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Journal articles on the topic 'Rape as a weapon of war'
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1
Lushombo, Leo. "Rape—Weapon of War." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 28, no. 2 (2018): 40–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice201828214.
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Card, Claudia. "Rape as a Weapon of War." Hypatia 11, no. 4 (1996): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1996.tb01031.x.
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This essay examines how rape of women and girls by male soldiers works as a martial weapon. Continuities with other torture and terrorism and with civilian rape are suggested. The inadequacy of past philosophical treatments of the enslavement of war captives is briefly discussed. Social strategies are suggested for responding and a concluding fantasy offered, not entirely social, of a strategy to change the meanings of rape to undermine its use as a martial weapon.
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Bourke, Joanna. "Rape as a weapon of war." Lancet 383, no. 9934 (June 2014): e19-e20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)60971-5.
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Shved, Olha, and Nataliya Myroshnichenko. "RAPE AS A WEAPON OF WAR." Social work and social education, no. 2(9) (October 26, 2022): 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2618-0715.2(9).2022.267353.
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War is an extraordinary, shameful and bloody phenomenon. During the wars that were fought in different countries of the world, people faced sexual violence from their enemy. Unfortunately, this situation currently exists in Ukraine. During the war launched by Russia on February 24, 2022, civilians are killed by firearms, and thousands of public infrastructure facilities (schools, hospitals, kindergartens, social security services, shopping centers, churches, etc.), high-rise and private buildings are destroyed.In addition to firearms, Russian troops-aggressor also use rape as weapon. There are several explanations why sexual violence is a weapon, and they are presented in this article. Rape and violence perpetrated by aggressors during war are often aimed at terrorizing the population, destroying families, humiliating soldiers whose women and children are left behind, and, as the war in Ukraine has shown, abuse and humiliate even elderly men and women, destroy families and communities. In some countries, there were even ideas that rape will change the ethnic composition of the next generation. Crimes related to rape and other types of sexual violence are usually latent. Victims do not want to talk about it, do not want to testify for many reasons: re-traumatization, stigmatization, and publicity. But evidence of Russian war crimes in Ukraine is collected by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, so such crimes must be registered. Victims must have a very strong motivation to testify. In some countries, it is already possible to receive compensation for causing damage. This is a tool that, on the one hand, can stimulate testimony, registration of a sexual crime, and on the other hand, to receive material compensation that will improve the standard of living. Social workers, together with other specialists, must advocate for the possibility of receiving reparations for victims in Ukraine.The article contains an answer to why it is important to document the facts of violence and rape, and which mechanisms of assistance exist in the world for victims. The article highlights importance of the work of specialists, namely social workers, psychologists and lawyers, in providing assistance to victims.This article focuses on the work of social workers in the situation of sexual violence during the war, and points out that, in addition to working on improving the provision of assistance to victims, social workers should learn the experience gained in the war situation in Ukraine and the experience of other countries.
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Meutia, Deni. "The Democratic Republic of Congo: Endeavoring Women Empowerment after a War of Rape." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2018): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i1.87.
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This paper analyzed the use of rape as a weapon in Democratic Republic of Congo conflict zone. Rape usually used by the arm group to weaken their enemy. This strategy did not only targeted to women but also men. Rape gave different effect toward women and men. The purpose of this paper is to explain how rape become the weapon of conflict and their effect to the victims, even men and woman. Feminist perspective used in this paper. In the end, the author found that women have a way to overcome the effect and impact of rape better than men do. Social structure, which placed men in the upper side of women, made the effect and impact on the men who experienced rape victim hard to release their suffering. Therefore, the main goal of this paper is to show how women and men could manage their self as a victim in the conflict zone.
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Buss, Doris E. "Rethinking ‘Rape as a Weapon of War’." Feminist Legal Studies 17, no. 2 (July 17, 2009): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10691-009-9118-5.
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Wahyuni, Yuyun Sri. "Rape as a weapon in genocide and wars: Enquiring the problems of women’s witnessing rape." Journal of Social Studies (JSS) 16, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jss.v16i2.34696.
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This paper seeks to better understand rape as a weapon in genocide and wars, the myriads contributing factors to creating ignorance to rape as a weapon in genocide, other forms of sexual violations, and circumstances that prevent women from witnessing rape acts of genocide violence. Drawing from the feminist perspectives of rape and women's sexual violence theorization, Derrida's accounts of truth and witness, and women as an improper mythic being-tainted witness, this paper shows that the current global gender inequality discrimination perpetuates the practice of rape as a weapon of genocide and wars as well as a repudiation for women's witnessing rape and sexual violations. As this situation of women rape survivors' desertions are not only happened in the Rwanda genocide and witnessing rapes for rape victims and survivors are equally challenging, this paper serves an alternative to support women's witnessing rapes and prevent rape the weapon of war to reoccur in the future. Further, Derrida's considerations on law should extend the notions of witnessing beyond the traditional European juridical tradition that excludes literature from legal exercise of witnessing as literature is regarded as mostly only fiction upbrings witnessing through literature as secret testimony is a useful interpretation on women's witnessing rape. Deciphering Derrida's description of witnessing through literature, this paper also recommends that women's writing literature can be an effective way for women to testify independently of the various gendered political disciplining gazes that hold them back from giving testimonies and then gain liberations.
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Kirby, Paul. "The body weaponized: War, sexual violence and the uncanny." Security Dialogue 51, no. 2-3 (January 21, 2020): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619895663.
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It is today common to argue that rape is a weapon, tool or instrument of warfare. One implication is that armed groups marshal body parts for tactical and strategic ends. In this article, I interrogate this discourse of embodied mobilization to explore how body weaponry has been made intelligible as a medium for sexual violence. First, I show that, despite wide rejection of essentialist models, the penis and penis substitutes continue to occupy a constitutive role in discussions of sexual violence in both political and academic fora, where they are often said to be like weapons, a tendency I term ‘weapon talk’. Second, I trace the image of the body weapon in key threads of feminist theorizing and commentary, to show how the penis has appeared as a ‘basic weapon of force’ in various permutations. Third, I explore the weaponization of the body as it appears in military thought and in the cultural circulation of ideas about the soldiering body in which sexual pleasure and violence are frequently conflated. Building on this foundation, I propose that these literatures collectively describe an uncanny weapon object, and I draw out the significance of this term for feminist security studies and martial empiricism. In short, the uncanny haunts accounts of sexual violence in the collision of sexuality and machinery in the image of a body weapon, in the unsettling designation of sexuality as itself both familiar and dangerous, and in the strange movement of violent bodies across the boundary between wartime and peacetime. A concluding discussion draws out implications and challenges for thinking about embodied violence, advocating renewed attention to the history of weaponization as a fallible and confounding process.
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ALCALDE, ÁNGEL. "WARTIME AND POST-WAR RAPE IN FRANCO'S SPAIN." Historical Journal 64, no. 4 (February 10, 2021): 1060–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000643.
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AbstractBy examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.
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Diken, Bülent, and Carsten Bagge Laustsen. "Becoming Abject: Rape as a Weapon of War." Body & Society 11, no. 1 (March 2005): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x05049853.
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Card, Claudia. "Addendum to ?Rape as a Weapon of War?" Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 12, no. 2 (April 1997): 216–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/hyp.1997.12.2.216.
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Card, Claudia. "Addendum to “Rape as a Weapon of War”." Hypatia 12, no. 2 (1997): 216–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00027.x.
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Learning about martial sex crimes against men has made me rethink some of my ideas about rape as a weapon of war and how to respond to it. Such crimes can be as racist as they are sexist and, in the case of male victims, may be quite simply racist.
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Lokot, Michelle. "Challenging Sensationalism: Narratives on Rape as a Weapon of War in Syria." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 844–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01906001.
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Rape during conflict is often over-simplified and sensationalised in the accounts of international humanitarian agencies. This article suggests that such narratives on rape are connected to the way international tribunals and courts have narrowly framed the crime of rape. Limited legal constructions of rape reinforce a hierarchy where rape is seen as more worthy of protection than other forms of gender-based violence – a hierarchy that international humanitarian agencies perpetuate through their narratives on rape during conflict. Based on ethnographic accounts from Syrian women and men, this article draws attention to the problematic consequences of focusing on sensational narratives. It aims to reposition rape – and gender-based violence more broadly – within unequal power structures and a wider system of women’s subordination. It argues that while less incendiary, other kinds of gender-based violence during conflict may be just as insidious as rape.
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Carter, K. R. "Should International Relations Consider Rape a Weapon of War?" Politics & Gender 6, no. 03 (September 2010): 343–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x10000280.
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Kivlahan, C., and N. Ewigman. "Rape as a weapon of war in modern conflicts." BMJ 340, jun24 1 (June 24, 2010): c3270. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.c3270.
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cooke, miriam. "Murad vs. ISIS." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720627.
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Abstract This article analyzes recent Iraqi texts, some authorizing and others condemning rape as a weapon of war. The focus is on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) perpetrators of sexual violence, their Yazidi victims, and two women’s demands for reparative, restorative justice. Held in sexual slavery between 2014 and 2015, Farida Khalaf and 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Nadia Murad published testimonials that detail their experiences. Determined to bring ISIS rapists to justice, they narrate the formerly unspeakable crimes that ISIS militants committed against them. Adjudicated as a crime against humanity at the end of the twentieth century, rape as a weapon of war, and especially genocide, no longer slips under the radar of international attention. This study argues that the Yazidi women’s brave decision to speak out may help break the millennial silence of rape survivors.
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Reeder, Caryn A. "Wartime Rape, the Romans, and the First Jewish Revolt." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 3 (August 11, 2017): 363–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340149.
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In contrast with the breadth of references to rape in historiographies, narratives, and visual depictions of war across the Greco-Roman world, the relatively few references to rape in stories of the First Jewish Revolt are remarkable: Josephus, j.w. 4.560 and 7.344, 377, 382, 385; 4 Ezra 10:22; Lam. Rab. 1:16; b. Giṭ. 56b, 57b-58a. This paper explores the use and significance of rape as a weapon in Roman warfare as context for interpreting the references to rape in the earliest reflections on the revolt, Josephus’s Jewish War and 4 Ezra, proposing that the limited number of these references in Josephus in particular relates to his larger goal of reconstructing Jewish identity (especially in terms of masculinity) in post-revolt Rome.
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Maedl, Anna. "Rape as Weapon of War in the Eastern DRC?: The Victims’ Perspective." Human Rights Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2011): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2011.0005.
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Maudsley, Mary. "Rape: Weapon of War and Genocideedited by Carol Rittner and John K. Roth." American Foreign Policy Interests 35, no. 1 (January 2013): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2013.757967.
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Cannon, Patrick. "A Feminist Response to Rape as a Weapon of War in Eastern Congo." Peace Review 24, no. 4 (October 2012): 478–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2012.732470.
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Bergoffen, Debra. "Exploiting the Dignity of the Vulnerable Body: Rape as a Weapon of War." Philosophical Papers 38, no. 3 (November 2009): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05568640903420889.
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Heni, Heni. "Analisis Psikologi dan Sosiologi Korban Perang dalam Cerpen Sarajevo’s Wombs And The Children Of Torns Karya Aiman Tashika." Jurnal Onoma: Pendidikan, Bahasa, dan Sastra 6, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 472–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30605/onoma.v6i1.254.
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The most essential thing that every human in the world has is freedom. With freedom humans can display their existence as a result of reason and character. Freedom is a source of individual freedom to develop and develop their potential. But often humans are shackled by their freedom or independence by others. Likewise a nation that changes colonialism will be deprived of its freedom. The colonizing nation would oppose imposing its authority on its colonial state. The occupation of the Serbs against the Sarajevo nation was one of the cruel forms of colonialism on earth. Serbia commits terror against the citizens of Sarajevo. One form of horrific terror is the rapes committed by the Serbian army on Muslim women in Sarajevo. Serbia considers rape terror as the most effective weapon to kill the people of Sarajevo. The women of Sarajevo war victims recovered from the trauma that had escaped. Many of the victims of rape gave birth to children of Serbian soldiers. On the contrary, those who oppose the atrocities of the Serb-Sarajevo war are not only women but also innocent children as a result of rape. The psychological and sociological influence was very much accepted by the victims at the end of colonialism. Although the war is over, these victims of rape terror support life with unforgettable dark shadows. Both the mother and the child will continue to be haunted by these bad memories. These children would be difficult to accept in the community because they thought the children of the colonizers. They will be ostracized in the association and of course will resolve social discomfort.
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Gray, Harriet. "The ‘war’/‘not-war’ divide: Domestic violence in the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (October 3, 2018): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118802470.
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While recognising the importance of policy designed to tackle conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, scholars have increasingly critiqued such policies for failing sufficiently to apprehend the multiple forms of this violence – from rape deployed as a weapon of war to domestic violence – as interrelated oppressions located along a continuum. In this article, I explore a connected but distinct line of critique, arguing that sexual and gender-based violence policies are also limited by a narrow understanding of how gender-based violences relate to war itself. Drawing on an analysis of the British Government’s Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, I identify a key distinction which emerges between those types of sexual and gender-based violence which are considered to be part of war, and those which are not. This division, I suggest, closes down space for recognising how war is also enacted within private spaces.
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Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Review 10, no. 1 (January 2014): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55496/zcwj8096.
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This article focuses on rape by security forces in the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir and the question of accountability and justice for sexual crimes committed by State forces in the Kashmir Valley. Moving beyond the violence against women' frame, the instrumental use of rape by security forces as a cultural, political and psychological weapon of war is highlighted, as is the denial of institutional justice for the same. The suggestion here is that the question of justice for sexual crimes by state forces in Kashmir must be situated within the overarching context of the abuse of power by executive and military authority, and the unquestioned subversion of local civil and judicial authority. This particular institutional setting and policy it is further argued, justifies the case for international legal intervention in Kashmir. The Indian state's claim to jurisdiction over the territory of Kashmir is assessed with reference to international law; the universality of the legal principle of self-determination is emphasised, as is the salience of international law regarding sexual crimes by state forces. Drawing upon Kashmir's international legal dimensions in general and its legacy of rape by security forces in particular, the article concludes by advancing a single moral argument for Kashmiri self-determination.
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Sallimi, Hadidah, and Sidik Jatmika. "Media Coverage of Sexual Violence Cases in the Russia-Ukraine War." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 8, no. 1 (June 12, 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v8i1.71.
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The purpose of this research is to examine how international news sources have narrated the sexual violence issues during the recent Russia-Ukrainian conflict. This research used the Narrative Policy Framework to analyze not only the function of news narratives but also the elements (such as characters) portrayed in rape cases (criminals, heroes, and victims). Furthermore, NVivo Pro was used to process the research data qualitatively. According to the findings, international news sources like The Guardian, CNN, and Al Jazeera have largely reported on the claim that sexual violence, especially rape, has been used as a 'weapon' by the Russian military in its attacks on Ukraine. Ukrainian women, men, children, girls, and boys make up the vast majority of the victims here. Meanwhile, the Russian government and army are presented as villains in the narrative. Different narratives emerge when the three media outlets discuss actors in terms of heroic roles, as shown by this research. There are signs that the media has its objectives, particularly in the context of the Ukraine-Russia war, based on the disparities between the narratives given to the hero characters by the media.
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Nwaogu, Dandy Chidiebere. "WARTIME SEXUAL VIOLENCE OFFENCES: QUEST TO UNRAVEL THE ASSOCIATED CONSEQUENCES IN INTERNATIONAL LAW." UCC Law Journal 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ucclj.v2i2.1119.
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Despite increasing awareness and the huge condemnation of sexual violence during armed conflicts in the last decades, the bodies of women and girls continue to be regarded as spoils and bonus of war globally. Warring parties often engage the use of rape and other forms of sexual violence, as a tool to punish, terrorize and destroy targeted ethnic populations. In other instances, rebels and terrorist groups engage sexual violence as a weapon and strategy to advance their mundane objectives. the paper aims at examining the consequences and impact of wartime sexual violence on women, and men as well as the impact of such violence on their family and immediate society during armed conflicts. The paper finds that despite efforts made by the international community through the enactment of laws and resolutions in curtailing the scourge of sexual violence during wartime, rape and other forms of sexual violence are still being employed during armed conflict situations as weapon and tactics of war by soldiers and other armed groups. The paper relies on primary and secondary information such as International Conventions and Treaties, Books, Journal Articles, Judicial Precedents and Internet Materials. Flowing from the above, the paper concludes that the desired need to end sexual violence generated impunity is possible through sensitization and propaganda vide non-governmental organizations, accountability and coordinated enforcement through both domestic and international institutions. The paper further recommends that women and other victims of wartime violence who steps out to speak and report the crime of sexual violence committed against them should be protected and rewarded as this would lead to the massive reporting, arresting and prosecuting of perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence.
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Kolmasova, Sarka, and Katerina Krulisova. "Legitimizing Military Action through “Rape-as-a-Weapon” Discourse in Libya: Critical Feminist Analysis." Politics & Gender 15, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000326.
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AbstractContemporary discourse on sexual(ized) violence in armed conflicts represents a powerful source for legitimization of highly controversial military interventions. Recent gender-responsive security studies have called for enhanced protection of women and girls from widespread and systematic sexual(ized) violence. Yet military operations reproduce the Western masculine hegemony rather than providing inclusive and apolitical assistance to victims of sexual assault. The article aims to critically assess discourse on sexual violence in a case of military intervention in Libya initiated under the rubric of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The case study indicates a set of discursive strategies exercised by Western political representatives and nongovernmental organizations and even more expressively by the media to legitimize the military campaign. Typically, sexual(ized) violence is presented as a weapon of war, used by one of the conflicting parties without an adequate response of the state. This is followed by urgent calls for international action, willingly carried out by Western powers. The simplified narrative of civilized protectors versus savage aggressors must be challenged as it exploits the problem of sexual(ized) violence in order to legitimize politically motivated actions.
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Moreno, María, and Paco Brito Núñez. "Consent." Critical Times 5, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 434–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9799752.
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Abstract María Moreno begins by examining the limits of our common legal and psychological understandings of consent. She examines how the self who gives consent fluctuates in a way occluded by the liberal notion of the contract and proceeds to consider consent in the broadest sociopolitical context, as a minor part or element of a greater instrument of control: rape itself. Through a consideration of a series of violations committed in Argentina, some by civilians, others by agents of the state during the country's last civico-military dictatorship, Moreno illustrates how the contradictions inherent in the current legal category of consent obscure how rape functions, not only as a major crime on par with murder but also as a weapon in the preservation of the patriarchal symbolic economy and as a key element in the arsenal of war. The author asks whether it's time to seek to think rape politically, and not just morally. She concludes with a powerful reflection on nonconsent and the kind of sovereignty it can afford to victims and their victimizers who are both oppressed by a system that subsumes them.
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Ricci, Stefano. "The race between vascular repairs and weapon injuries in war." Journal of Theoretical and Applied Vascular Research 9, no. 1 (2024): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24019/jtavr.197.
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Taking a cue from the first war experience in Ukraine conflict with HAV (Human Acellular Vessel) technology for vascular repair, a historical review of modern war vascular lesions repair is accomplished; it reports a progressive improvement on (lower) limbs salvation from vascular injuries amputation that was 50 % in World War II reduced to 13% in Korea and Vietnam wars. The tragedy of wars worsens, if possible, at every new step; if a contradictory positive point exists, it may be found in military medicine improvements; in this case, vascular surgery experiences enhance civil surgery by suggesting new solutions. The availability of a novel biologic conduit for bypass and repair like the HAV, if confirmed by further studies, could entry in the list of limb salvage tool in extreme conditions.
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Zvedre, E. "Does the US program of Conventional Prompt Global Strike threaten Russian national security?" Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-52-61.
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The article analyses a concept of Conventional Prompt Global Strike aimed at developing weapons systems that can deliver a conventional warhead anywhere in the world within an hour as a prioritized part of the US military strategy. The Pentagon planners believe that deployment of CPGS weapon would allow a selective and far more effective response to post-cold war threats, such as international terrorist networks, “rogue states” and other adversaries, thus drastically reducing reliance on nuclear deterrent in a number of situations. Over the years the Pentagon’s R&D activities in this area encompassed numerous established and emerging weapon technologies, including use of surface-launched and sea-launched strategic missiles and hypersonic glide vehicles. The CPGS program is raising serious concerns in Moscow, where Russian officials consider it as a threat to Russia’s strategic nuclear arsenals and national security interests alongside with the US plans to develop and deploy global ballistic missile defense capabilities and attack weapons in space. Moscow predicts it could undermine strategic balance and trigger a nonnuclear arms race.
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Bluen, Kelly-Jo. "Globalizing Justice, Homogenizing Sexual Violence: The Legacy of the ICTY and ICTR in terms of Sexual Violence." AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 214–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300009053.
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In their contribution to the AJIL Symposium, Robinson and MacNeil remark that a prolific legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is that “it is now commonsense that rape is and must be a war crime.” This line distills the complexity of the legacies of the tribunals regarding sexual and gender-based violence. On the one hand, it articulates the critical role of the tribunals in cementing the idea that sexual violence, hitherto largely relegated to indifference in international criminal law and policy frameworks, is worthy of international attention. Simultaneously, it encapsulates the ways in which the tribunals’ jurisprudence has been received globally to narrate a narrow conception of conflict-related sexual violence as a “weapon of war” or committed as part of “strategic” conflict-related goals. In fact, there is little that constitutes common sense about sexual violence in conflict, nor is it always, or even most predominantly, committed as a war crime, crime against humanity,or in pursuit of genocide as envisaged by international criminal law. Various studies suggest that sexual violence in war takes many forms and causalities with differentiation across and within conflict contexts.
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Cerretti, Josh. "Rape as a Weapon of War(riors): The Militarisation of Sexual Violence in the United States, 1990-2000." Gender & History 28, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 794–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12250.
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Senchenko, Mykola. "Coronavirus is a biological weapon of the world hybrid war." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 5 (May 28, 2020): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.5(286).3-11.
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The article considers the issue of conducting a hybrid war in a pandemic. Its essence consists of three peaceful revolutions: the first, technological, is the rapid development of new technologies and their application in practice; the second — in the change of the system of governing countries — from liberal globalism to integrated governance, as the convergence of capitalist and socialist systems of government; the third is the revolution in the financial and credit sphere, the essence of which is the overthrow of dollar dominance as a reserve currency. The fundamental causes of the global crisis are analyzed in detail. It was found that the process of changing technological systems occurs every half century and is accompanied by a technological revolution that devalues much of productive and human capital, causing a deep economic crisis and depression. The current situation is characterized by the imposition of processes of change in technology and management system, resulting in a resonant intensification of the crisis. Typical for the change of technology, the arms race with the escalation of military and political tensions turns into a world war, which is a natural phase of change in the economic system. Weapons of hybrid warfare have been studied and it has been found that high-precision missile, targeted biological, cybernetic and information-cognitive weapons that affect strategic objects, control systems, population and enemy consciousness are best suited for the development of basic technologies. The preconditions of the coronavirus pandemic as a biological weapon and the mechanisms of its use in hybrid warfare are considered. The consequences are analyzed: the creation of panic in the population to disrupt governance and destroy the economy and, ultimately, to devalue the assets of millions of investors and citizens in order to buy the global oligarchs.
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Dubey, Muchkund, and Sheel Kant Sharma. "Nuclear Weapon-free World: Reconciling Moral and Security Imperatives." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 2 (April 29, 2020): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917800.
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The arms control approach of more than six decades to deal with the nuclear peril lies in shambles. Nuclear weapons remain in huge numbers, and the dire consequences of their use remain undiminished, with portents of a new era of deadlier weapons and a new spiral of arms race. Hence a detailed and deeper examination of all issues connected with nuclear weapons is called for. Key to this is centrality of nuclear disarmament and the overriding international commitment to abolish nuclear weapons and the premise that nuclear weapons are the instrument of mass annihilation and cannot be used as weapons of war. This basic premise was lost sight of in the political expediency and compulsions of the Cold War and the subsequent play of geopolitics. There is a need to return to this basic premise, which should not be subordinated to political management of a renewed nuclear arms race. In keeping with these basics the pathways to the ultimate goal of abolition have been delineated.
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Benton, Sarah. "Women Disarmed: The Militarization of Politics in Ireland 1913-23." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 148–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.28.
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The movement for ‘military preparedness’ in America and Britain gained tremendous momentum at the turn of the century. It assimilated the cult of manliness — the key public virtue, which allowed a person to claim possession of himself and a nation to reclaim possession of itself. An army was the means of marshalling a mass of people for regeneration. The symbol of a nation's preparedness to take control of its own soul was the readiness to bear arms. Although this movement originated in the middle-class, Protestant cultures of the USA and England, its core ideas were adopted by many political movements. Affected by these ideas, as well as the formation of the Protestant Ulster Volunteers in 1913, a movement to reclaim Irish independence through the mass bearing of arms began in South and West Ireland in autumn 1914. Women were excluded from these Volunteer companies, but set up their own organization, Cumann na mBan, as an auxiliary to the men's. The Easter Rising in 1916 owed as much to older ideas of the coup d'état as new ideas of mass mobilization, but subsequent history recreated that Rising as the ‘founding’ moment of the Irish republic. It was not until mass conscription was threatened two years later that the mass of people were absorbed into the idea of an armed campaign against British rule. From 1919 to 1923, the reality of guerrilla-style war pressed people into a frame demanding discipline, secrecy, loyalty and a readiness to act as the prime nationalist virtues. The ideal form of relationship in war is the brotherhood, both as actuality and potent myth. The mythology of brotherhood creates its own myths of women (as not being there, and men not needing them) as well as creating the fear and the myth that rape is the inevitable expression of brotherhoods in action. Despite explicit anxiety at the time about the rape of Irish women by British soldiers, no evidence was found of mass rape, and that fear has disappeared into oblivion, throwing up important questions as to when rape is a weapon of war. The decade of war worsened the relationship of women to the political realm. Despite active involvement as ‘auxiliaries’ women's political status was permanently damaged by their exclusion as warriors and brothers, so much so that they disappear into the status of wives and mothers in the 1937 Irish Constitution.
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Roggeband, Conny. "Ending Violence against Women in Latin America: Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context." Politics & Gender 12, no. 01 (March 2016): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000604.
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Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of rape as a weapon of war and connected these forms of violence to deeper societal patterns of subordination and violence against women in both the private and public spheres. Processes of democratization in the region brought new opportunities to institutionalize norms to end violence against women (VAW), and in many countries feminists managed to get the issue on the political agenda. In the mid 1990s, the region pioneered international legislation on VAW that uniquely included state-sponsored violence. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (1994) established an international obligation for states to prevent, investigate, and punish VAW regardless of whether it takes place in the home, the community, or in the public sphere. While Latin American governments massively ratified this convention, national legislation was not brought in line with the broad scope of the international convention. This points to the complex and often contradictory dynamics of institutionalizing norms to oppose VAW in multilevel settings.
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Aarons, Lauren. "From Weapon of War to Tactic of Terrorism – Dangerous New Ground in the Fight Against ConflictRelated Sexual Violence and Human Trafficking." Journal of Human Trafficking, Enslavement and Conflict-Related Sexual Violence 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/266644720x16061196655025.
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In recent years, the term 'tactic of terrorism' has increasingly been used to describe conflict-related sexual violence and human trafficking by non-state armed groups. This framing has complemented (and at times replaced) the longstanding recognition of 'rape as a weapon of war' including at the UN Security Council. This association with terrorism has tactical advantages but also poses wider risks for the realization of human rights. On the one hand, it has the potential to engage counter-terrorism powers and resources to prosecute perpetrators and prompt reparations. However, it also risks legitimizing harmful counter-terror measures and obscuring a more comprehensive understanding of the gendered harms associated with conflict and terrorism. With particular reference to the conflicts involving Boko Haram and Islamic State, this article weighs the advantages and costs of framing sexual violence and human trafficking as a 'tactic of terrorism' in order to inform and warn feminist human rights advocates.
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Stojanovic, Bogdan. "The transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 3 (2021): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2103433s.
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The article deals with the process of the transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century. During the Cold War, outer space was a place of understanding and peaceful competition between superpowers. Militarization has existed since the beginning of the Space Age, excluding the weaponization of space until the beginning of the 21st century. The absence of an international regime to prevent the weaponization of space and technological advances opens up new opportunities for states in their quest to increase power. The theoretical paradigm is a realistic perspective of international institutions as a reflection of the most powerful state?s minimum consensus on a mechanism for reducing their costs. Successfully tested anti-satellite weapons open new questions about the defense of vulnerable space installations from enemy attacks. The author's prognostic thesis refers to the new race in space weapons and the matter of time when lasers, plasma weapons, kinetic bombardment, and other types of space weapons will see the light of day. The strategic balance will remain untouched until the invention of a superior space weapon able to neutralize the existing offensive capacities of the states and erase the second strike capability appears. The author concludes that international institutions cannot limit the ambitions of states in conquering space because they do not want to give up that potential, but that a limited space war is unlikely.
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Na’inna, Abdulmajid M., and Vladmir Anti-Dwanso. "Arms race in the 21st century: Consequences and mitigating measures." Global Journal of Social Sciences 21, no. 1 (April 22, 2022): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjss.v21i1.6.
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Historically, arms races generate a great deal of interest both in the academia and policy circles for a variety of reasons. They are widely believed to have significant consequences for states' security. In the debate over their consequences, one side holds that arms races increase the probability of war by undermining military stability and straining political relations. The opposing view holds that engaging in an arms race is often a state's best option for avoiding war when faced with an aggressive adversary. The 21st Century is witnessing the return of arms race amongst states. Coupling with the advancements in technology, the menace of arms race in the 21st Century, therefore, if not curtailed could lead to war more devastating than witnessed in the last century. Using basic content analysis the study revealed that the 21st Century arms races are mainly in the area of nuclear weapons, hypersonic missiles, missile defence, cyber-warfare, and space weaponisation. The arms races are prominently amongst the world‟s great powers such as the United States of America, Russia, and China as well as developing states like Iran and North Korea. This study discovered that nuclear weapons are still at the forefront of arms race in the 21st Century, despite efforts to reduce their role in global affairs and to negotiate further reductions in quantity. Also, states like the USA, China, and Russia are exploiting the advantage of speed and manoeuvrability to engage in arms race in hypersonic missiles. This has prompted nations to compete in the development of missile defences in order to counter the present missile threats. Furthermore, in anticipation for future warfare, nations such as the USA, China, and Russia are in arms race to weapon sise space by deploying space to space, earth to space and space to earth weapons, where appropriate. War in the 21st Century could in turn lead to more human, material, and environmental casualties due to the latest advancement in technologies and modernisation of existing weapons and associated equipments. Consequently, measures are needed to ensure that arms races in the 21st Century, if not eliminated, are reduced to the barest minimum in order to promote international peace and security. Renewed commitments on existing arms control measures, formulation of new arms control measures, and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons are the measures that could be considered.
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Na’inna, Abdulmajid M., and Vladmir Anti-Dwanso. "Arms race in the 21st century: Consequences and mitigating measures." Global Journal of Social Sciences 21, no. 1 (April 22, 2022): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjss.v21i1.6.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, arms races generate a great deal of interest both in the academia and policy circles for a variety of reasons. They are widely believed to have significant consequences for states' security. In the debate over their consequences, one side holds that arms races increase the probability of war by undermining military stability and straining political relations. The opposing view holds that engaging in an arms race is often a state's best option for avoiding war when faced with an aggressive adversary. The 21st Century is witnessing the return of arms race amongst states. Coupling with the advancements in technology, the menace of arms race in the 21st Century, therefore, if not curtailed could lead to war more devastating than witnessed in the last century. Using basic content analysis the study revealed that the 21st Century arms races are mainly in the area of nuclear weapons, hypersonic missiles, missile defence, cyber-warfare, and space weaponisation. The arms races are prominently amongst the world‟s great powers such as the United States of America, Russia, and China as well as developing states like Iran and North Korea. This study discovered that nuclear weapons are still at the forefront of arms race in the 21st Century, despite efforts to reduce their role in global affairs and to negotiate further reductions in quantity. Also, states like the USA, China, and Russia are exploiting the advantage of speed and manoeuvrability to engage in arms race in hypersonic missiles. This has prompted nations to compete in the development of missile defences in order to counter the present missile threats. Furthermore, in anticipation for future warfare, nations such as the USA, China, and Russia are in arms race to weapon sise space by deploying space to space, earth to space and space to earth weapons, where appropriate. War in the 21st Century could in turn lead to more human, material, and environmental casualties due to the latest advancement in technologies and modernisation of existing weapons and associated equipments. Consequently, measures are needed to ensure that arms races in the 21st Century, if not eliminated, are reduced to the barest minimum in order to promote international peace and security. Renewed commitments on existing arms control measures, formulation of new arms control measures, and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons are the measures that could be considered.
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Engels, Bettina. "Rape and Constructions of Masculinity and Femininity." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 8 (September 30, 2004): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.8.5.
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With her paper Rape as a War Crime (Politikon 6/2003, p. 55-69), Andrea Theocharis has put an issue on the agenda, which has long been missing in Politikon’s discussions. I am grateful to Andrea for starting an important debate, which I would like to continue by giving some remarks to her contribution focusing on the gender constructionist dimension of rape in violent conflicts. Agreeing with Andrea, I will argue that rape and sexual violence are not only systematic and strategic weapons in violent conflicts but gendered crimes which cannot be analyzed appropriately without theorizing social and cultural constructions of masculinity and femininity. I will outline how gender-blind approaches fail to meet the issue of rape in violent conflicts. By mentioning some exemplary empirical figures, I will show that rape in violent conflicts is neither a new phenomena nor can it be considered a by-product of war. It must be emphasized that rape is not an act of sexuality but a crime against human physical and psychical integrity. I will discuss gender-sensitive approaches, which analyze rape in violent conflicts. Special attention will be paid to the view of rape as an act of male violence against women, which has also been outlined by Andrea. I will then focus on the construction of hegemonic masculinity and the widely ignored fact that also men are victims of rape and sexual torture in violent conflicts. I will conclude with emphasizing that constructions of femininity and masculinity are integral to violent conflicts in general and to rape and sexual violence in particular. If mainstream conflict analysis continues to ignore the dimensions of gender constructions, it will fail to meet its subject appropriately.
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Schulz, Philipp, and Heleen Touquet. "Queering explanatory frameworks for wartime sexual violence against men." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa062.
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Abstract In this article we argue that prevalent explanatory frameworks of sexual violence against men primarily pursue one line of inquiry, explaining its occurrence as exclusively strategic and systematic, based on heteronormative and homophobic assumptions about violence, gender and sexualities. Feminist IR scholarship has significantly complexified our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), documenting its multiple forms and causes across time and space—thereby moving beyond the persistent opportunism-strategy dichotomy and critically engaging with the dominant ‘rape as a weapon of war’ narrative. Drawing on empirical material from Sri Lanka and northern Uganda we queer the current explanatory frameworks, analyzing multiple instances of CRSV against men that both simultaneously seem to confirm and defy categorizations as opportunistic or strategic, while being situated in broader and systematic warfare dynamics and unequal power-relationships. Our empirical material shows that relying on crude categorizations such as the opportunism–strategy binary is unproductive and essentialist, as it tends to mask over the complexities and messiness of deeply gendered power relationships during times of war. Binary strategy/opportunism categorizations also imply broader unintended political consequences, including the further marginalization of sexual violence acts that fall outside the dominant scripts or binary frameworks—such as sexual violence against men with opportunistic underpinnings.
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Kirby, Paul. "How is rape a weapon of war? Feminist International Relations, modes of critical explanation and the study of wartime sexual violence." European Journal of International Relations 19, no. 4 (February 10, 2012): 797–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066111427614.
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Jennings, Helen. "In the Absence of a Tribunal, Can UN Investigative Mechanisms Ensure Justice for Victims of Rape as a Weapon of War?" Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 21, no. 3 (November 18, 2022): 546–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718034-12341490.
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Abstract This article explores the evolution of UN fact-finding mechanisms as a method of pursuing legal accountability for violations of international criminal and human rights law, specifically sexual and gender-based violence and violations of sexual and reproductive health rights in conflict situations. The article argues that, in order to effectively contribute to the task of securing individual accountability for violations of international criminal law, while also pursuing political accountability for mass abuse of human rights, the UN system of fact-finding mechanisms must be reformed. The mandates of Commissions of Inquiry must be stripped back to their core function of investigating human rights abuse, while Novel Investigative Mechanisms take over the individual criminal responsibility mandate. Until both these functions are given separate and adequate attention by properly resourced fact-finding mechanisms, victims of abuse such as sexual and gender-based violence and violation of sexual and reproductive health rights in countries without recourse to international courts will be denied justice and recognition through UN channels.
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García-Giraldo, Juan Pablo, Mónica Alexandra Reyes-Cuartas, Jorge Enrique De los Ríos-Giraldo, and Ana Sofía Cruz-Quintero. "Contributions Made and Challenges Posed by the <i>Rape as a Weapon of War</i> Narrative to Prevent Gender-based Atrocity Crimes." Revista CS, no. 42 (February 26, 2024): a02. http://dx.doi.org/10.18046/recs.i42.02.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the contributions and difficulties derived from the concept of sexual violence as a weapon to prevent gender-based atrocity crimes. In spite of the visibility of this narrative regarding the incidence and dynamics of sexual violence in armed conflict contexts, the efforts to improve prevention have been limited due to problems linked to the securitization of discourse, the emergence of hierarchies in the forms of harm, the privilege of legalistic and militaristic approaches, and the presence of blind spots in this narrative. This research adopted a qualitative approach from a hermeneutic perspective, with a non-experimental research design. The literature review and content analysis were the main research techniques.
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Kitharidis, Sophocles. "Rape as a weapon of war: Combating sexual violence and impunity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the way forward." African Human Rights Law Journal 15, no. 2 (2015): 449–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2015/v15n2a11.
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Ross, Felecia G. Jones. "Preserving the Community: Cleveland Black Papers' Response to the Great Migration." Journalism Quarterly 71, no. 3 (September 1994): 531–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909407100305.
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Cleveland, Ohio, was among many destinations for Southern black migrants during World War I. The city's two competing black newspapers, the Cleveland Gazette and the Cleveland Advocate, represented divergent philosophies concerning race matters. The Gazette advocated uncompromised racial equality and viewed the migration as a weapon against oppression. The Advocate viewed the migration as a way to increase black solidarity. Despite these divergent perspectives, both papers functioned as advocates for race progress by urging the community to help the migrants succeed in their new home.
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Goredema, Dorothy. "The Role of Culture and Arts in Peace Building and Reconciliation." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i1.27.
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This paper argues that conflict resolution, peace building and reconciliation in the 21st century requires a cultural slant in addition to conventional political and military approaches. This development should not be surprising especially given the nature of recent wars which have turned out to be more intra-state than inter-state. Since the end of the Cold war, wars have been focused on issues of culture, ethnicity, politics and religion than on nationalisms. Thus, cultural beliefs, norms, traditions, ethnicity and religion have contributed towards many major disruptions that have cost innocent lives and loss of valuable property. In addition, conflicts and divisions within societies reflect lack of appreciation and intolerance of others` cultural beliefs, views and are motivated by cultural differences. In the wars of recent decades, rape has been used as a weapon of war and children have been abducted to be killers and sex-slaves. Millions of families have been uprooted from their homes. Taken as a whole, these current developments allow us to witness how everyday people are experiencing the historical, cultural, economic and social forces that shape our world. As such, this present effort unpacks the role that culture can play in peace building and reconciliation. The research is qualitative in nature and applied discourse analysis to draw information from journal articles, published books as well as reports in the area of reconciliation and peace-building. Examples will be drawn mainly from Zimbabwe and other different countries in world to substantiate some of the arguments put forward in the paper.
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Lowood, Henry, and E. Fisher. "A Race on the Edge of Time. Radar--The Decisive Weapon of World War II." Journal of Military History 54, no. 4 (October 1990): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986092.
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Postigo Asenjo, Marta. "Las mujeres, las guerras y el derecho internacional humanitario." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 6 (December 15, 2011): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i6.3766.
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<p>La violencia sexual se emplea como instrumento de intimidación, castigo y terror, e incluso coadyuvante de limpieza étnica, en los conflictos armados. En las últimas décadas, se han producido importantes avances en la inclusión de la violación entre los crímenes contra el derecho internacional humanitario. Sin embargo, aún son necesarias acciones más eficaces para evitar que se produzcan violaciones sistemáticas en las zonas en conflictos y post-conflicto. Este trabajo destaca la importancia que tiene la lucha por la igualdad y la incorporación de las mujeres en los procesos de toma de decisiones para combatir esta lacra y asegurar la paz y la estabilidad.</p><p> Sexual violence has long been used as a weapon of war, with the purpose of intimidating, injuring and punishing civilians, and even as an ethnic cleansing adjuvant, in armed conflicts. In the last decades, though, there have been important advances towards the definition and prosecution of rape as a crime against international humanitarian law. Notwithstanding, more effective measures are needed to protect women from this heinous crime in the conflict zones and post-conflict. This article stresses the need to keep struggling for gender equality and improving women’s participation in decision making processes to achieve peace and stability</p>