselves.” Unlike broad demographics, the psychographic is developed using more narrowly structured qualitative-analysis techniques, like focus groups, in-depth interviews, and even home surveillance. Marketing analysts observe the behaviors of volunteer subjects, ask questions, and try to draw causal links between feelings, self-image, and purchases. A company called Strategic Directions Group provides just such analysis of the human psyche. In their study of the car-buying habits of the forty-plus baby boomers and their elders, they sought to define the main psychological predilections that human beings in this age group have regarding car purchases. Although they began with a demographic subset of the overall population, their analysis led them to segment the group into psychographic types. For example, members of one psychographic segment, called the ³Reliables,² think of driving as a way to get from point A to point B. The “Everyday People” campaign for Toyota is aimed at this group and features people depending on their reliable and efficient little Toyotas. A convertible Saab, on the other hand, appeals to the ³Stylish Fun² category, who like trendy and fun-to-drive imports. One of the company’s commercials shows a woman at a boring party fantasizing herself into an oil painting, where she drives along the canvas in a sporty yellow Saab. Psychographic targeting is more effective than demographic targeting because it reaches for an individual customer more directly - like a fly fisherman who sets bait and jiggles his rod in a prescribed pattern for a particular kind of fish. It’s as if a marketing campaign has singled you out and recognizes your core values and aspirations, without having lumped you into a racial or economic stereotype. It amounts to a game of cat-and-mouse between advertisers and their target psychographic groups. The more effort we expend to escape categorization, the more ruthlessly the marketers pursue us. In some cases, in fact, our psychographic profiles are based more on the extent to which we try to avoid marketers than on our fundamental goals or values. The so-called “Generation X” adopted the anti-chic aesthetic of thrift-store grunge in an effort to find a style that could not be so easily identified and exploited. Grunge was so self-consciously lowbrow and nonaspirational that it seemed, at first, impervious to the hype and glamour normally applied swiftly to any emerging trend. But sure enough, grunge anthems found their way onto the soundtracks of television commercials, and Dodge Neons were hawked by kids in flannel shirts saying “Whatever.” The members of Generation X are putting up a good fight. Having already developed an awareness of how marketers attempt to target their hearts and wallets, they use their insight into programming to resist these attacks. Unlike the adult marketers pursuing them, young people have grown up immersed in the language of advertising and public relations. They speak it like natives. As a result, they are more than aware when a commercial or billboard is targeting them. In conscious defiance of demographic-based pandering, they adopt a stance of self-protective irony‹distancing themselves from the emotional ploys of the advertisers. Lorraine Ketch, the director of planning in charge of Levi¹s trendy Silvertab line, explained, “This audience hates marketing that’s in your face. It eyeballs it a mile away, chews it up and spits it out” (On Advertising, 1998). Chiat/Day, one of the world’s best-known and experimental advertising agencies, found the answer to the crisis was simply to break up the Gen-X demographic into separate “tribes” or subdemographics - and include subtle visual references to each one of them in the ads they produce for the brand. According to Levi’s director of consumer marketing, the campaign meant to communicate, “We really understand them, but we are not trying too hard” (On Advertising, 1998). Probably unintentionally, Ms. Ketch has revealed the new, even more highly abstract plane on which advertising is now being communicated. Instead of creating and marketing a brand image, advertisers are creating marketing campaigns about the advertising itself. Silvertab’s target market is supposed to feel good about being understood, but even better about understanding the way they are being marketed to. The “drama” invented by Leo Burnett and refined by David Ogilvy and others has become a play within a play. The scene itself has shifted. The dramatic action no longer occurs between the audience and the product, the brand, or the brand image, but between the audience and the brand marketers. As audiences gain even more control over the media in which these interactive stories unfold, advertising evolves ever closer to a theatre of the absurd. excerpted from Coercion: Why We Listen to What "They" Say)? Works Cited Ogilvy, David. Ogilvy on Advertising. New York: Vintage, 1983. Brandweek Staff, "Number Crunching, Hollywood Style," Brandweek. October 6, 1997. Leonhardt, David, and Kathleen Kerwin, "Hey Kid, Buy This!" Business Week. June 30, 1997 Schroer, Jim. Quoted in "Why We Kick Tires," by Carol Morgan and Doron Levy. Brandweek. Sept 29, 1997. "On Advertising," The New York Times. August 14, 1998 Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Rushkoff, Douglas. "Coercion " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>. APA Style Rushkoff, D. (2003, Jun 19). Coercion . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/06-coercion.php>