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1
Wahyuni, Yuyun Sri. "Rape as a weapon in genocide and wars: Enquiring the problems of women’s witnessing rape." Journal of Social Studies (JSS) 16, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jss.v16i2.34696.
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This paper seeks to better understand rape as a weapon in genocide and wars, the myriads contributing factors to creating ignorance to rape as a weapon in genocide, other forms of sexual violations, and circumstances that prevent women from witnessing rape acts of genocide violence. Drawing from the feminist perspectives of rape and women's sexual violence theorization, Derrida's accounts of truth and witness, and women as an improper mythic being-tainted witness, this paper shows that the current global gender inequality discrimination perpetuates the practice of rape as a weapon of genocide and wars as well as a repudiation for women's witnessing rape and sexual violations. As this situation of women rape survivors' desertions are not only happened in the Rwanda genocide and witnessing rapes for rape victims and survivors are equally challenging, this paper serves an alternative to support women's witnessing rapes and prevent rape the weapon of war to reoccur in the future. Further, Derrida's considerations on law should extend the notions of witnessing beyond the traditional European juridical tradition that excludes literature from legal exercise of witnessing as literature is regarded as mostly only fiction upbrings witnessing through literature as secret testimony is a useful interpretation on women's witnessing rape. Deciphering Derrida's description of witnessing through literature, this paper also recommends that women's writing literature can be an effective way for women to testify independently of the various gendered political disciplining gazes that hold them back from giving testimonies and then gain liberations.
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Lokot, Michelle. "Challenging Sensationalism: Narratives on Rape as a Weapon of War in Syria." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 844–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01906001.
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Rape during conflict is often over-simplified and sensationalised in the accounts of international humanitarian agencies. This article suggests that such narratives on rape are connected to the way international tribunals and courts have narrowly framed the crime of rape. Limited legal constructions of rape reinforce a hierarchy where rape is seen as more worthy of protection than other forms of gender-based violence – a hierarchy that international humanitarian agencies perpetuate through their narratives on rape during conflict. Based on ethnographic accounts from Syrian women and men, this article draws attention to the problematic consequences of focusing on sensational narratives. It aims to reposition rape – and gender-based violence more broadly – within unequal power structures and a wider system of women’s subordination. It argues that while less incendiary, other kinds of gender-based violence during conflict may be just as insidious as rape.
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ALCALDE, ÁNGEL. "WARTIME AND POST-WAR RAPE IN FRANCO'S SPAIN." Historical Journal 64, no. 4 (February 10, 2021): 1060–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000643.
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AbstractBy examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.
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Kirby, Paul. "The body weaponized: War, sexual violence and the uncanny." Security Dialogue 51, no. 2-3 (January 21, 2020): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619895663.
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It is today common to argue that rape is a weapon, tool or instrument of warfare. One implication is that armed groups marshal body parts for tactical and strategic ends. In this article, I interrogate this discourse of embodied mobilization to explore how body weaponry has been made intelligible as a medium for sexual violence. First, I show that, despite wide rejection of essentialist models, the penis and penis substitutes continue to occupy a constitutive role in discussions of sexual violence in both political and academic fora, where they are often said to be like weapons, a tendency I term ‘weapon talk’. Second, I trace the image of the body weapon in key threads of feminist theorizing and commentary, to show how the penis has appeared as a ‘basic weapon of force’ in various permutations. Third, I explore the weaponization of the body as it appears in military thought and in the cultural circulation of ideas about the soldiering body in which sexual pleasure and violence are frequently conflated. Building on this foundation, I propose that these literatures collectively describe an uncanny weapon object, and I draw out the significance of this term for feminist security studies and martial empiricism. In short, the uncanny haunts accounts of sexual violence in the collision of sexuality and machinery in the image of a body weapon, in the unsettling designation of sexuality as itself both familiar and dangerous, and in the strange movement of violent bodies across the boundary between wartime and peacetime. A concluding discussion draws out implications and challenges for thinking about embodied violence, advocating renewed attention to the history of weaponization as a fallible and confounding process.
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Gray, Harriet. "The ‘war’/‘not-war’ divide: Domestic violence in the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (October 3, 2018): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118802470.
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While recognising the importance of policy designed to tackle conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, scholars have increasingly critiqued such policies for failing sufficiently to apprehend the multiple forms of this violence – from rape deployed as a weapon of war to domestic violence – as interrelated oppressions located along a continuum. In this article, I explore a connected but distinct line of critique, arguing that sexual and gender-based violence policies are also limited by a narrow understanding of how gender-based violences relate to war itself. Drawing on an analysis of the British Government’s Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative, I identify a key distinction which emerges between those types of sexual and gender-based violence which are considered to be part of war, and those which are not. This division, I suggest, closes down space for recognising how war is also enacted within private spaces.
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Kolmasova, Sarka, and Katerina Krulisova. "Legitimizing Military Action through “Rape-as-a-Weapon” Discourse in Libya: Critical Feminist Analysis." Politics & Gender 15, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000326.
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AbstractContemporary discourse on sexual(ized) violence in armed conflicts represents a powerful source for legitimization of highly controversial military interventions. Recent gender-responsive security studies have called for enhanced protection of women and girls from widespread and systematic sexual(ized) violence. Yet military operations reproduce the Western masculine hegemony rather than providing inclusive and apolitical assistance to victims of sexual assault. The article aims to critically assess discourse on sexual violence in a case of military intervention in Libya initiated under the rubric of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The case study indicates a set of discursive strategies exercised by Western political representatives and nongovernmental organizations and even more expressively by the media to legitimize the military campaign. Typically, sexual(ized) violence is presented as a weapon of war, used by one of the conflicting parties without an adequate response of the state. This is followed by urgent calls for international action, willingly carried out by Western powers. The simplified narrative of civilized protectors versus savage aggressors must be challenged as it exploits the problem of sexual(ized) violence in order to legitimize politically motivated actions.
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Roggeband, Conny. "Ending Violence against Women in Latin America: Feminist Norm Setting in a Multilevel Context." Politics & Gender 12, no. 01 (March 2016): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000604.
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Latin American feminists brought up the issue of violence in the 1970s under military rule or situations of armed conflict. These contexts made feminists specifically concerned with state violence against women. Women's organizations pointed to torture and rape of political prisoners and the use of rape as a weapon of war and connected these forms of violence to deeper societal patterns of subordination and violence against women in both the private and public spheres. Processes of democratization in the region brought new opportunities to institutionalize norms to end violence against women (VAW), and in many countries feminists managed to get the issue on the political agenda. In the mid 1990s, the region pioneered international legislation on VAW that uniquely included state-sponsored violence. The Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (1994) established an international obligation for states to prevent, investigate, and punish VAW regardless of whether it takes place in the home, the community, or in the public sphere. While Latin American governments massively ratified this convention, national legislation was not brought in line with the broad scope of the international convention. This points to the complex and often contradictory dynamics of institutionalizing norms to oppose VAW in multilevel settings.
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Schulz, Philipp, and Heleen Touquet. "Queering explanatory frameworks for wartime sexual violence against men." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (September 1, 2020): 1169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa062.
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Abstract In this article we argue that prevalent explanatory frameworks of sexual violence against men primarily pursue one line of inquiry, explaining its occurrence as exclusively strategic and systematic, based on heteronormative and homophobic assumptions about violence, gender and sexualities. Feminist IR scholarship has significantly complexified our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), documenting its multiple forms and causes across time and space—thereby moving beyond the persistent opportunism-strategy dichotomy and critically engaging with the dominant ‘rape as a weapon of war’ narrative. Drawing on empirical material from Sri Lanka and northern Uganda we queer the current explanatory frameworks, analyzing multiple instances of CRSV against men that both simultaneously seem to confirm and defy categorizations as opportunistic or strategic, while being situated in broader and systematic warfare dynamics and unequal power-relationships. Our empirical material shows that relying on crude categorizations such as the opportunism–strategy binary is unproductive and essentialist, as it tends to mask over the complexities and messiness of deeply gendered power relationships during times of war. Binary strategy/opportunism categorizations also imply broader unintended political consequences, including the further marginalization of sexual violence acts that fall outside the dominant scripts or binary frameworks—such as sexual violence against men with opportunistic underpinnings.
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Kirby, Paul. "How is rape a weapon of war? Feminist International Relations, modes of critical explanation and the study of wartime sexual violence." European Journal of International Relations 19, no. 4 (February 10, 2012): 797–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066111427614.
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cooke, miriam. "Murad vs. ISIS." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720627.
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Abstract This article analyzes recent Iraqi texts, some authorizing and others condemning rape as a weapon of war. The focus is on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) perpetrators of sexual violence, their Yazidi victims, and two women’s demands for reparative, restorative justice. Held in sexual slavery between 2014 and 2015, Farida Khalaf and 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Nadia Murad published testimonials that detail their experiences. Determined to bring ISIS rapists to justice, they narrate the formerly unspeakable crimes that ISIS militants committed against them. Adjudicated as a crime against humanity at the end of the twentieth century, rape as a weapon of war, and especially genocide, no longer slips under the radar of international attention. This study argues that the Yazidi women’s brave decision to speak out may help break the millennial silence of rape survivors.
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Carter, K. R. "Should International Relations Consider Rape a Weapon of War?" Politics & Gender 6, no. 03 (September 2010): 343–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x10000280.
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Wood, Elisabeth Jean. "Rape as a Practice of War: Toward a Typology of Political Violence." Politics & Society 46, no. 4 (May 7, 2018): 513–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218773710.
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When rape by an armed organization occurs frequently, it is often said to be a strategy of war. But some cases of conflict-related rape are better understood as a practice, violence that has not been explicitly adopted as organization policy but is nonetheless tolerated by commanders. The typology of conflict-related rape in this article emphasizes not only vertical relationships between commanders (principals) and combatants (agents) but also the horizontal social interactions among combatants. It analyzes when rape is likely to be prevalent as a practice, emphasizing not only gendered norms and beliefs of the society from which combatants come but also how those might be transformed by the organization’s socialization processes. In the conclusion, I suggest that the typology is relevant for analysts of all forms of of political violence and also for prosecutors, policy advocates, and policymakers concerned with conflict-related rape.
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Hastings, Julie A. "Silencing State-Sponsored Rape in and beyond a Transnational Guatemalan Community." Violence Against Women 8, no. 10 (October 2002): 1153–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107780120200801002.
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Although rape by soldiers occurred frequently during the recent civil war in Guatemala, rape survivors’ own accounts have been excluded from public testimonials of state violence. It is commonly assumed that cultural ideologies that blame and stigmatize rape victims are responsible for the underreporting of rape in war. Based on ethnographic research in a transnational Guatemalan community, this article challenges the claim that local culture silences survivors of state-sponsored rape. Rather, it demonstrates the ways national and international forces collude in the depoliticization of rape and the silencing of rape survivors.
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Cohen, Dara Kay. "Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War." World Politics 65, no. 3 (July 2013): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000105.
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Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.
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Johnson, Dustin. "Letter from the Editor." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (March 29, 2020): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10065.
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For this volume of Allons-y we asked young authors to write about how armed conflict impacts children in the countries on International Crisis Group’s ten conflicts to watch in 2018 list. Much has changed in these conflicts since then, but all continue to do grave harm to children, which we struggle to address in the aftermath. The militarization and abuse of children are often used by autocratic regimes and armed groups to further their aims, and the trauma can have a lasting impact on the children and their societies. The four papers and their accompanying commentary in this volume illustrate these challenges and collectively highlight the importance of prevention.The authors, all young scholars who are in or have recently completed graduate school, wrote about the ways in which children are ripped from their communities in order to be used for military and political ends in armed conflict, and the difficulties of repairing these harms afterwards, whether in countries affected by armed conflict like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) or when people flee as refugees to new lands. The first two papers explore how children are weaponized: Peter Steele writes about the North Korean Songbun system that militarizes children from birth, and Airianna Murdoch-Fyke writes about the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war targeted at girls in the DRC. Both methods are designed to disrupt a child’s connection to their family and community. The last two papers explore the difficulties of addressing the resulting trauma: Arpita Mitra writes about the failures of the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration process in the DRC, and Emily Pelley writes about the difficulties of aiding young refugees exposed to wartime violence when they come to Northern countries such as Canada. Collectively, these papers highlight the need to invest more in prevention of wartime abuses, rather than scrambling to catch-up and repair the damage already done.While it may be cliché to say that young people are the future, it is also the truth, and it is important for them to have platforms to discuss and present their ideas and contribute to the most pressing challenges facing our world. Whether it is young politicians challenging our complacency on climate change, students fighting for safer schools, young activists towards peace in their countries and around the world, or young scholars such as the authors of this volume, we must turn to and support the younger generations who are invested in making a better world for themselves and all of humanity. In this spirit, Allons-y seeks to pair the academic and practical work of young people with the commentary of those who are more experienced in their field to demonstrate how young people can contribute to and create a brighter tomorrow.
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Maedl, Anna. "Rape as Weapon of War in the Eastern DRC?: The Victims’ Perspective." Human Rights Quarterly 33, no. 1 (2011): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2011.0005.
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Ryan, Sophie. "When Women Become the War Zone: the Use of Sexual Violence in Myanmar’s Military Operations." Global Responsibility to Protect 12, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01201004.
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This article draws together existing data and research on the organisation and structure of the Myanmar military (‘Tatmadaw’) and its use of sexual violence in military operations. It argues that from this data, a pattern emerges of rape-permissive military doctrines being employed by the same type of Tatmadaw units across multiple military operations, over many decades and sites. Unpacking each aspect of this posited pattern reveals an endemic rape culture within the Myanmar military that seems to be repeatedly utilised for strategic purposes in counter-insurgency operations. Investigating the potential origins of this rape-permissive culture, the article argues that Tatmadaw recruiting, training and deployment processes cultivate sexual violence as a permissible form of violence that is then tolerated by the Tatmadaw high command, most likely due to its efficacy in achieving its military strategies.
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Avdan, Nazli, and Victor Asal. "Outlawing sexual violence: rape law and the likelihood of civil war." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 10, no. 2-3 (July 17, 2017): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2017.1346814.
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Marks, Z. "Sexual violence in Sierra Leone's civil war: 'Virgination', rape, and marriage." African Affairs 113, no. 450 (December 16, 2013): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adt070.
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Hao, Xiaoyang. "What Is Criminal and What Is Not: Prosecuting Wartime Japanese Sex Crimes in the People's Republic of China." China Quarterly 242 (February 11, 2020): 529–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019001085.
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AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) prosecuted Japanese military servicemen for war crimes committed during and after the Sino-Japanese War. This paper examines written confessions left by those Japanese war crimes suspects and considers to what extent they were used by the CCP to prosecute sexual violence during the trials. The historical analysis is contextualized by an examination of the representation of the CCP's legal approach to sexual violence in articles from the People's Daily. This paper finds that although accounts of sexual violence are found in the confessions written by suspected Japanese war criminals, the courts did not make rape a focal point of the prosecutions and did not pursue the so-called “comfort women” issue. Furthermore, no victim of rape was called to testify before the court. The CCP's approach to the issue of sexual violence in the 1956 trials closely corresponded to the discourse and propaganda in the People's Daily.
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Bluen, Kelly-Jo. "Globalizing Justice, Homogenizing Sexual Violence: The Legacy of the ICTY and ICTR in terms of Sexual Violence." AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 214–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300009053.
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In their contribution to the AJIL Symposium, Robinson and MacNeil remark that a prolific legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is that “it is now commonsense that rape is and must be a war crime.” This line distills the complexity of the legacies of the tribunals regarding sexual and gender-based violence. On the one hand, it articulates the critical role of the tribunals in cementing the idea that sexual violence, hitherto largely relegated to indifference in international criminal law and policy frameworks, is worthy of international attention. Simultaneously, it encapsulates the ways in which the tribunals’ jurisprudence has been received globally to narrate a narrow conception of conflict-related sexual violence as a “weapon of war” or committed as part of “strategic” conflict-related goals. In fact, there is little that constitutes common sense about sexual violence in conflict, nor is it always, or even most predominantly, committed as a war crime, crime against humanity,or in pursuit of genocide as envisaged by international criminal law. Various studies suggest that sexual violence in war takes many forms and causalities with differentiation across and within conflict contexts.
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Cerretti, Josh. "Rape as a Weapon of War(riors): The Militarisation of Sexual Violence in the United States, 1990-2000." Gender & History 28, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 794–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12250.
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Heaman, Elsbeth. "Constructing Innocence: Representations of Sexual Violence in Upper Canada’s War of 1812." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2014): 114–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025076ar.
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This essay explores the way in which rape was represented in Upper Canada circa 1812. It draws upon a broadly defined Upper Canadian print culture that drew upon and reacted against wider trends, especially those prevalent in the United States. Whereas American newspapers spoke openly of sexual violence against American women during the War of 1812, Upper Canadian sources tended to suppress any such discussion, for reasons that reflect profound cultural and political differences. Americans stoked a rowdy, popular patriotism that Canadians distrusted and sought to avert. The analysis of national differences is contextualized within broader changes in the ways that rape was constructed in the press and the courts over the first half of the nineteenth century, in ways that worked to muffle women’s public voice. But the War of 1812’s most famous heroine, Laura Secord, was not silenced. Writing almost half a century later, Secord challenged discursive conventions of gender when she had her say and made herself a hero. The final section examines how Secord and her early commentators interwove literary signals of danger and respectability in their published accounts.
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Aarons, Lauren. "From Weapon of War to Tactic of Terrorism – Dangerous New Ground in the Fight Against ConflictRelated Sexual Violence and Human Trafficking." Journal of Human Trafficking, Enslavement and Conflict-Related Sexual Violence 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/266644720x16061196655025.
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In recent years, the term 'tactic of terrorism' has increasingly been used to describe conflict-related sexual violence and human trafficking by non-state armed groups. This framing has complemented (and at times replaced) the longstanding recognition of 'rape as a weapon of war' including at the UN Security Council. This association with terrorism has tactical advantages but also poses wider risks for the realization of human rights. On the one hand, it has the potential to engage counter-terrorism powers and resources to prosecute perpetrators and prompt reparations. However, it also risks legitimizing harmful counter-terror measures and obscuring a more comprehensive understanding of the gendered harms associated with conflict and terrorism. With particular reference to the conflicts involving Boko Haram and Islamic State, this article weighs the advantages and costs of framing sexual violence and human trafficking as a 'tactic of terrorism' in order to inform and warn feminist human rights advocates.
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Denov, Myriam, and Meaghan C. Shevell. "An arts-based approach with youth born of genocidal rape in Rwanda: The river of life as an autobiographical mapping tool." Global Studies of Childhood 11, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043610621995830.
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Given the tragedy of war and genocide, words often cannot adequately capture the complexity of war-related experiences. Researchers are increasingly utilizing the arts to enable multiple forms of expression, as well as for its therapeutic and empowering qualities. This paper outlines the use of the “river of life,” an arts-based autobiographical mapping tool, conducted with 60 youth born of rape during the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda who continue to live with this intergenerational legacy of sexual violence. The article begins with a review of current arts-based methods and their relevance for war-affected populations and an overview of the genocide, sexual violence, and the lived realities of children born of rape. We then outline the “river of life” mapping tool, where participants drew their life histories using the metaphor of a river, addressing the ebbs and flows of their lives and the obstacles and opportunities they encountered. Developed in collaboration with local researchers, participants were invited to share the meaning of their drawing with researchers, explaining key events throughout their life course, utilizing metaphors, and symbolism to convey their experiences. The article highlights how the “the river of life” facilitated key insights into the post-genocide experiences of children born of rape, and the long-term impacts at the family, community and societal levels, and proved to be especially helpful in enabling youth participants to process and communicate their histories of genocide and experiences of stigma and discrimination. The “river of life” was also reported by participants as having unintended positive effects, including closure and clarity in navigating their past and their futures. While not without limitations, we argue that this mapping tool represents an important addition to arts-based methods that can be used with populations who have experienced profound forms of violence and marginalization.
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Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
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Green, Laurie. "First-Class Crimes, Second-Class Justice: Cumulative Charges for Gender-Based Crimes at the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 11, no. 3 (2011): 529–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x576401.
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AbstractWhile sexual and gender-based violence crimes are now prosecutable as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide, the Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court recently declined to confirm cumulative charges for sexual and gender-based violence in Prosecutor v. Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo. Born out of the historical tendency of international criminal tribunals to treat rape and sexual violence as secondary crimes, this paper argues that the International Criminal Court is far from achieving true gender justice, or from serving as a deterrent against sexual and gender-based violence crimes. This paper also argues that the ICC's failure in this regard risks undermining the very legitimacy of the Court.
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Kitharidis, Sophocles. "Rape as a weapon of war: Combating sexual violence and impunity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the way forward." African Human Rights Law Journal 15, no. 2 (2015): 449–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2015/v15n2a11.
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Benton, Sarah. "Women Disarmed: The Militarization of Politics in Ireland 1913-23." Feminist Review 50, no. 1 (July 1995): 148–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.28.
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The movement for ‘military preparedness’ in America and Britain gained tremendous momentum at the turn of the century. It assimilated the cult of manliness — the key public virtue, which allowed a person to claim possession of himself and a nation to reclaim possession of itself. An army was the means of marshalling a mass of people for regeneration. The symbol of a nation's preparedness to take control of its own soul was the readiness to bear arms. Although this movement originated in the middle-class, Protestant cultures of the USA and England, its core ideas were adopted by many political movements. Affected by these ideas, as well as the formation of the Protestant Ulster Volunteers in 1913, a movement to reclaim Irish independence through the mass bearing of arms began in South and West Ireland in autumn 1914. Women were excluded from these Volunteer companies, but set up their own organization, Cumann na mBan, as an auxiliary to the men's. The Easter Rising in 1916 owed as much to older ideas of the coup d'état as new ideas of mass mobilization, but subsequent history recreated that Rising as the ‘founding’ moment of the Irish republic. It was not until mass conscription was threatened two years later that the mass of people were absorbed into the idea of an armed campaign against British rule. From 1919 to 1923, the reality of guerrilla-style war pressed people into a frame demanding discipline, secrecy, loyalty and a readiness to act as the prime nationalist virtues. The ideal form of relationship in war is the brotherhood, both as actuality and potent myth. The mythology of brotherhood creates its own myths of women (as not being there, and men not needing them) as well as creating the fear and the myth that rape is the inevitable expression of brotherhoods in action. Despite explicit anxiety at the time about the rape of Irish women by British soldiers, no evidence was found of mass rape, and that fear has disappeared into oblivion, throwing up important questions as to when rape is a weapon of war. The decade of war worsened the relationship of women to the political realm. Despite active involvement as ‘auxiliaries’ women's political status was permanently damaged by their exclusion as warriors and brothers, so much so that they disappear into the status of wives and mothers in the 1937 Irish Constitution.
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Chu, Tiffany S., and Jessica Maves Braithwaite. "The effect of sexual violence on negotiated outcomes in civil conflicts." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 3 (May 18, 2017): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217693595.
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Combatants used sexual violence in approximately half of all civil conflicts since 1989. We expect that when groups resort to sexual violence they are organizationally vulnerable, unlikely to win, and as such they are inclined to salvage something from the conflict by way of a settlement. Using quantitative analysis of data on civil conflicts in the post-Cold War period, we find that a higher prevalence of sexual violence perpetrated by government forces precipitates negotiated outcomes. This is particularly true in contexts where both government and rebel forces utilize comparable levels of wartime rape and other forms of sexual abuse.
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Garraio, Júlia. "Framing Sexual Violence in Portuguese Colonialism: On Some Practices of Contemporary Cultural Representation and Remembrance." Violence Against Women 25, no. 13 (September 10, 2019): 1558–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219869547.
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This essay examines two Portuguese novels about colonialism and its legacies: António Lobo Antunes’s Fado Alexandrino (1983) and Aida Gomes’s Os Pretos de Pousaflores ( The Blacks from Pousaflores) (2011). Fado Alexandrino perpetuates the use of Black women’s raped bodies as a plot device to represent colonial violence, while Gomes’s narrative empowers racialized victims of sexual abuse and challenges dominant public memories of the Colonial War. A close reading of these novels, contextualized against the background of scholarly debates about the representation of sexual violence, exposes both the perils and potential of cultural works to preserve the memory of rape in armed conflict.
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Korac, Maja. "Feminists against Sexual Violence in War: The Question of Perpetrators and Victims Revisited." Social Sciences 7, no. 10 (September 30, 2018): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7100182.
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This article reflects upon feminist activism and analyses of sexual victimisation of women in war during the 1990s. It critically examines the reasons for the continuation of this type of violence against women, despite its recognition as a war crime; the recognition that marked one of the significant achievements of feminist activism during the last decade of the 20th century. The discussion points to the centrality of sexual violence in war for the system of gender based violence (GBV) against both women and men in war. It argues that a relational understanding of the gendered processes of victimisation in war is critical. This approach enables an acknowledgement that sexual violence in war and rape, as one of its expressions, is a violent political act that is highly gendered both in its causes and consequences, and, as such, it affects both women and men. This article provides an overall argument for the need of feminist scholarship and activism to engage with these differently situated experiences and practices of victimisation in war, to ‘unmake’ it.
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Pufong, Marc G., and Randall D. Swain. "Rape in militarised conflicts: variations in international outrage and responsiveness." International Journal of Law in Context 4, no. 3 (September 2008): 237–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552308003030.
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World War II genocide in Germany, the Rwanda genocide in the early 1990s and the Darfur genocide today are visceral reminders of the devastation and senselessness in the breakdown of human order, a poignant but sad insight into the nature of man and politics. Yet the international community, and by extension the United Nations (UN), have shown a remarkable reluctance to address rape and other forms of gender violence perpetrated during militarised conflicts. Given the psychological toll and devastating effect of rape and the growing number of conflicts, this effort does not speak well to the UN’s commitment to problems that destabilise international peace. It does however raise concerns in the minds of those who see the UN as cherrypicking which conflicts to address while sidestepping others until it is too late. With a view to the Allies’ response to genocide during World War II, this article argues that the realist analytical framework of world politics provides the most plausible basis for explaining variations in international response in militarised conflicts such as Rwanda and Darfur. We present testable hypotheses to conclude that while rape in itself may not be the sole trigger for interventions, states with unstable regimes or sovereign capacity whose government has been deposed are more likely to be the object for interventions or held accountable than those with otherwise stable governments who benefit from the support of a hegemonic power. To victims of crimes of rape caught in militarised conflicts, and to whom justice may come only after a perpetrator regime has been deposed, the conclusion that the decision to intervene is predicated more on political might than justice is disquieting.
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Wachala, Kas. "The tools to combat the war on women's bodies: rape and sexual violence against women in armed conflict." International Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2011): 533–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2011.603952.
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Seelinger, Kim Thuy. "Close to Home." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa029.
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Abstract For decades, the ad hoc tribunals and the International Criminal Court have taken the presumptive spotlight in prosecuting international crimes cases, including those involving conflict-related sexual violence. However, recent progress in prosecuting conflict-related sexual violence in national courts has started to both fulfil and complicate the notion of ‘complementarity’ between these two arenas of international criminal justice. This article presents the historical antecedents and current diversity of national courts addressing conflict-related sexual violence. It first casts back to the 1940s, to the little-known efforts of the United War Crimes Commission that guided national authorities in their prosecution of wartime atrocities including rape and forced prostitution. It then focuses on three kinds of national courts addressing conflict-related sexual violence today: military tribunals, hybrid tribunals and ‘purely domestic’ specialized chambers, highlighting key case studies and different ways these courts have engaged international actors. In conclusion, the article confirms the growing importance and diversity of national courts in the prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence, identifying ways the international community can better support survivors’ access to this more local justice.
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Fujii, Lee Ann. "The Puzzle of Extra-Lethal Violence." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001060.
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This article proposes the concept “extra-lethal violence” to focus analytic attention on the acts of physical, face-to-face violence that transgress shared norms about the proper treatment of persons and bodies. Examples of extra-lethal violence include forcing victims to dance and sing before killing them, souvenir-taking and mutilation. The main puzzle of extra-lethal violence is why it occurs at all given the time and effort it takes to enact such brutalities and the potential repercussions perpetrators risk by doing so. Current approaches cannot account for this puzzle because extra-lethal violence seems to follow a different logic from strategic calculation. To investigate one alternative logic—the logic of display—the article proposes a performative analytic framework. A performative lens focuses attention on the process by which actors stage violence for graphic effect. It highlights the range of roles, participants, and activities that contribute to the production process as a whole. To demonstrate the value of a performative approach, the article applies this framework to three very different extra-lethal episodes: the massacre at My Lai during the Vietnam War, the rape and killing of two women during the Rwandan genocide, and a lynching that took place in rural Maryland. The article concludes by sketching a typology of performance processes and by considering the policy implications of this type of theorizing and knowledge.
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Chowdhury, Elora Halim. "When Love and Violence Meet: Women's Agency and Transformative Politics in Rubaiyat Hossain's Meherjaan." Hypatia 30, no. 4 (2015): 760–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12178.
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In official and unofficial histories, and in cultural memorializations of the 1971 war for Bangladeshi independence, the treatment of women's experiences—more specifically the unresolved question of acknowledgment of and accountability to birangonas, “war heroines” (or rape survivors)—has met with stunning silence or erasure, on the one hand, or with narratives of abject victimhood, on the other. By contrast, the film Meherjaan (2011) revolves around the stories of four women during and after the war, and most centrally the relationship between a Bengali woman and a Pakistani soldier. In this article, I investigate the anxieties underlying the responses to Meherjaan, particularly in association with themes of trauma—its absence or omnipresence—to nonnormative gender frames of national sexuality, and the notion of loving the Other. Drawing from feminist theories of vulnerability, ethics, and love, I want to explore these themes at two levels: the political message the film transmits, and its aesthetic choices and affects. Finally, I want to comment on the potential of this film, as feminist art, in furthering a dialogue around healing and ethical memorialization in relation to 1971 in Bangladesh.
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Krause, Jana. "Restrained or constrained? Elections, communal conflicts, and variation in sexual violence." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319891763.
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Anecdotal evidence suggests that sexual violence varies significantly across cases of election violence and communal conflicts but systematic research is scarce. Post-election violence is particularly likely if electoral mobilization further polarizes longstanding communal conflicts and political elites do not instruct security forces to intervene decisively. I comparatively analyse two prominent cases of post-election violence in Kenya (2007/8) and Nigeria (2008) that exhibit stark variation in sexual violence. Patrimonial networks and norms of violent masculinity that increase the probability of (gang) rape were present in both cases and do not explain variation. Civil war research has identified three explanations for the variation in sexual violence: situational constraints; ordered sexual violence or restraint; and bottom-up dynamics of sexual violence or restraint. I examine these for the context of post-election violence. I argue that the type of communal conflict triggered by electoral mobilization explains variation in sexual violence. In Kenya, pogroms of a majority group against a minority allowed for the time and space to perpetrate widespread sexual violence while in Nigeria, dyadic clashes between similarly strong groups offered less opportunity but produced a significantly higher death toll. These findings have important implications for preventing election violence. They demonstrate that civilian vulnerability is gendered and that high levels of sexual violence do not necessarily correspond to high levels of lethal violence. Ignoring sexual violence means underestimating the real intensity of conflict and its impact on the political process.
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Postigo Asenjo, Marta. "Las mujeres, las guerras y el derecho internacional humanitario." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 6 (December 15, 2011): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i6.3766.
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<p>La violencia sexual se emplea como instrumento de intimidación, castigo y terror, e incluso coadyuvante de limpieza étnica, en los conflictos armados. En las últimas décadas, se han producido importantes avances en la inclusión de la violación entre los crímenes contra el derecho internacional humanitario. Sin embargo, aún son necesarias acciones más eficaces para evitar que se produzcan violaciones sistemáticas en las zonas en conflictos y post-conflicto. Este trabajo destaca la importancia que tiene la lucha por la igualdad y la incorporación de las mujeres en los procesos de toma de decisiones para combatir esta lacra y asegurar la paz y la estabilidad.</p><p> Sexual violence has long been used as a weapon of war, with the purpose of intimidating, injuring and punishing civilians, and even as an ethnic cleansing adjuvant, in armed conflicts. In the last decades, though, there have been important advances towards the definition and prosecution of rape as a crime against international humanitarian law. Notwithstanding, more effective measures are needed to protect women from this heinous crime in the conflict zones and post-conflict. This article stresses the need to keep struggling for gender equality and improving women’s participation in decision making processes to achieve peace and stability</p>
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LLOYD, MOYA. "(Women’s) human rights: paradoxes and possibilities." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007322.
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Such is its pervasiveness that human rights discourse is used to legitimise humanitarian and military intervention in the affairs of other states, provide a rationale for ‘ethical’ foreign policy, justify the punishment of war crimes, and validate the formation of international coalitions mandated to eradicate terrorism wherever its is found. At grass-roots level, human rights talk is deployed to lobby governments and to press for socioeconomic and legal change, to combat the dehumanising treatment of specific populations, to ground educational initiatives and spawn local, national, international, and sometimes global networks oriented to its advancement, and to induce the patient and meticulous documentation of its violations. In terms of women, human rights activism has been instrumental in problematising violence against women, prompting the recognition by the UN Human Rights Commission in 1992 of rape during war as a form of torture, and as a war crime or crime against humanity in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (which came into force in 2001). It also led to the appointment in 1994 by the UN Human Rights Commission of Radhika Coomaraswamy as the first Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women and its Causes and Consequences. Activities centring on human rights produced the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 18 December 1979 and became operational as an international treaty on 3 September 1981 when it was ratified by its twentieth signatory.
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Adams, Alex. "‘The sweet tang of rape’: Torture, survival and masculinity in Ian Fleming’s Bond novels." Feminist Theory 18, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700117700043.
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Little scholarly attention has been paid to the torture scenes in Ian Fleming’s canon of Bond novels and short stories (1953–1966), despite the fact that they represent some of the most potent sites of the negotiations of masculinity, nationhood, violence and the body for which Fleming’s texts are critically renowned. This article is an intersectional feminist reading of Fleming’s canon, which stresses the interpenetrations of homophobia, anticommunism and misogyny that are present in Fleming’s representation of torture. Drawing on close readings of Fleming’s novels and theoretical discussions of heteronormativity, homophobia and national identity, this article argues that Fleming’s representations of torture are sites of literary meaning in which the boundaries of hegemonic masculinity are policed and reinforced. This policing is achieved, this article argues, through the associations of the perpetration of torture with homosexuality and Communism, and the survival of torture with post-imperial British hegemonic masculinity. Fleming’s torture scenes frequently represent set pieces in which Bond must reject or endure the unsolicited intimacy of other men; he must resist their seductions and persuasions and remain ideologically undefiled. Bond’s survival of torture is a metonymy for Britain’s survival of post-Second World War social and political upheaval. Further, the horror of torture, for Fleming, is the horror of a hierarchy of hegemonic masculinity in disarray: Bond’s survival represents the regrounding of normative heterosexual masculinity through the rejection of homosexuality and Communism.
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Stachow, Ela. "Conflict-related sexual violence: a review." BMJ Military Health 166, no. 3 (January 29, 2020): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-2019-001376.
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Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is a concerning yet prevalent feature of historical and current conflict. The term encompasses any form of sexual violence associated with conflict, including rape, sexual assault and forced marriage or prostitution. Acts of CRSV have been perpetrated by both military personnel and civilians against men, women and children. The aetiology of CRSV is complex and unique to each conflict and circumstance. It may arise as a deliberate tactic of war or as opportunistic criminal acts at times of the relative lawlessness resulting from conflict. CRSV can also be related to certain sociocultural attitudes surrounding conflict.CRSV can result in profound medical, psychological and social sequelae for victims and management requires a holistic approach to address these. The global political response to CRSV has been gaining momentum in recent decades. Although the practical reaction to political stances has been limited at times, some consistent messages have arisen from collaborative work between the United Nations and other multinational bodies. Advances have also been made in the judicial response to CRSV.Due to the widespread nature of the issue, there is the potential for the exposure of Defence Medical Services (DMS) personnel to CRSV. This may occur while operating in a conflict zone or when participating in humanitarian operations. DMS personnel should maintain an awareness of the prevalence of CRSV and of any current political measures in place to tackle it. When appropriate, CRSV should feature in operational medical planning and pre-deployment training to assist personnel in managing any cases they encounter.
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Di Paolo Harrison, Osvaldo. "Injured and Suffering Bodies: The Trafficking and Femicide of Dominican Immigrant Women in Puerto Rico." Perichoresis 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2020-0010.
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AbstractAfter drug and weapon trafficking, trafficking of women is one of the most lucrative businesses in the world. According to sociologists César Rey Hernández and Luisa Hernández Angueira in People Trafficking in Puerto Rico: The Challenge of Invisibility (2010), fifty percent of the victims are women and minors. This translates to 2.7 million women and girls that are enslaved in this inhuman business. Puerto Rico is no exception. One of its main problems is the slavery of Dominican women who, in search of a better life in Puerto Rico, are lured to illegally migrate to the island for better opportunities. However, once in the new territory, they are imprisoned and forced to become prostitutes. In addition, femicide is another world-wide pressing issue. The World Health Organization (WHO) affirms that violence against women, between fifteen and forty-four years of age, is the leading cause of death, more than cancer, malaria, car accidents and war combined, and the report ‘A Gendered Analysis of Violent Death’, compiled by Small Arms Survey Center, fourteen out of twenty-five countries with the highest rates of femicide in the world are in Latin America and the Caribbean. This essay focuses on Life is a Sexually Transmittable Disease (2014) by Wilfredo Mattos Cintron. In this novel, the enslaved-immigrant girls and women constitute an ‘injured body’, a body that is merely diminished. The third-world prostitute’s body is the material side of male-controlled dominance, subjugation and violence. Mattos Cintron’s text denounces the ‘suffering body of women’—rape, kidnapping, beating, femicide, their exclusion from human rights and sexual relegation. Moreover, along with patriarchy’s power and the socioeconomic variables as responsible agents of creating the injured body, globalization and capitalism objectify and make women’s bodies currency of the system.
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Kansiime, Peninah, Claire Van der Westhuizen, and Ashraf Kagee. "Barriers and facilitators to physical and mental health help-seeking among Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence living in Kampala." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 19, no. 3 (October 4, 2018): 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v19i3.1196.
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In Uganda, over 1.3 million refugees have fled armed conflicts from neighbouring countries, with about 251 730 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) alone. In this article we report on a qualitative research study on the help-seeking behaviour of Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) living in Kampala, Uganda. We recruited 10 Congolese male survivors of war-related rape and 6 Ugandan service providers (psychologists, social workers and physicians) who participated in individual interviews focused on barriers and facilitators to care seeking in Kampala, Uganda. We found that the major barriers to help-seeking were socio-cultural and political factors, health system and infrastructural barriers, poverty and livelihood barriers, physical effects of CRSV, fear of marital disharmony and breakup, and self-sufficiency The major facilitators were social support, symptom severity, professionalism among service providers, availability of free tailored services and information, education and communication. On the basis of our findings, we recommend that a multidisciplinary and multisectoral approach is important to address these barriers. In addition, we suggest that the Ugandan government should develop legislation and health policies to create protection for men who have experienced sexual violence.Keywords: armed conflict; conflict-related sexual violence; male refugee survivors; help-seeking; physical and mental health; barriers; and facilitators
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Goredema, Dorothy. "The Role of Culture and Arts in Peace Building and Reconciliation." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i1.27.
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This paper argues that conflict resolution, peace building and reconciliation in the 21st century requires a cultural slant in addition to conventional political and military approaches. This development should not be surprising especially given the nature of recent wars which have turned out to be more intra-state than inter-state. Since the end of the Cold war, wars have been focused on issues of culture, ethnicity, politics and religion than on nationalisms. Thus, cultural beliefs, norms, traditions, ethnicity and religion have contributed towards many major disruptions that have cost innocent lives and loss of valuable property. In addition, conflicts and divisions within societies reflect lack of appreciation and intolerance of others` cultural beliefs, views and are motivated by cultural differences. In the wars of recent decades, rape has been used as a weapon of war and children have been abducted to be killers and sex-slaves. Millions of families have been uprooted from their homes. Taken as a whole, these current developments allow us to witness how everyday people are experiencing the historical, cultural, economic and social forces that shape our world. As such, this present effort unpacks the role that culture can play in peace building and reconciliation. The research is qualitative in nature and applied discourse analysis to draw information from journal articles, published books as well as reports in the area of reconciliation and peace-building. Examples will be drawn mainly from Zimbabwe and other different countries in world to substantiate some of the arguments put forward in the paper.
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BEREND, IVAN T. "The Kosovo Trap." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.
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In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. However, the Serb population has gradually decreased and become a small minority. This happened due to a huge Serb emigration after the Ottoman conquest of the region, a spontaneous, sometimes forced emigration, which gained special impetus during the Second World War, when the region became part of ‘Great Albania,’ and Serbs were killed and chased out of the province. The tension and violence of the post-war decades made emigration advisable for Serbs. Milošević's Kosovo war-and-rape campaign made the Kosovars victims of exalted Serb nationalism in the late 1990s. The NATO bombing stopped this but the Serb minority declined into an unbearable situation. The Kosovo Liberation Army's violent actions, killing Serbs, burning their houses, shooting at school buses, continued until recently and led to the flight of half of the remaining Serb population, and ‘cleansed’ Kosovo of 80% of the Roma population.
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Potapova, Natalia D. "Such a Different Truth: The Memory of World War II in the 1970s Documentaries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/19.
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In memory studies carried out on the material of Germany, several basic strategies were noted for how society survived the war and dealt with the traumatic experiences; the post-war escape and forgetting were replaced by the glorification of the past. According to Aleida Assmann, the protests of 1968 showed that the heroic memorial project was not effective and the society was still ready for violence. The “ethical turn” in Germany was associated with the transition to a policy of repentance, with the idea of a “common catastrophe”, with a willingness to share responsibility for violence and solidarity based on compassion for a common sorrow. The aim of this article is to determine how relevant the patterns Assman sees analyzing the experience of Germany were for other countries. Can we say that the experience of trauma processing was universal? How do the social structure, cultural heritage, the peculiarities of military operations, the political situation influence the nature of commemoration? The article uses methods of narrative analysis in film studies and viewer reception analysis to analyze, based on the techniques of contextualization, how the film was entangled in changing the social structure and national political culture. The research is based on the case study approach. I examine the case of one documentary film: analyze the materials of public discussion, interviews with the creators, reviews of film critics, and published viewer reviews. I argue how the discussion of Marcel Ophuls’ film The Sorrow and the Pity: The Chronicle of a French City under the Occupation (Le Chagrin et la pitié: chronique d’une ville française sous l’occupation, 1969) changed the way we talk about war affecting professional historiography, public policy, public opinion. People discussed the traumatic experience of the war seen through the eyes of civilians, whose memory of the bombing of cities, the rape of women, forced deportation, hunger, speculation, and other wartime crimes became the object of public discussion, the borders between “us” and “them” lost their national identity, and resistance to fascism lost its features of a united frontier brotherhood. The film showed that the prejudices that split French society during the war did not lose their effect. It was prejudices, not propaganda, that possessed a powerful mobilizing force, pushing people to violence. The creative experiments of the left-wing documentary filmmakers aimed to show that film and television could turn from an instrument of domination and suppression into an instrument of research on social reality and a form of political interaction. France was supposed to see “public opinion” in realism (cinéma vérité), not in the format of elite-controlled news. Marcel Ophuls made the film about the inconsistency of the French Fifth Republic.
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Cohen, Dara Kay, and Amelia Hoover Green. "Dueling incentives." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 3 (May 2012): 445–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312436769.
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Transnational advocacy organizations are influential actors in the international politics of human rights. While political scientists have described several methods these groups use – particularly a set of strategies termed ‘information politics’ – scholars have yet to consider the effects of these tactics beyond their immediate impact on public awareness, policy agendas or the behavior of state actors. This article investigates the information politics surrounding sexual violence during Liberia’s civil war. We show that two frequently-cited ‘facts’ about rape in Liberia are inaccurate, and consider how this conventional wisdom gained acceptance. Drawing on the Liberian case and findings from sociology and economics, we develop a theoretical framework that treats inaccurate claims as an effect of ‘dueling incentives’ – the conflict between advocacy organizations’ needs for short-term drama and long-term credibility. From this theoretical framework, we generate hypotheses regarding the effects of information politics on (1) short-term changes in funding for human rights advocacy organizations, (2) short-term changes in human rights outcomes, (3) the institutional health of humanitarian and human rights organizations, and (4) long-run outcomes for the ostensible beneficiaries of such organizations. We conclude by outlining a research agenda in this area, emphasizing the importance of empirical research on information politics in the human rights realm, and particularly its effects on the lives of aid recipients.
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Almond, Louise, Michelle McManus, and Gemma Curtis. "Can the offence behaviours of stranger rapists discriminate between UK and non-UK nationals." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 1 (February 11, 2019): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-04-2018-0357.
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Purpose Currently, no research is available for behavioural investigative advisors’ to provide justifications to infer from the crime scene that an offender is a UK or non-UK national. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Data were obtained from National Crime Agency and consisted of 651 stranger rapes, 434 UK nationals and 217 non-UK nationals. All cases were coded for 70 offence behaviour variables. χ2 analyses were conducted to identify significant associations between offence behaviours and offender nationality. Significant associations were then entered into a logistic regression analysis to assess their combined predictive ability of offender nationality. Findings Analyses revealed 11 offence behaviours with significant associations to offender nationality: confidence, darkness, offender kisses victim, victim performs sex acts, requests sex acts, apologises, destroys forensics, block entry/exit, weapon – firearm, vaginal penetration – hands/fist/digital, and violence: minimal. From this, seven variables held predictive ability within the logistic regression, with five predicting the non-UK grouping and two the UK grouping. Research limitations/implications Future research should test the distinctions between UK and non-UK national stranger rapists and explore the impact of length of residency. Practical implications Results indicated that on the whole UK and non-UK stranger rapists display similar behaviours, but there were some distinct behaviours within stranger rape crime scenes, particularly the use of firearms. The ability to use crime scene behaviours to narrow suspect pools by criminal conviction is only useful when police have access to full criminal histories. Unfortunately, the ability to access and search non-UK databases is not always possible. Therefore, this study may be the first step for BIAs to utilise in identifying the likely offender nationality, before using further models that narrow down to criminal history. Originality/value This is the first study to examine whether it is possible to differentiate stranger rapists nationality using their offence behaviours.
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Wood, Elisabeth Jean, and Nathaniel Toppelberg. "The persistence of sexual assault within the US military." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 620–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317720487.
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What accounts for the puzzling persistence of sexual assault of both women and men within the ranks of the US military? Despite increasing efforts to end this intraforce violence, sexual assault of women persists at levels comparable to those in the civilian population and significantly higher than that of other crimes (data challenges prevent comparing rates for men). Drawing on recent analysis of rape as a practice rather than a strategy of war, we suggest the answer lies in the socialization not only of recruits but also of officers. We draw on an original typology of socialization processes and analysis of four well-documented cases to suggest the following account of why sexual assault persists. First, informal socialization processes (including sexualized hazing) trivialize sexual harassment and assault, establish assault as an appropriate form of punishment (including of those transgressing military gender norms), and license retaliation against victims who report. Second, officers sometimes sexually harass and assault subordinates, thereby endorsing similar acts by servicemembers under their command. Third, formal socialization processes of enlisted men and women, despite recent reforms, continue to reproduce a masculinity that undermines policies that seek to prevent sexual assault, in part because it fails to override these unauthorized and illegal socialization processes. Finally, the socialization of officers, combined with problematic incentive structures, undercuts efforts to end the de facto tolerance of sexual abuse by many officers. In our emphasis on horizontal as well as top-down socialization processes, and on those that subvert official policies as well as those that seek to inculcate them, we also contribute to scholarly understanding of socialization within organizations more generally.