Journal articles on the topic 'Raven Hill'

Evidence for exotic terranes in the central Appalachian Piedmont Province is fragmented between central Virginia, northern Maryland, and southeastern Pennsylvania. Here we present laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry data from detrital zircon that support the presence of an exotic terrane in this region. U–Pb dating of detrital zircon from new samples of the Storck quartzite (central Virginia) and the Hoods Mill rocks (northern Maryland) confirms the presence of a major peak at ca. 630–610 Ma in these units. These ages are consistent with derivation from Gondwana, but not Ediacaran Laurentia. Further, modern εHf values of five of the ca. 670–580 Ma grains in these samples are inconsistent with derivation from the few plutons of this age in Ediacaran Laurentia. The Loch Raven Schist and a metasedimentary xenolith in the Wilmington Complex contain a smaller proportion of ca. 670–580 Ma grains than the Storck quartzite and the Hoods Mill rocks, but more such grains than in sediment derived from Ediacaran Laurentia, so we tentatively conclude that these two units also received sediment from Gondwana. Detrital zircon ages from the Piney Run Formation, Pleasant Grove Schist, Prettyboy Schist, and Wissahickon Formation allow sediment provenance solely in Ediacaran Laurentia. We also present new zircon spot U–Pb and Lu–Hf isotopic data from western Newfoundland plutons for comparison with these types of data from the detrital zircon. Intrusion ages of the Steel Mountain Anorthosite, Disappointment Hill Tonalite, and Round Pond Granite are 608 ± 12, 600 ± 8, and 590 ± 9 Ma, respectively. None of these units was derived entirely from the depleted mantle.

We apply the diagrammatic method developed by Hill (1977. Free Energy Transduction in Biology. Academic Press, New York) to analyze single-file water transport. We use this formalism to derive explicit expressions for the osmotic and diffusive permeabilities Pf and Pd of a pore. We first consider a vacancy mechanism of transport analogous to the one-vacancy pore model previously used by Kohler and Heckmann (1979. J. Theor. Biol. 79:381-401). (a) For the general one-vacancy case, we find that the permeability ratio can be expressed by Pf/Pd = (Pf/Pd)eqf(wA,wB), where the second factor is a function of the water activities in the two adjoining compartments A and B. As a consequence, the permeability ratio in general can effectively differ from its value at equilibrium. We also find that n - 1 less than or equal to (Pf/Pd)eq less than or equal to n, a result already proposed by Kohler and Heckmann (1979. J. Theor. Biol. 79:381-401). (b) When vacancy states are transient intermediates, the model can be reduced to a diagram consisting of only fully occupied states. Such a diagram resembles the one describing a no-vacancy mechanism of transport (c), but in spite of the similarity the expressions obtained for the permeability coefficients still retain the basic relationships of the original (a) nonreduced one-vacancy model. (c) We then propose a kinetic description of a no-vacancy mechanism of single-file water transport. In this case, the expressions derived for Pf and Pd are formally equivalent to those obtained by Finkelstein and Rosenberg (1979. Membrane Transport Processes. Vol. 3. C.F. Stevens and R.W. Tsien, editors, Raven Press, New York. 73-88.) A main difference with the vacancy mechanism is that here the permeability coefficients are independent of the water activities.

ResumenEl presente artículo tiene como finalidad definir la IA y poner en discusión su injerencia social, así como las consecuencias éticas que esto conlleva, ya que la construcción del hombre contemporáneo debe tener en cuenta el trato con estos sistemas. Definiremos qué es la inteligencia, cómo es que se le ha llamado inteligencia a los procesos de las máquinas y podremos establecer un diálogo entre la influencia ética que conlleva el trato con las mismas. Palabras clave Inteligencia artificial; Ética; Sistemas; Tecnología; Hombre Referencias Aristóteles, De Anima, Madrid: Gredos, 2000. ___, Ética a Nicómaco, Madrid: Gredos, 2000. ___, Política, Madrid, Gredos, 2003. Aspe, V. Nuevos sentidos mimesis en la Poética de Aristóteles, en Tópicos, Revista de filosofía, México: Tópicos, 2005. Bellman, Richard, An Introduction To Artificial Intelligence, San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser Publishing Company, 1978. Büchner et al, Discovering Internet Marketing Intelligence through Web Log Mining, Antrin, Mine it, Newtownabbey: University of Ulster Shore Road, 1998. Corominas, Pascual, Diccionario Crítico Etimológico Castellano e Hispánico, Madrid, Gredos, 2002. Descartes, Meditaciones Metafísicas, Gredos, Madrid, 2000. Elaine Rich, Kevin Knight, Artificial Intelligence, New Delhi: McGraw-Hill, 1991. Bude, Gesellschaft der Angst, Hamburgo: Hamburger Edition HIS, 2014. Heidegger, Platon: Sophistes, Frankfurt: Vittorio Klostermann, 1992. ___, Über den Humanismus, Frankfurt: Vittorio Klostermann, 1949. ___, Was heisst denken?, Frankfurt Am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 2002. Hickock, Gregory, The Myth of Mirror Neurons. The Real Neuroscience of communication and cognition, Nueva York: W. W. Norton & ­Company, 2014. J. Haugeland, Artificial Intelligence: The very idea, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985. Kirk, G.S. y Raven, J. E., Los filósofos presocráticos, Madrid: Gredos, 1970. Kurzweil Raymond, The Age of Intelligent Machines, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990. Mariarosaria Taddeo, Luciano Floridi, How AI can be a force for good, en Science, Vol. 361, Issue 6404, Oxford: Oxford University, 2018. Nils Johan Nilsson, Artificial Intelligence: A new synthesis, USA: Morgan Kaufmann, 1998. Platón, Cratilo, Madrid, Gredos, 2004. Poole David et al, Computational Intelligence, a Logical Approach, Oxford: Oxford University, 1998. Press, Gill, A Very Short History Of Artificial Intelligence (AI), USA: Forbes, 2016. Russell, Norvig, Artificial Intelligence, A Modern Approach, New Jersey, Pearson, 2010. Armstrong, S., & K. Sotala, ​How we​’re predicting AI​ or failing to,​ Beyond Artificial Intelligence, Machine Intelligence Research Institute, Pilsen: University of West Bohemia,2015. Turing Alan, MIND, Computing Machinery and Intelligence, Cambridge: A Quarterly Review of Psychology and Philosophy, 1950. Winston Patrick Henry, Artificial intelligence, USA: Addison Wesley, Publishing Company, 1992.

<p>The latest information about the distribution of a less-recorded Java-dwelling bird species found in Tahura Raden Soerjo (East Java) is noteworthy additional information in the field of ornithology. Observations were conducted in the Cangar tourism site, along the main road linking Pacet and Batu, as well as in the northern area of Tahura Raden Soerjo, which includes the hiking trails of the Welirang-Arjuno mountains. The birds with minimum records are the Hill Myna (Gracula religiosa), Thick-billed Flowerpecker (Dicaeum agile), Yellow-vented Flowerpecker (Dicaeum chryssorheum), Sunda Thrush (Zoothera andromedae), Narcissus Flycatcher (Ficedula narcissina), Brown Wood-owl (Strix leptogrammica), Oriental Bay-owl (Phodilus badius), and Rhinoceros Hornbill (Buceros rhinoceros). Several findings are supported with detailed documentations and direct observation data that can be accounted for. This information denotes that Tahura Raden Soerjo is a potential hotspot to be preserved for the sake of the rare bird species and the other biodiversity.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Tahura Raden Soerjo, sighting reports, distribution, observation</p>

<p>Chestnut-bellied Hill-Partridge (Arborophila javanica) is an endemic species of Java, and also one of four endemic partridge species in the Greater Sunda islands. This species is constituted by three subspecies which differ in the color pattern of their head. The first reported sighting of Chestnut-bellied Hill-Partridge (Arborophila javanica lawuana) in Cangar is by Nijman in 2003, and for these past ten years the observation data has been inadequately obtained by local birdwatchers although its call is remarkable ; the call might be frequently heard by birdwatchers but got missed. Several information about this bird has been collected, including its sound recording that we used during observations. Observations were conducted around Cangar tourism object, particularly along the main road linking Pacet (Mojokerto) and Batu (Malang). The observations resulted in the data on its behavior and the best observation spot, that is in Lemahbang.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Chestnut-bellied Hill-Partridge, endemic bird, observation spot, Tahura Raden Soerjo.</p>

Three poorly known nocturnal mammal species from the montane forests of the Taita Hills in Kenya, were studied via vocalization analysis. Here, their acoustic behaviour is described. The studied animals were the tree hyrax (Dendrohyrax sp.), the small-eared greater galago (Otolemur garnettii), and the dwarf galago (Paragalago sp.). High-quality loud calls were analysed using RAVEN PRO, and compared to calls of presumed closest relatives. Our findings include the first detailed descriptions of tree hyrax songs. Moreover, our results suggest that the tree hyrax of Taita Hills may be a taxon new to science, as it produces a characteristic call, the ‘strangled thwack’, not previously known from other Dendrohyrax populations. Our data confirms that the small-eared greater galago subspecies living in the Taita Hills is Otolemur garnettii lasiotis. The loud calls of the elusive Taita Hills dwarf galago closely resemble those of the Kenya coast dwarf galago (Paragalago cocos). Thus, the population in the Taita Hills probably belongs to this species. The Taita Hills dwarf galagos are geographically isolated from other dwarf galago populations, and live in montane cloud forest, which is an unusual habitat for P. cocos. Intriguingly, two dwarf galago subpopulations living in separate forest patches in the Taita Hills, Ngangao and Mbololo, have clearly different contact calls. The Paragalagos in Mbololo Forest may represent a population of P. cocos with a derived call repertoire, or, alternatively, they may actually be mountain dwarf galagos (P. orinus). Hence, differences in habitat, behaviour, and contact call structure suggest that there may be two different Paragalago species in the montane forests of the Taita Hills.

Nagaratengah Village, Cineam subdistrict, Tasikmalaya Regency in the past have a significant role. In the past, the village was once the capital of Galuh (Ciamis) Regency before it was transferred to Imbanagara. In Imbanagara, the center of Government was named Barunay, this name is the name of the center of Government while in Nagaratengah. As the center of Government, in Blok Barunay there are historicalarchaeological remains, such as the tomb of Raden Adipati Aryadikusumah, Raden Arya Panji Subrata, and Pangeran Arya Panjikusumah. Around this location there are suspected archaeological remains, such as Kyai Malanggedang's tomb and other tombs. The existence of these tombs should be examined about its shape, age, and location. Thus the study aims to answer these three things. The method for obtaining an appointment is to conduct a library study, observe directly in the field, and conduct interviews with selected speakers. Based on the study, there is an overview of old tombs with markers of upright rocks at the top or top of the hill. The tombs are derived from the same period, namely Islamic period, at the end of the Nagaratengah kingdom.

Twelve new species of Crotonia are described from rainforests in Queensland and Northern New South Wales, Australia. Crotonia sterigma sp. nov. belongs to a new species group, Borbora, to which C. borbora Luxton, 1987, redescribed here, and for which a lectotype is designated, is re-assigned from the Capistrata group. Six species belong to the Capistrata group (C. brisbanensis sp. nov., C. maculata sp. nov., C. monteithi sp. nov., C. daviesae sp. nov., C. weiri sp. nov., and C. yeatesi sp. nov.). Previously-known Australian members of the Capistrata group, C. ardala Luxton, 1987 and C. capistrata Luxton, 1987, are redescribed and lectotypes are designated. Four species, C. cameroni sp. nov., C. queenslandiae sp. nov., C. eungella sp. nov. and C. seemani sp. nov., belong to the Cophinaria species-group and one, C. raveni sp. nov. is morphologically so different from other Crotonia spp. that it is also assigned to a new species-group. This brings the number of species of Crotonia recorded from Australia to 27, almost half of the global fauna. Mostspecies show localised distribution in rainforest remnants, characteristic of short-range endemics with apparently low dispersal capabilities, are subject to constraints of body water balance and thus confined to wet habitats. They can be divided into those associated with a northern region (ca. 16–18°S) centred around the Wet Tropics from Cape Tribulation to the Walter Hill Range (C. ardala, C. borbora, C. capistrata, C. monteithi), a central region (ca. 20–18°S) from Mount Dryander to Byfield (C. cameroni, C. eungella, C. seemani) and a southern region (ca. 26-28°S) from the Conondale Range to Whian Whian (C. brisbanensis, C. daviesae, C. queenslandiae, C. raveni, C. weiri, and C. yeatesi). Other species are long-range endemics. Crotonia maculata sp. nov. is found throughout all three regions and C. sterigma sp. nov. is found in both the central and southern regions. Several species show a series of characters that are considered to function in aiding the accumulation and retention of mineral soil and organic debris adhering to the cerotegument. These characters include the elongation of the caudal apophyses, expansion or elongation of the notogastral shield, retention of the elongated, flagelliform nymphal form of the notogastral setae and retention of nymphal exuviae in the caudal region. The layer of detritus covering the cerotegument was dissected off the cuticle of adult female and tritonymphal C. raveni sp. nov. and was found to constitute more than the mean wet weight of the mites. The acquisition by the mites of the detrital layer after each moult is considered to function as a general anti-predator system and in the reduction of body water loss.

Oral traditions of Indigenous American peoples (as well as those of other Indigenous peoples) have long been discussed with regard to their reliability as metaphorical accounts based upon historical knowledge. I explore this debate using stories to discuss the importance of the role of Corvidae in Indigenous knowledge traditions and how these stories convey information about important socioecological relationships. Contemporary science reveals that Corvids important in cultural traditions were companions to humans and important components of the ecology of the places where these peoples lived. Ravens, Crows, Jays, and Magpies are identified as having special roles as cooperators, agents of change, trickster figures, and important teachers. Canada (or Gray) Jays serve as trickster/Creator of the Woodland Cree people, Wisakyjak. Magpies won the Great Race around the Black Hills to determine whether humans would eat bison or vice versa. I analyze these stories in terms of their ecological meaning, in an effort to illustrate how the stories employ dramatic settings to encourage respect and fix relationships in the sociocultural memory of the people.

The combination of landforms under urban areas of Kyiv plays a decisive role in the formation and development of the city. Various morphosystems of the city has experienced significant transformations over the long-lasting history of Kyiv, which find the reflection in the modern terrain of the cityGeomorphological excursions as a kind of scientific and cognitive activity became one of the ways to explore the relief of the city, learn the interaction of the geomorphological component of the urban landscape and the development of the city at its various historical stages. It’s a promising component of the study program for Earth Science students as long as it’s the best method for studying typical for urban geosystems processes and phenomenons. Excursions ought to fulfill several functions such as scientific propaganda, popularization of geomorphological science, have informative and educational value. According to the main methodological principles, creating a new excursion demands following specific steps, including selection of the goals and purposes of the tour, major and minor destinations due to the topic of the tour, designing tour routes and organizing the final text materials for the tours. There are four geomorphological tours represented in the article. The main purpose of the first excursion is to determine the impact of the landforms features on the construction of Kyiv fortification and to highlight the landscape transformations of the explored areas. The scientific aspect of this route includes exploration of the remnants of the great Kiev retrenchment, the signs of the landslide processes on the right bank slopes of Dnipro river. The second tour is aimed at studying of the transformation of Kyiv ravens - Babyn Yar and Repiiahiv yar , in particular. Due to its purpose of getting students acquainted with the influence of the natural conditions of the area on the course of historical events, the main objects are virgin original landscapes of the ravens as well as transformed areas, the drainage of the stream Babyn Yar and the evidence of an industrial disaster - Kureniv tragedy. The third excursion, highlighted in the article, is aimed at revealing the transformation of the Goloseivsky Forest and provides an overview of the natural and man-made forest landscapes, the influence of the geological and geomorphological conditions of the territory on its economic development, planning and development of the city. The fourth tour aims to provide an insight into the unique natural features and peculiarities of the Kiev hills’ history, as a center of the city formation. The tour is a great way to increase knowledge of the influence of geomorphological conditions on the development of Kyiv at different historical stages, the differentiation of functional parts of the city due to the landforms contrast. Geomorphological excursions demonstrated in the article are the most representative as long as they provide a comprehensive understanding of the relief of the Kiev urban sphere, help to track the development of the city throughout all historical epochs, learn geomorphological factors and their impact on the development of different parts of Kyiv.

- Matthew Amster, Jérôme Rousseau, Kayan religion; Ritual life and religious reform in Central Borneo. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998, 352 pp. [VKI 180.] - Atsushi Ota, Johan Talens, Een feodale samenleving in koloniaal vaarwater; Staatsvorming, koloniale expansie en economische onderontwikkeling in Banten, West-Java, 1600-1750. Hilversum: Verloren, 1999, 253 pp. - Wanda Avé, Johannes Salilah, Traditional medicine among the Ngaju Dayak in Central Kalimantan; The 1935 writings of a former Ngaju Dayak Priest, edited and translated by A.H. Klokke. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 1998, xxi + 314 pp. [Borneo Research Council Monograph 3.] - Peter Boomgaard, Sandra Pannell, Old world places, new world problems; Exploring issues of resource management in eastern Indonesia. Canberra: Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, Australian National University, 1998, xiv + 387 pp., Franz von Benda-Beckmann (eds.) - H.J.M. Claessen, Geoffrey M. White, Chiefs today; Traditional Pacific leadership and the postcolonial state. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1997, xiv + 343 pp., Lamont Lindstrom (eds.) - H.J.M. Claessen, Judith Huntsman, Tokelau; A historical ethnography. Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1996, xii + 355 pp., Antony Hooper (eds.) - Hans Gooszen, Gavin W. Jones, Indonesia assessment; Population and human resources. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1997, 73 pp., Terence Hull (eds.) - Rens Heringa, John Guy, Woven cargoes; Indian textiles in the East. London: Thames and Hudson, 1998, 192 pp., with 241 illustrations (145 in colour). - Rens Heringa, Ruth Barnes, Indian block-printed textiles in Egypt; The Newberry collection in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. Volume 1 (text): xiv + 138 pp., with 32 b/w illustrations and 43 colour plates; Volume 2 (catalogue): 379 pp., with 1226 b/w illustrations. - H.M.J. Maier, David T. Hill, Beyond the horizon; Short stories from contemporary Indonesia. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, 1998, xxxviii + 201 pp. - John N. Miksic, Helena A. van Bemmel, Dvarapalas in Indonesia; Temple guardians and acculturation, 1994, xvii + 249 pp. Rotterdam: Balkema. [Modern Quarternary Research in Southeast Asia 13.] - Remco Raben, Paul van Beckum, Adoe Den Haag; Getuigessen uit Indisch Den Haag. Den Haag: SeaPress, 1998, 200 pp. - Cornelia M.J. van der Sluys, Colin Nicholas, Pathway to dependence; Commodity relations and the dissolution of Semai society. Clayton: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1994, vii + 130 pp. [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia 33.] - David Stuart-Fox, Herman C. Kemp, Bibliographies on Southeast Asia. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998, xvii + 1128 pp. - Sikko Visscher, Lynn Pan, The encyclopedia of the Chinese overseas. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 1999, 399 pp. - Sikko Visscher, Jurgen Rudolph, Reconstructing identities; A social history of the Babas in Singapore. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998, 507 pp. - Edwin Wieringa, Perry Moree, ‘Met vriend die God geleide’; Het Nederlands-Aziatisch postvervoer ten tijde van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 1998, 287 pp. - Edwin Wieringa, Monique Zaini-Lajoubert, L’image de la femme dans les littératures modernes indonésienne et malaise. Paris: Association Archipel, 1994, ix + 221 pp. [Cahiers d‘Archipel 24.]

This study aims to examine the effectiveness of cognitive behavior group guidance in reducing the negative mindset of vocational students. The study was carried out starting from February to July 2018, which took place at the SMK Kepuhdoko Tembelang Jombang. This study used an experimental design with the design of the Pretest and Posttest Design Group. Data were analyzed by Paired Sample Test t-test, obtained the result of tcount was 6,500 and probability number (Sig. (2-tailed) was 0.001 with df = 5. Then the results were compared with the ttable at a significant level of 5% test 2 parties with df = 5, so that the ttable is 2.571 or 6,500> 2,571. The probability value obtained is 0.001> 0.005, so it can be concluded that cognitive behavior group guidance is effective in reducing the negative mindset of vocational high-school students based on the results of the research recommended for teacher`s guidance and counseling. Applying cognitive-behavioral group guidance as one of the alternative help in reducing the negative mindset of high-school students. Furthermore, researchers can use the results of this study to be used as a reference related to cognitive behavior group guidance, and further researchers can use research designs other than one group pretest and posttest design, for example time series design and n single-subject design. References Arikunto, S. (2010). Penelitian suatu pendekatan praktik edisi revisi. Jakarta: PT. Rineka Cipta. Depdiknas. (2012). Dokumen kurikulum 2013. Jakarta: Kemendikbud. Dewi, S., Tobing, D. H., & Hizkia, D. (2014). Kebermaknaan hidup pada anak pidana di Bali. Jurnal Psikologi Udayana, 1(2), 322-334. Elfiky, I. (2013). Terapi berpikir positif. Jakarta: Penerbit Zaman. Habsy, B. A. (2017a). Model konseling kelompok cognitive behavior untuk meningkatkan self esteem siswa SMK. Perspektif Ilmu Pendidikan, 31(1), 21-35. doi: https://doi.org/10.21009/PIP.311.4 Habsy, B. A. (2017b). Filosofi ilmu bimbingan dan konseling Indonesia. Jurnal Pendidikan (Teori dan Praktik), 2(1), 1-11. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jp.v2n1.p1-11 Habsy, B. A. (2018a). Konseling rasional emotif perilaku: sebuah tinjauan filosofis. Indonesian Journal of Educational Counseling, 2(1), 13-30. doi: https://doi.org/10.30653/001.201821.25 Habsy, B. A. (2018b). Model bimbingan kelompok PPPM untuk mengembangkan pikiran rasional korban bullying siswa SMK etnis Jawa. Jurnal Pendidikan (Teori dan Praktik), 2(2), 91-99. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jp.v2n2.p91-99 Hurlock, E. B. (1966). Adolescent development (3rd ed.). New York, NY, US: McGraw-Hill. Mardhika, R. (2016). Hubungan pola pikir negatif dan kecemasan terhadap cara berbicara di depan umum mahasiswa program studi pendidikan kepelatihan olahraga. Jurnal Buana Pendidikan, 12(22), 88-98. http://jurnal.unipasby.ac.id/index.php/jurnal_buana_pendidikan/article/view/620 Matson, J. L., & Ollendick, T. H. (1988). Enhancing children's social skills. Oxpord: Pergamon Press. Muqodas, I. (2011). Cognitive-behaviour theraphy: Solusi pendekatan praktek konseling di Indonesia. Diakses dari http://idatmuqodas.blogspot.com/2012/02/cognitive-behaviortherapy-solusi.html Rini, J. F. (2002). Memupuk rasa percaya diri. Jakarta: Team e-Psikologi. Rusydi, A. (2012). Husn Al-Zhann: Konsep berpikir positif dalam perspektif psikologi islam dan manfaatnya bagi kesehatan mental. Jurnal Proyeksi, 7(1), 1-31. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/p.7.1.1-31 Santrock, J. W. (2003). Perkembangan remaja. Jakarta: Erlangga. Sary, Y. N. E. (2017). Perkembangan kognitif dan emosi psikologi masa remaja awal. J-PENGMAS (Jurnal Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat), 1(1), 6-12. http://ojshafshawaty.ac.id/index.php/jpengmas/article/view/1 Siregar, E. Y. (2013). Penerapan cognitive behavior therapy (cbt) terhadap pengurangan durasi bermain games pada individu yang mengalami games addiction. Jurnal Psikologi, 9(1), 17-24. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jp.v9i1.136 Sugiyono. (2013). Metode penelitian pendidikan pendekatan kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan R&D. Bandung: Alfabeta. Wati, S. (2017). Efektivitas pendekatan konseling kognitif perilaku dalam mengatasi dampak negatif alat komunikasi (smartphone) pada peserta didik kelas XI SMK PGRI 4 Bandar Lampung tahun 2015-2016. Tesis. Lampung: IAIN Raden Intan Lampung.

Manual of Radiology. Acute Problems and Essential Procedures.: Edited by J. Eng. 351 pages. Lippincott-Raven 1997. ISBN 0-397-51768-8. Price, softbound: USD 34.50. Reviewed by Rickard Nyman Contrast Sonography in Gynaecology. Edited by F. Degerhardt. 96 pages, 99 illustrations, 5 coloured graphs, 17 tables. Thieme Verlag 1996. ISBN 0-86577-704-7. Price: DEM 148. Reviewed by Paul Nilsson Clinical Imaging, an Atlas of Differential Diagnosis. 3rd edn. Edited by R. L. Eisenberg. 1246 pages, Lippincott-Raven 1997. ISBN 0-397-51679-7. Price, hardbound: USD 206. Reviewed by Rickard Nyman Basic Radiology. Edited by M. Y. M. Chen et al. McGraw-Hill 1996. ISBN 0-07-011148-0. Price: GBP 34.50. Reviewed by Sven Nilsson. Contrast-Enhanced MRI of the Breast, 2nd den. by S. H. Heywang-Kobrunner and R. Beck. 229 pages. Springer-Verlag 1996. ISBN 3-540-58975-9. Price, hardcover: DEM 148. Reviewed by Per Skaane Radiology of Trauma. Edited by M. Heller and A. Fink. Springer-Verlag 1997. ISBN 3-540-5932-1. Price: DEM 298. Reviewed by Rickard Nyman CT and Sonography of the Acute Abdomen, 2nd edn. by R. Brooke Jeffrey Jr and Philip W. Ralls. Lippincott-Raven, New York 1996. ISBN 0-7817-0287-9. Price: USD 144. Reviewed by Anders Elvin Ultrasound Contrast Agents. Edited by B. Goldberg. Martin Dunitz Publishers, London 1996. ISBN 1-85317-283-9. Hardcover. Reviewed by Pave1 Pinkava and Anders Elvin

Pocas palabras definen mejor una característica central de la Amazonia compemporánea, y esa es “Biodiversidad”. La profesora de la Universidad de Texas-Austin, Mega Raby, indaga sobre las raíces de la ciencia asociada a la biodiversidad, la cual debe ser referida a renombrados biólogos de los Estados Unidos que hicieron una carrera en el neotrópico, particularmente vinculados al Gran Caribe. Si las primeras asociaciones científicas, programas universitarios y revistas especializadas en los inicios de la diversidad biológica, sólo aparecieron hacia 1960, su origen debe ser referido a comunidades de investigación centradas en estaciones científicas, un tipo de investigación asentada en lugares específicos.Esos biólogos que lograron posicionar el término se reunieron en septiembre de 1986 en Washington D.C. durante el “Foro Nacional sobre Biodiversidad” que, dice la autora, aunque reunía investigadores de los Estados Unidos, tenía una pretensión mundial. Entre ellos debe mencionarse a los nombres más rutilantes de la comunidad de la conservación, tales como Edward O. Wilson, Thomas Lovejoy, Paul Ehrlich, Peter Raven, Stephen Jay Gould y Michael Soulé. Los organizadores de la Conferencia acuñaron el término de “biodiversidad”. Se trataba de llamar la atención sobre que la preocupación sobre la conservación debía saltar cualitativamente del énfasis sobre lugares silvestres o especies amenazadas, hacia la vida de la Tierra misma.

On the night of 31 August, 1888, Mary Ann ‘Polly’ Nichols was found murdered in Buck’s Row, her throat slashed and her body mutilated. She was followed by Annie Chapman on 8 September in the year of 29 Hanbury Street, Elizabeth Stride in Dutfield’s Yard and Catherine Eddowes in Mitre Square on 30 September, and finally Mary Jane Kelly in Miller’s Court, on 9 November. These five women, all prostitutes, were victims of an unknown assailant commonly referred to by the epithet ‘Jack the Ripper’, forming an official canon which excludes at least thirteen other cases around the same time. As the Ripper was never identified or caught, he has attained an almost supernatural status in London’s history and literature, immortalised alongside other iconic figures such as Sherlock Holmes. And his killing ground, the East End suburb of Whitechapel, has become notorious in its own right. In this article, I will discuss how Whitechapel developed as a Gothic location through the body of literature devoted to the Whitechapel murders of 1888, known as 'Ripperature'. I will begin by speaking to the turn of Gothic literature towards the idea of the city as a Gothic space, before arguing that Whitechapel's development into a Gothic location may be attributed to the threat of the Ripper and the literature which emerged during and after his crimes. As a working class slum with high rates of crime and poverty, Whitechapel already enjoyed an evil reputation in the London press. However, it was the presence of Jack that would make the suburb infamous into contemporary times. The Gothic Space of the City In the nineteenth century, there was a shift in the representation of space in Gothic literature. From the depiction of the wilderness and ancient buildings such as castles as essentially Gothic, there was a turn towards the idea of the city as a Gothic space. David Punter attributes this turn to Robert Louis Stevenson’s 1886 novel The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. The wild landscape is no longer considered as dangerous as the savage city of London, and evil no longer confined only to those of working-class status (Punter 191). However, it has been argued by Lawrence Phillips and Anne Witchard that Charles Dickens may have been the first author to present London as a Gothic city, in particular his description of Seven Dials in Bell’s Life in London, 1837, where the anxiety and unease of the narrator is associated with place (11). Furthermore, Thomas de Quincey uses Gothic imagery in his descriptions of London in his 1821 book Confessions of an English Opium-Eater, calling the city a “vast centre of mystery” (217). This was followed in 1840 with Edgar Allen Poe’s story The Man of the Crowd, in which the narrator follows a stranger through the labyrinthine streets of London, experiencing its poorest and most dangerous areas. At the end of the story, Poe calls the stranger “the type and the genius of deep crime (...) He is the man of the crowd” (n. p). This association of crowds with crime is also used by Jack London in his book The People of the Abyss, published in 1905, where the author spent time living in the slums of the East End. Even William Blake could be considered to have used Gothic imagery in his description of the city in his poem London, written in 1794. The Gothic city became a recognisable and popular trope in the fin-de-siècle, or end-of-century Gothic literature, in the last few decades of the nineteenth century. This fin-de-siècle literature reflected the anxieties inherent in increasing urbanisation, wherein individuals lose their identity through their relationship with the city. Examples of fin-de-siècle Gothic literature include The Beetle by Richard Marsh, published in 1897, and Bram Stoker’s Dracula, published in the same year. Evil is no longer restricted to foreign countries in these stories, but infects familiar city streets with terror, in a technique that is described as ‘everyday Gothic’ (Paulden 245). The Gothic city “is constructed by man, and yet its labyrinthine alleys remain unknowable (...) evil is not externalized elsewhere, but rather literally exists within” (Woodford n.p). The London Press and Whitechapel Prior to the Ripper murders of 1888, Whitechapel had already been given an evil reputation in the London press, heavily influenced by W.T. Stead’s reports for The Pall Mall Gazette, entitled The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon, in 1885. In these reports, Stead revealed how women and children were being sold into prostitution in suburbs such as Whitechapel. Stead used extensive Gothic imagery in his writing, one of the most enduring being the image of London as a labyrinth with a monstrous Minotaur at its centre, swallowing up his helpless victims. Counter-narratives about Whitechapel do exist, an example being Henry Mayhew’s London Labour and the London Poor, who attempted to demystify the East End by walking the streets of Whitechapel and interviewing its inhabitants in the 1860’s. Another is Arthur G. Morrison, who in 1889 dismissed the graphic descriptions of Whitechapel by other reporters as amusing to those who actually knew the area as a commercially respectable place. However, the Ripper murders in the autumn of 1888 ensured that the Gothic image of the East End would become the dominant image in journalism and literature for centuries to come. Whitechapel was a working-class slum, associated with poverty and crime, and had a large Jewish and migrant population. Indeed the claim was made that “had Whitechapel not existed, according to the rationalist, then Jack the Ripper would not have marched against civilization” (Phillips 157). Whitechapel was known as London’s “heart of darkness (…) the ultimate threat and the ultimate mystery” (Ackroyd 679). Therefore, the reporters of the London press who visited Whitechapel during and immediately following the murders understandably imbued the suburb with a Gothic atmosphere in their articles. One such newspaper article, An Autumn Evening in Whitechapel, released in November of 1888, demonstrates these characteristics in its description of Whitechapel. The anonymous reporter, writing during the Ripper murders, describes the suburb as a terrible dark ocean in which there are human monsters, where a man might get a sense of what humanity can sink to in areas of poverty. This view was shared by many, including author Margaret Harkness, whose 1889 book In Darkest London described Whitechapel as a monstrous living entity, and as a place of vice and depravity. Gothic literary tropes were also already widely used in print media to describe murders and other crimes that happened in London, such as in the sensationalist newspaper The Illustrated Police News. An example of this is an illustration published in this newspaper after the murder of Mary Kelly, showing the woman letting the Ripper into her lodgings, with the caption ‘Opening the door to admit death’. Jack is depicted as a manifestation of Death itself, with a grinning skull for a head and clutching a doctor’s bag filled with surgical instruments with which to perform his crimes (Johnston n.p.). In the magazine Punch, Jack was depicted as a phantom, the ‘Nemesis of Neglect’, representing the poverty of the East End, floating down an alleyway with his knife looking for more victims. The Ripper murders were explained by London newspapers as “the product of a diseased environment where ‘neglected human refuse’ bred crime” (Walkowitz 194). Whitechapel became a Gothic space upon which civilisation projected their inadequacies and fears, as if “it had become a microcosm of London’s own dark life” (Ackroyd 678). And in the wake of Jack the Ripper, this writing of Whitechapel as a Gothic space would only continue, with the birth of ‘Ripperature’, the body of fictional and non-fiction literature devoted to the murders. The Birth of Ripperature: The Curse upon Mitre Square and Leather Apron John Francis Brewer wrote the first known text about the Ripper murders in October of 1888, a sensational horror monograph entitled The Curse upon Mitre Square. Brewer made use of well-known Gothic tropes, such as the trans-generational curse, the inclusion of a ghost and the setting of an old church for the murder of an innocent woman. Brewer blended fact and fiction, making the Whitechapel murderer the inheritor, or even perhaps the victim of an ancient curse that hung over Mitre Square, where the second murdered prostitute, Catherine Eddowes, had been found the month before. According to Brewer, the curse originated from the murder of a woman in 1530 by her brother, a ‘mad monk’, on the steps of the high altar of the Holy Trinity Church in Aldgate. The monk, Martin, committed suicide, realising what he had done, and his ghost now appears pointing to the place where the murder occurred, promising that other killings will follow. Whitechapel is written as both a cursed and haunted Gothic space in The Curse upon Mitre Square. Brewer’s description of the area reflected the contemporary public opinion, describing the Whitechapel Road as a “portal to the filth and squalor of the East” (66). However, Mitre Square is the former location of a monastery torn down by a corrupt politician; this place, which should have been holy ground, is cursed. Mitre Square’s atmosphere ensures the continuation of violent acts in the vicinity; indeed, it seems to exude a self-aware and malevolent force that results in the death of Catherine Eddowes centuries later. This idea of Whitechapel as somehow complicit in or even directing the acts of the Ripper will later become a popular trope of Ripperature. Brewer’s work was advertised in London on posters splashed with red, a reminder of the blood spilled by the Ripper’s victims only weeks earlier. It was also widely promoted by the media and reissued in New York in 1889. It is likely that a ‘suggestion effect’ took place during the telegraph-hastened, press-driven coverage of the Jack the Ripper story, including Brewer’s monograph, spreading the image of Gothic Whitechapel as fact to the world (Dimolianis 63). Samuel E. Hudson’s account of the Ripper murders differs in style from Brewer’s because of his attempt to engage critically with issues such as the failure of the police force to find the murderer and the true identity of Jack. His book Leather Apron; or, the Horrors of Whitechapel, London, was published in December of 1888. Hudson described the five murders canonically attributed to Jack, wrote an analysis of the police investigation that followed, and speculated as to the Ripper’s motivations. Despite his intention to examine the case objectively, Hudson writes Jack as a Gothic monster, an atavistic and savage creature prowling Whitechapel to satisfy his bloodlust. Jack is associated with several Gothic tropes in Hudson’s work, and described as different types of monsters. He is called: a “fiend bearing a charmed and supernatural existence,” a “human vampire”, an “incarnate monster” and even, like Brewer, the perpetrator of “ghoulish butchery” (Hudson 40). Hudson describes Whitechapel as “the worst place in London (...) with innumerable foul and pest-ridden alleys” (9). Whitechapel becomes implicated in the Ripper murders because of its previously established reputation as a crime-ridden slum. Poverty forced women into prostitution, meaning they were often out alone late at night, and its many courts and alleyways allowed the Ripper an easy escape from his pursuers after each murder (Warwick 560). The aspect of Whitechapel that Hudson emphasises the most is its darkness; “off the boulevard, away from the streaming gas-jets (...) the knave ran but slight chance of interruption” (40). Whitechapel is a place of shadows, its darkest places negotiated only by ‘fallen women’ and their clients, and Jack himself. Hudson’s casting of Jack as a vampire makes his preference for the night, and his ability to skilfully disembowel prostitutes and disappear without a trace, intelligible to his readers as the attributes of a Gothic monster. Significantly, Hudson’s London is personified as female, the same sex as the Ripper victims, evoking a sense of passive vulnerability against the acts of the masculine and predatory Jack, Hudson writing that “it was not until four Whitechapel women had perished (...) that London awoke to the startling fact that a monster was at work upon her streets” (8). The Complicity of Gothic Whitechapel in the Ripper Murders This seeming complicity of Whitechapel as a Gothic space in the Ripper murders, which Brewer and Hudson suggest in their work, can be seen to have influenced subsequent representations of Whitechapel in Ripperature. Whitechapel is no longer simply the location in which these terrible events take place; they happen because of Whitechapel itself, the space exerting a self-conscious malevolence and kinship with Jack. Historically, the murders forced Queen Victoria to call for redevelopment in Spitalfields, the improvement of living conditions for the working class, and for a better police force to patrol the East End to prevent similar crimes (Sugden 2). The fact that Jack was never captured “seemed only to confirm the impression that the bloodshed was created by the foul streets themselves: that the East End was the true Ripper,” (Ackroyd 678) using the murderer as a way to emerge into the public consciousness. In Ripperature, this idea was further developed by the now popular image of Jack “stalking the black alleyways [in] thick swirling fog” (Jones 15). This otherworldly fog seems to imply a mystical relationship between Jack and Whitechapel, shielding him from view and disorientating his victims. Whitechapel shares the guilt of the murders as a malevolent and essentially pagan space. The notion of Whitechapel as being inscribed with paganism and magic has become an enduring and popular trope of Ripperature. It relates to an obscure theory that drawing lines between the locations of the first four Ripper murders created Satanic and profane religious symbols, suggesting that they were predetermined locations for a black magic ritual (Odell 217). This theory was expanded upon most extensively in Alan Moore’s graphic novel From Hell, published in 1999. In From Hell, Jack connects several important historical and religious sites around London by drawing a pentacle on a map of the city. He explains the murders as a reinforcement of the pentacle’s “lines of power and meaning (...) this pentacle of sun gods, obelisks and rational male fire, within unconsciousness, the moon and womanhood are chained” (Moore 4.37). London becomes a ‘textbook’, a “literature of stone, of place-names and associations,” stretching back to the Romans and their pagan gods (Moore 4.9). Buck’s Row, the real location of the murder of Mary Ann Nichols, is pagan in origin; named for the deer that were sacrificed on the goddess Diana’s altars. However, Moore’s Whitechapel is also Hell itself, the result of Jack slipping further into insanity as the murders continue. From Hell is illustrated in black and white, which emphasises the shadows and darkness of Whitechapel. The buildings are indistinct scrawls of shadow, Jack often nothing more than a silhouette, forcing the reader to occupy the same “murky moral and spiritual darkness” that the Ripper does (Ferguson 58). Artist Eddie Campbell’s use of shade and shadow in his illustrations also contribute to the image of Whitechapel-as-Hell as a subterranean place. Therefore, in tracing the representations of Whitechapel in the London press and in Ripperature from 1888 onwards, the development of Whitechapel as a Gothic location becomes clear. From the geographical setting of the Ripper murders, Whitechapel has become a Gothic space, complicit in Jack’s work if not actively inspiring the murders. Whitechapel, although known to the public before the Ripper as a crime-ridden slum, developed into a Gothic space because of the murders, and continues to be associated with the Gothic in contemporary Ripperature as an uncanny and malevolent space “which seems to compel recognition as not of this earth" (Ackroyd 581). References Anonymous. “An Autumn Evening in Whitechapel.” Littell’s Living Age, 3 Nov. 1888. Anonymous. “The Nemesis of Neglect.” Punch, or the London Charivari, 29 Sep. 1888. Ackroyd, Peter. London: The Biography. Great Britain: Vintage, 2001. Brewer, John Francis. The Curse upon Mitre Square. London: Simpkin, Marshall and Co, 1888. De Quincey, Thomas. Confessions of an English Opium-Eater. Boston: Ticknor, Reed and Fields, 1850. Dimolianis, Spiro. Jack the Ripper and Black Magic: Victorian Conspiracy Theories, Secret Societies and the Supernatural Mystique of the Whitechapel Murders. North Carolina: McFarland and Co, 2011. Ferguson, Christine. “Victoria-Arcana and the Misogynistic Poetics of Resistance in Iain Sinclair’s White Chappell, Scarlet Tracings and Alan Moore’s From Hell.” Lit: Literature Interpretation Theory 20.1-2 (2009): 58. Harkness, Mary, In Darkest London. London: Hodder and Staughton, 1889. Hudson, Samuel E. Leather Apron; or, the Horrors of Whitechapel. London, Philadelphia, 1888. Johnstone, Lisa. “Rippercussions: Public Reactions to the Ripper Murders in the Victorian Press.” Casebook 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.casebook.org/dissertations/rippercussions.html›. London, Jack. The People of the Abyss. New York: Lawrence Hill, 1905. Mayhew, Henry. London Labour and the London Poor, Volume 1. London: Griffin, Bohn and Co, 1861. Moore, Alan, Campbell, Eddie. From Hell: Being a Melodrama in Sixteen Parts. London: Knockabout Limited, 1999. Morrison, Arthur G. “Whitechapel.” The Palace Journal. 24 Apr. 1889. Odell, Robin. Ripperology: A Study of the World’s First Serial Killer and a Literary Phenomenon. Michigan: Sheridan Books, 2006. Paulden, Arthur. “Sensationalism and the City: An Explanation of the Ways in Which Locality Is Defined and Represented through Sensationalist Techniques in the Gothic Novels The Beetle and Dracula.” Innervate: Leading Undergraduate Work in English Studies 1 (2008-2009): 245. Phillips, Lawrence, and Anne Witchard. London Gothic: Place, Space and the Gothic Imagination. London: Continuum International, 2010. Poe, Edgar Allen. “The Man of the Crowd.” The Works of Edgar Allen Poe. Vol. 5. Raven ed. 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2151/2151-h/2151-h.htm›. Punter, David. A New Companion to the Gothic. Sussex: Blackwell Publishing, 2012. Stead, William Thomas. “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon.” The Pall Mall Gazette, 6 July 1885. Sugden, Peter. The Complete History of Jack the Ripper. London: Robinson Publishing, 2002. Walkowitz, Judith R. City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London, London: Virago, 1998. Woodford, Elizabeth. “Gothic City.” 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://courses.nus.edu.au/sg/ellgohbh/gothickeywords.html›.

"The eye altering, alters all." - Blake In his essay "How Culture Conditions the Colours We See," Umberto Eco claims that chromatic perception is determined by language. Regarding language as the primary modeling system, Eco argues for linguistic predominance over visual experience: ". . . the puzzle we are faced with is neither a psychological one nor an aesthetic one: it is a cultural one, and as such is filtered through a linguistic system" (159). Eco goes on to explain that he is 'very confused' about chromatic effect, and his arguments do a fine job of illustrating that confusion. To Eco's claim that color perception is determined by language, one can readily point out that both babies and animals, sans language, experience--and respond to--color perception. How then can color be only a cultural matter? Eco attempts to make a connection between the "negative concept" of a geopolitical unit (e.g., Holland or Italy defined by what is not Holland or Italy) and a chromatic system in which "units are defined not in themselves but in terms of opposition and position in relation to other units" (171). Culture, however, is not the only determinant in the opposition that defines certain colors: It is a physiological phenomenon that the eye, after staring at one color (for example, red) for a long time, will see that color's complement, its opposite (green), on a white background. Language is a frustrating tool when discussing color: languages throughout the world have only a limited number of words for the myriad color-sensations experienced by the average eye. Though language training and tradition have an undoubtedly profound effect on our color sense, our words for color constitute only one part of the color expression and not always the most important one. In his Remarks on Colour (1950-51), Wittgenstein observed: 'When we're asked 'What do the words 'red', 'blue', 'black', 'white' mean?' we can, of course, immediately point to things which have these colours,--but our ability to explain the meanings of these words goes no further!' (I-68). We can never say with complete certainly that what this writer meant by this color (we are already in trouble) is understood by this reader (the woods are now officially burning). A brief foray into the world of color perception discloses that, first and foremost, a physiological process, not a cultural one, takes place when a person sees colors. In his lively Art & Physics (1991), Leonard Shlain observes that "Color is the subjective perception in our brains of an objective feature of light's specific wavelengths. Each aspect is inseparable from the other" (170). In his 1898 play To Damascus I, August Strindberg indicated specifically in a stage direction that the Mourners and Pallbearers were to be dressed in brown, while allowing the characters to defy what the audience saw and claim that they were wearing black. In what may well be the first instance of such dramatic toying with an audience's perception, Strindberg forces us to ask where colors exist: In the subject's eye or in the perceived object? In no other feature of the world does such an interplay exist between subject and object. Shlain notes that color "is both a subjective opinion and an objective feature of the world and is both an energy and an entity" (171). In the science of imaging (the transfer of one color digital image from one technology to another) recent research has suggested that human vision may be the best model for this process. Human vision is spatial: it views colors also as sensations involving relationships within an entire image. This phenomenon is part of the process of seeing and unique to the way humans see. In some ways color terms illustrate Roland Barthes's arguments (in S/Z) that connotation actually precedes denotation in language--possibly even produces what we normally consider a word's denotation. Barthes refers to denotation as 'the last of connotations' (9). Look up 'red' in the American Heritage Dictionary and the first definition you find is a comparison to 'blood.' Blood carries with it (or the reader brings to it) a number of connotations that have long inspired a tradition of associating red with life, sex, energy, etc. Perhaps the closest objective denotation for red is the mention of 'the long wavelength end of the spectrum,' which basically tells us nothing about experiencing the color red. Instead, the connotations of red, many of them based on previous perceptual experience, constitute our first encounter with the word 'red.' I would not be so inclined to apply Barthes's connotational hierarchy when one sees red in, say, a painting--an experience in which some of the subjectivity one brings to a color is more limited by the actual physical appearance of the hue chosen by the artist. Also, though Barthes talks about linguistic associations, colors are more inclined to inspire emotional associations which sometimes cannot be expressed in language. As Gaston Bachelard wrote in Air and Dreams: An Essay on the Imagination of Movement: 'The word blue designates, but it does not render' (162). Still, the 'pluralism' Barthes argues for in reading seems particularly present in the reader's encounter with color terms and their constant play of objectivity/subjectivity. In painting color was first released from the confines of form by the Post-Impressionists Cézanne, Gauguin, and van Gogh, who allowed the color of the paint, the very marks on the canvas, to carry the power of expression. Following their lead, the French Fauve painters, under the auspices of Matisse, took the power of color another step further. Perhaps the greatest colorist of the twentieth century, Matisse understood that colors possess a harmony all their own--that colors call out for their complements; he used this knowledge to paint some of the most harmonious canvases in the history of art. 'I use the simplest colors,' Matisse wrote in 'The Path of Color' (1947). 'I don't transform them myself, it is the relationships that take care of that' (178). When he painted the Red Studio, for example, the real walls were actually a blue-gray; he later said that he 'felt red' in the room--and so he painted red (what he felt), leaving the observer to see red (what she feels). Other than its descriptive function, what does language have to do with any of this? It is a matter of perception and emotion. At a 1998 Seattle art gallery exhibit of predominantly monochromatic sculptures featuring icy white glass objects, I asked the artist why he had employed so little color in his work (there were two small pieces in colored glass and they were not as successful). He replied that "color has a tendency to get away from you," and so he had avoided it as much as possible. The fact that color has a power all its own, that the effects of chromaticism depend partially on how colors function beyond the associations applied to them, has long been acknowledged by more expressionistic artists. Writing to Emile Bernard in 1888, van Gogh proclaimed: 'I couldn't care less what the colors are in reality.' The pieces of the color puzzle which Umberto Eco wishes to dismiss, the psychological and the aesthetic, actually serve as the thrust of most pictorial and literary uses of color spaces. Toward the end of his essay, Eco bows to Klee, Mondrian, and Kandinsky (including even the poetry of Virgil) and their "artistic activity," which he views as working "against social codes and collective categorization" (175). Perhaps these artists and writers retrieved color from the deadening and sometimes restrictive effects of culture. Committed to the notion that the main function of color is expression, Matisse liberated color to abolish the sense of distance between the observer and the painting. His innovations are still baffling theorists: In Reconfiguring Modernism: Exploring the Relationship between Modern Art and Modern Literature, Daniel R. Schwarz bemoans the difficulty in viewing Matisse's decorative productions in 'hermeneutical patterns' (149). Like Eco, Schwarz wants to replace perception and emotion with language and narrativity. Language may determine how we express the experience of color, but Eco places the cart before the horse if he actually believes that language 'determines' chromatic experience. Eco is not alone: the Cambridge linguist John Lyons, observing that color is 'not grammaticalised across the languages of the world as fully or centrally as shape, size, space, time' (223), concludes that colors are the product of language under the influence of culture. One is reminded of Goethe's remark that "the ox becomes furious if a red cloth is shown to him; but the philosopher, who speaks of color only in a general way, begins to rave" (xli). References Bachelard, Gaston. Air and Dreams: An Essay on the Imagination of Movement. Dallas: The Dallas Institute Publications, 1988. Barthes, Roland. S/Z. Trans. Richard Miller. New York: Hill and Wang, 1974. Eco, Umberto. 'How Culture Conditions the Colours We See.' On Signs. Ed. M. Blonsky. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985. 157-75. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang. The Theory of Colors. Trans. Charles Lock Eastlake. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1970. Lyons, John. 'Colour in Language.' Colour: Art & Science. Ed. Trevor Lamb and Janine Bourriau. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 194-224. Matisse, Henri. Matisse on Art. Ed. Jack Flam. Rev. ed. Berkeley: University of California, 1995. Riley, Charles A., II. Color Codes: Modern Theories of Color in Philosophy, Painting and Architecture, Literature, Music and Psychology. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1995. Schwarz, Daniel R. Reconfiguring Modernism: Explorations in the Relationship between Modern Art and Modern Literature. New York: St. Martin's, 1997. Shlain, Leonard. Art & Physics: Parallel Visions in Space, Time & Light. New York: Morrow, 1991. Strindberg, August. To Damascus in Selected Plays. Volume 2: The Post-Inferno Period. Trans. Evert Sprinchorn. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986. 381-480. Van Gogh, Vincent. The Letters of Vincent van Gogh. Trans. Arnold Pomerans. London: Penguin, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Mussari, Mark. "Umberto Eco Would Have Made a Bad Fauve" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/eco.php>. Chicago Style Mussari, Mark, "Umberto Eco Would Have Made a Bad Fauve" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/eco.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Mussari, Mark. (2002) Umberto Eco Would Have Made a Bad Fauve. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/eco.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction A snapshot, not unlike countless photographs likely to be found in any number of family albums, shows two figures sitting on a park bench: an elderly and amiable looking man grins beneath the rim of a golf cap; a young boy of twelve smiles wide for the camera — a rather banal scene, captured on film. And yet, this seemingly innocent and unexceptional photograph was the site of a remarkable and wide ranging discourse — encompassing American conservatism, celebrity politics, and the end of the Cold War — as the image circulated around the globe during the weeklong state funeral of Ronald Wilson Reagan, 40th president of the United States. Taken in 1997 by the young boy’s grandfather, Ukrainian immigrant Yakov Ravin, during a chance encounter with the former president, the snapshot is believed to be the last public photograph of Ronald Reagan. Published on the occasion of the president’s death, the photograph made “instant celebrities” of the boy, now a twenty-year-old college student, Rostik Denenburg and his grand dad. Throughout the week of Reagan’s funeral, the two joined a chorus of dignitaries, politicians, pundits, and “ordinary” Americans praising Ronald Reagan: “The Great Communicator,” the man who defeated Communism, the popular president who restored America’s confidence, strength, and prosperity. Yes, it was mourning in America again. And the whole world was watching. Not since Princess Diana’s sudden (and unexpected) death, have we witnessed an electronic hagiography of such global proportions. Unlike Diana’s funeral, however, Reagan’s farewell played out in distinctly partisan terms. As James Ridgeway (2004) noted, the Reagan state funeral was “not only face-saving for the current administration, but also perhaps a mask for the American military debacle in Iraq. Not to mention a gesture of America’s might in the ‘war on terror.’” With non-stop media coverage, the weeklong ceremonies provided a sorely needed shot in the arm to the Bush re-election campaign. Still, whilst the funeral proceedings and the attendant media coverage were undeniably excessive in their deification of the former president, the historical white wash was not nearly so vulgar as the antiseptic send off Richard Nixon received back in 1994. That is to say, the piety of the Nixon funeral was at once startling and galling to many who reviled the man (Lapham). By contrast, given Ronald Reagan’s disarming public persona, his uniquely cordial relationship with the national press corps, and most notably, his handler’s mastery of media management techniques, the Reagan idolatry was neither surprising nor unexpected. In this brief essay, I want to consider Reagan’s funeral, and his legacy, in relation to what cultural critics, referring to the production of celebrity, have described as “fame games” (Turner, Bonner & Marshall). Specifically, I draw on the concept of “flashpoints” — moments of media excess surrounding a particular personage — in consideration of the Reagan funeral. Throughout, I demonstrate how Reagan’s death and the attendant media coverage epitomize this distinctive feature of contemporary culture. Furthermore, I observe Reagan’s innovative approaches to electoral politics in the age of television. Here, I suggest that Reagan’s appropriation of the strategies and techniques associated with advertising, marketing and public relations were decisive, not merely in terms of his electoral success, but also in securing his lasting fame. I conclude with some thoughts on the implications of Reagan’s legacy on historical memory, contemporary politics, and what neoconservatives, the heirs of the Reagan Revolution, gleefully describe as the New American Century. The Magic Hour On the morning of 12 June 2004, the last day of the state funeral, world leaders eulogized Reagan, the statesmen, at the National Cathedral in Washington, D.C. Among the A-List political stars invited to speak were Margaret Thatcher, former president George H. W. Bush and, to borrow Arundhati Roi’s useful phrase, “Bush the Lesser.” Reagan’s one-time Cold War adversary, Mikhail Gorbachev, as well as former Democratic presidents, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were also on hand, but did not have speaking parts. Former Reagan administration officials, Supreme Court justices, and congressional representatives from both sides of the aisle rounded out a guest list that read like a who’s who of the American political class. All told, Reagan’s weeklong sendoff was a state funeral at its most elaborate. It had it all—the flag draped coffin, the grieving widow, the riderless horse, and the procession of mourners winding their way through the Rotunda of the US Capitol. In this last regard, Reagan joined an elite group of seven presidents, including four who died by assassination — Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley and John F. Kennedy — to be honored by having his remains lie in state in the Rotunda. But just as the deceased president was product of the studio system, so too, the script for the Gipper’s swan song come straight out of Hollywood. Later that day, the Reagan entourage made one last transcontinental flight back to the presidential library in Simi Valley, California for a private funeral service at sunset. In Hollywood parlance, the “magic hour” refers to the quality of light at dusk. It is an ideal, but ephemeral time favored by cinematographers, when the sunlight takes on a golden glow lending grandeur, nostalgia, and oftentimes, a sense of closure to a scene. This was Ronald Reagan’s final moment in the sun: a fitting end for an actor of the silver screen, as well as for the president who mastered televisual politics. In a culture so thoroughly saturated with the image, even the death of a minor celebrity is an occasion to replay film clips, interviews, paparazzi photos and the like. Moreover, these “flashpoints” grow in intensity and frequency as promotional culture, technological innovation, and the proliferation of new media outlets shape contemporary media culture. They are both cause and consequence of these moments of media excess. And, as Turner, Bonner and Marshall observe, “That is their point. It is their disproportionate nature that makes them so important: the scale of their visibility, their overwhelmingly excessive demonstration of the power of the relationship between mass-mediated celebrities and the consumers of popular culture” (3-4). B-Movie actor, corporate spokesman, state governor and, finally, US president, Ronald Reagan left an extraordinary photographic record. Small wonder, then, that Reagan’s death was a “flashpoint” of the highest order: an orgy of images, a media spectacle waiting to happen. After all, Reagan appeared in over 50 films during his career in Hollywood. Publicity stills and clips from Reagan’s film career, including Knute Rockne, All American, the biopic that earned Reagan his nickname “the Gipper”, King’s Row, and Bedtime for Bonzo provided a surreal, yet welcome respite from television’s obsessive (some might say morbidly so) live coverage of Reagan’s remains making their way across country. Likewise, archival footage of Reagan’s political career — most notably, images of the 1981 assassination attempt; his quip “not to make age an issue” during the 1984 presidential debate; and his 1987 speech at the Brandenburg Gate demanding that Soviet President Gorbachev, “tear down this wall” — provided the raw materials for press coverage that thoroughly dominated the global mediascape. None of which is to suggest, however, that the sheer volume of Reagan’s photographic record is sufficient to account for the endless replay and reinterpretation of Reagan’s life story. If we are to fully comprehend Reagan’s fame, we must acknowledge his seminal engagement with promotional culture, “a professional articulation between the news and entertainment media and the sources of publicity and promotion” (Turner, Bonner & Marshall 5) in advancing an extraordinary political career. Hitting His Mark In a televised address supporting Barry Goldwater’s nomination for the presidency delivered at the 1964 Republican Convention, Ronald Reagan firmly established his conservative credentials and, in so doing, launched one of the most remarkable and influential careers in American politics. Political scientist Gerard J. De Groot makes a compelling case that the strategy Reagan and his handlers developed in the 1966 California gubernatorial campaign would eventually win him the presidency. The centerpiece of this strategy was to depict the former actor as a political outsider. Crafting a persona he described as “citizen politician,” Reagan’s great appeal and enormous success lie in his uncanny ability to project an image founded on traditional American values of hard work, common sense and self-determination. Over the course of his political career, Reagan’s studied optimism and “no-nonsense” approach to public policy would resonate with an electorate weary of career politicians. Charming, persuasive, and seemingly “authentic,” Reagan ran gubernatorial and subsequent presidential campaigns that were distinctive in that they employed sophisticated public relations and marketing techniques heretofore unknown in the realm of electoral politics. The 1966 Reagan gubernatorial campaign took the then unprecedented step of employing an advertising firm, Los Angeles-based Spencer-Roberts, in shaping the candidate’s image. Leveraging their candidate’s ease before the camera, the Reagan team crafted a campaign founded upon a sophisticated grasp of the television industry, TV news routines, and the medium’s growing importance to electoral politics. For instance, in the days before the 1966 Republican primary, the Reagan team produced a five-minute film using images culled from his campaign appearances. Unlike his opponent, whose television spots were long-winded, amateurish and poorly scheduled pieces that interrupted popular programs, like Johnny Carson’s Tonight Show, Reagan’s short film aired in the early evening, between program segments (De Groot). Thus, while his opponent’s television spot alienated viewers, the Reagan team demonstrated a formidable appreciation not only for televisual style, but also, crucially, a sophisticated understanding of the nuances of television scheduling, audience preferences and viewing habits. Over the course of his political career, Reagan refined his media driven, media directed campaign strategy. An analysis of his 1980 presidential campaign reveals three dimensions of Reagan’s increasingly sophisticated media management strategy (Covington et al.). First, the Reagan campaign carefully controlled their candidate’s accessibility to the press. Reagan’s penchant for potentially damaging off-the-cuff remarks and factual errors led his advisors to limit journalists’ interactions with the candidate. Second, the character of Reagan’s public appearances, including photo opportunities and especially press conferences, grew more formal. Reagan’s interactions with the press corps were highly structured affairs designed to control which reporters were permitted to ask questions and to help the candidate anticipate questions and prepare responses in advance. Finally, the Reagan campaign sought to keep the candidate “on message.” That is to say, press releases, photo opportunities and campaign appearances focused on a single, consistent message. This approach, known as the Issue of the Day (IOD) media management strategy proved indispensable to advancing the administration’s goals and achieving its objectives. Not only was the IOD strategy remarkably effective in influencing press coverage of the Reagan White House, this coverage promoted an overwhelmingly positive image of the president. As the weeklong funeral amply demonstrated, Reagan was, and remains, one of the most popular presidents in modern American history. Reagan’s popular (and populist) appeal is instructive inasmuch as it illuminates the crucial distinction between “celebrity and its premodern antecedent, fame” observed by historian Charles L. Ponce de Leone (13). Whereas fame was traditionally bestowed upon those whose heroism and extraordinary achievements distinguished them from common people, celebrity is a defining feature of modernity, inasmuch as celebrity is “a direct outgrowth of developments that most of us regard as progressive: the spread of the market economy and the rise of democratic, individualistic values” (Ponce de Leone 14). On one hand, then, Reagan’s celebrity reflects his individualism, his resolute faith in the primacy of the market, and his defense of “traditional” (i.e. democratic) American values. On the other hand, by emphasizing his heroic, almost supernatural achievements, most notably his vanquishing of the “Evil Empire,” the Reagan mythology serves to lift him “far above the common rung of humanity” raising him to “the realm of the divine” (Ponce de Leone 14). Indeed, prior to his death, the Reagan faithful successfully lobbied Congress to create secular shrines to the standard bearer of American conservatism. For instance, in 1998, President Clinton signed a bill that officially rechristened one of the US capitol’s airports to Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport. More recently, conservatives working under the aegis of the Ronald Reagan Legacy Project have called for the creation of even more visible totems to the Reagan Revolution, including replacing Franklin D. Roosevelt’s profile on the dime with Reagan’s image and, more dramatically, inscribing Reagan in stone, alongside Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and Teddy Roosevelt at Mount Rushmore (Gordon). Therefore, Reagan’s enduring fame rests not only on the considerable symbolic capital associated with his visual record, but also, increasingly, upon material manifestations of American political culture. The High Stakes of Media Politics What are we to make of Reagan’s fame and its implications for America? To begin with, we must acknowledge Reagan’s enduring influence on modern electoral politics. Clearly, Reagan’s “citizen politician” was a media construct — the masterful orchestration of ideological content across the institutional structures of news, public relations and marketing. While some may suggest that Reagan’s success was an anomaly, a historical aberration, a host of politicians, and not a few celebrities — Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Arnold Schwarzenegger among them — emulate Reagan’s style and employ the media management strategies he pioneered. Furthermore, we need to recognize that the Reagan mythology that is so thoroughly bound up in his approach to media/politics does more to obscure, rather than illuminate the historical record. For instance, in her (video taped) remarks at the funeral service, Margaret Thatcher made the extraordinary claim — a central tenet of the Reagan Revolution — that Ronnie won the cold war “without firing a shot.” Such claims went unchallenged, at least in the establishment press, despite Reagan’s well-documented penchant for waging costly and protracted proxy wars in Afghanistan, Africa, and Central America. Similarly, the Reagan hagiography failed to acknowledge the decisive role Gorbachev and his policies of “reform” and “openness” — Perestroika and Glasnost — played in the ending of the Cold War. Indeed, Reagan’s media managed populism flies in the face of what radical historian Howard Zinn might describe as a “people’s history” of the 1980s. That is to say, a broad cross-section of America — labor, racial and ethnic minorities, environmentalists and anti-nuclear activists among them — rallied in vehement opposition to Reagan’s foreign and domestic policies. And yet, throughout the weeklong funeral, the divisiveness of the Reagan era went largely unnoted. In the Reagan mythology, then, popular demonstrations against an unprecedented military build up, the administration’s failure to acknowledge, let alone intervene in the AIDS epidemic, and the growing disparity between rich and poor that marked his tenure in office were, to borrow a phrase, relegated to the dustbin of history. In light of the upcoming US presidential election, we ought to weigh how Reagan’s celebrity squares with the historical record; and, equally important, how his legacy both shapes and reflects the realities we confront today. Whether we consider economic and tax policy, social services, electoral politics, international relations or the domestic culture wars, Reagan’s policies and practices continue to determine the state of the union and inform the content and character of American political discourse. Increasingly, American electoral politics turns on the pithy soundbite, the carefully orchestrated pseudo-event, and a campaign team’s unwavering ability to stay on message. Nowhere is this more evident than in Ronald Reagan’s unmistakable influence upon the current (and illegitimate) occupant of the White House. References Covington, Cary R., Kroeger, K., Richardson, G., and J. David Woodward. “Shaping a Candidate’s Image in the Press: Ronald Reagan and the 1980 Presidential Election.” Political Research Quarterly 46.4 (1993): 783-98. De Groot, Gerard J. “‘A Goddamed Electable Person’: The 1966 California Gubernatorial Campaign of Ronald Reagan.” History 82.267 (1997): 429-48. Gordon, Colin. “Replace FDR on the Dime with Reagan?” History News Network 15 December, 2003. http://hnn.us/articles/1853.html>. Lapham, Lewis H. “Morte de Nixon – Death of Richard Nixon – Editorial.” Harper’s Magazine (July 1994). http://www.harpers.org/MorteDeNixon.html>. Ponce de Leon, Charles L. Self-Exposure: Human-Interest Journalism and the Emergence of Celebrity in America, 1890-1940. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 2002. Ridgeway, James. “Bush Takes a Ride in Reagan’s Wake.” Village Voice (10 June 2004). http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0423/mondo5.php>. Turner, Graeme, Frances Bonner, and P. David Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Zinn, Howard. The Peoples’ History of the United States: 1492-Present. New York: Harper Perennial, 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Howley, Kevin. "Always Famous: Or, The Electoral Half-Life of Ronald Reagan." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/17-howley.php>. APA Style Howley, K. (Nov. 2004) "Always Famous: Or, The Electoral Half-Life of Ronald Reagan," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/17-howley.php>.