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Santos, Flores Kevin A. "The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1268941542.
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Richardson, Robert Gregory. "US foreign policy ideology & the Reagan administration /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr521.pdf.
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Ward, Jay W. "Federal policy on agriculture under the Reagan administration the first year /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5679.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 19, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.
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Holm, Michael 1975. "Brothers in arms : Congress, the Reagan administration and Contra aid, 1981-1986." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101882.
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From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.
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Pee, Robert Edward. "Democracy promotion, national security and strategy during the Reagan administration, 1981-1986." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4625/.
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This study examines the relationship of democracy promotion to national security in US strategy through an examination of the influence of geopolitical, bureaucratic and organisational considerations on the effort to create a coherent strategic approach fusing democracy promotion and national security under the Reagan administration. This process highlighted geopolitical and organisational tensions between democracy promotion and US national security. Groups within the administration, Congress and the private sphere disagreed over whether US geopolitical interests required the limited deployment of democracy promotion against Soviet Communism or a more expansive effort aimed at both Communist and pro-US dictatorships. These debates were linked to clashes over the credibility and effectiveness of competing state-centred or privately-implemented organisational frameworks. The organisational resolution was the National Endowment for Democracy, which intervened on a tactical basis in dictatorships, with US assistance, to safeguard US national security by supporting pro-US democratic groups. However the concept of privately-implemented democracy promotion blocked agreement on geopolitical objectives and the creation of a coherent strategy reconciling democracy promotion and US national security. Tensions between these two imperatives continue to recur and can be resolved only on a case-by-case basis rather than at the strategic level.
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Berry, Peter Douglas. "Environmental politics and the Reagan administration, interests, ideas and values in international leadership." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0020/NQ53913.pdf.
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Richert, Lucas. "Pills, politics, and pitfalls : The food and drug administration during the Reagan years." Thesis, University of London, 2010. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.536790.
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Hatfield, Jeremy R. "For God and Country: The Religious Right, the Reagan Administration, and the Cold War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1365158195.
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Holland, James Michael. "Competing in a Confined Arena." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1386720175.
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Duric, Mira. "The strategic defence initiative and the end of the Cold War : US policy and the Soviet Union." Thesis, Keele University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343246.
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Davis, Alexander. "The Reagan Administration as the Origin of the Shift from Citizen to Consumer Building in American Education." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36715.
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Current American education is comprised of and influenced by a myriad of complex legislative, technological, and cultural representations of consumption, however this historic-educational study specifically examines how the Reagan administration discursively initiated the consumerizing educational framework. While existing research studies the neoliberal implications on education, this study addresses the neoliberal reforms under President Reagan within the discursive paradigm of its consumerizing impact. By using Critical Discourse Analysis on a selection of Presidential proclamations, speeches, and national educational reports, this study examines and elucidates how the Reagan administration created the consumerizing framework for American education. The Reagan administration distinguished American education from its predecessors as prioritizing the consuming potential of students, while simultaneously situating education as a commodity. The Reagan administration discursively positioned education as a commodity by implementing the free market values of competition and choice. Through Reagan’s encouragement of corporate involvement and rewarding the tenacity of business initiatives in education, American education transitioned from a democratic ideal to a market-oriented institution. This was specifically accomplished through positioning Reagan’s predecessors as misguided and situating Reagan as a rescuer, while legitimating the reforms as adhering to the American spirit. Similarly, business was presented as embodying the essence of the American spirit and being a rejuvenating force. Choice and competition were recontextualized from their economic purpose and recommended as a new form of educational governance. By understanding the results through the lens of some Frankfurt School thinkers and expanding on Bowles and Gintis’ educational theory, this study argues that Reagan’s reforms embodied a physical consumerizing aspect and an interactional consumerizing facet as necessary for the economy of post-industrial America.
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Kfir, Isaac Izy. "The impact of the New Right on the Reagan administration : Kirkpatrick & UNESCO as a test case." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1602/.
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The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by 'New Right' ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. Each group is examined in turn. Chapter 3 looks at whether the Reagan administration was a New Right administration. The chapter is divided into three sections; economic, social and foreign policy. In each domain one can see the administration's attempt to fulfil its New Right agenda with varying degrees of success. Chapter 4 investigates Kirkpatrick's approach to the United Nations. Her themes at the UN ('America First', liberty and the Western political system, politicisation and the 'rights debate') were very much in line with what the New Right was seeking of Reagan both internally and externally. Chapter 5 examines the reasons behind the American decision to withdraw from UNESCO in 1984. It demonstrates that the reasons for the withdrawal were essentially political, as the justifications given by the administration were weak. In conclusion the essence of the thesis is to show that the Reagan presidency embodied many of the ideas of the New Right. Although in domestic policy its success was debatable. However, in foreign policy and especially in US-UN and US- UNESCO relationships the ideas of the New Right were predominant.
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Finch, David C. "The influence of the Joint Chiefs of Staff upon public policy formulation during the first Reagan administration." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1990. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Oueslati, Salah. "Pouvoirs et limites des agences fédérales américaines de F. D. Roosevelt à R. Reagan : cas des commissions réglementaires indépendantes." Paris 4, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA040293.
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Le but de cette these est d'etudier les acteurs qui interviennent dans le processus reglementaire pour exercer une pression sur les commissions independantes. La premiere partie traite du pouvoir et de la structure des commissions, et de la place de celles-ci dans le systeme politique americain. Puis les moyens qui permettent au president et au congres d'influencer l'action des commissions. La quatrieme partie explique les theories de la reglementation et decrit l'environnement dans lequel fonctionnent les commissions, puis la dereglementation de certaines activites economiques. La derniere partie est consacree a l'etude du controle judiciaire des decisions des commissionsThe aim of this thesis is the study of different actors that intervene in the regulatory process to put pressure on the independant commissions. Its first part deals with the commissions' power and structure and with the place of these commissions in the american political system. Then, the analysis of the means which allow the president and the congress to influence the action of the commissions. The fourth part explains the theories of regulation and describes the environment in which the commissions operate, then the deruglation of some economic activities. The last part deals with the judicial review of the commissions' decisions
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Wills, Mary Jo. "Analysis of the Appointment of the First African American Ambassador to Apartheid-Era South Africa." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/70875.
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This study applies the metaphor of two-level games to generate explanations of how and why President Reagan chose to appoint Edward J. Perkins ambassador to South Africa. It explored the relationship between national and international factors that may have influenced Reagan's decision, as well as his policy preferences, beliefs and values. International factors included U.S.-South Africa relations, alliances, international organizations, and transnational movements for human rights and racial equality. Among the domestic factors were the dynamics between the executive and legislative branches of government, interest groups, and activism. National and international politics and policies overlapped in four areas' "strategic interests, race, morality, and national values. Analysis of the evidence suggests that while international events were an important part of the context of the decision, domestic politics and the President's own views had the most influence on the decision. The Perkins appointment exemplified how a personnel selection might reaffirm national reconciliation of opposing views on race, ethnicity, democratic values and national interests.Ph. D.
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Dessí, Andrea T. "Normalizing the Israel asset : the Reagan administration and the second cold war in the Middle East : leverage, blowback and the institutionalization of the US-Israel 'special relationship'." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3825/.
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The US-Israel relationship reached a critical, institutionalizing juncture during the 1980s. Measurable in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Reagan administration had a transformative impact on bilateral ties, institutionalizing ad hoc forms of cooperation while modifying prevailing discourse to recognize Israel as an 'ally' and a 'strategic asset' in the Cold War. New bureaucratic agreements were signed, bilateral working groups formed and joint military exercises held throughout a decade that capped a long familiarization process between societies and political elites in the two countries. By the end of the 1980s, many of the bureaucratic frameworks that today still govern the US-Israeli relationship were institutionalized, as were those elements of preferential treatment commonly cited as proof for the 'special' or 'unique' nature of US-Israel ties. This study focusses on the institutional and bureaucratic dimensions of US support for Israel, examining the changing rationalizations for this support and the way this relates to the salient theme of a mutual struggle for influence and leverage over the policies of the other. Drawing on recently declassified documents, complimented with high-level interviews and other materials, the research answers three interrelated questions as to 'why' this institutionalization process was carried out, 'how' it would materialize and 'what effects' these processes would have on future US policy towards Israel and the Middle East. While predicated on an effort to enhance US leverage over Israel, the study argues that the institutionalization of the relationship would formalize interdependence between the two countries, consolidating a 'policy straitjacket' that has constrained presidential freedom of action towards both Israel and the broader Middle East. This has furthered the US's 'entrapment' in a quasi-exclusivist relationship with Israel that has enhanced a process of 'Israelization' of US approaches and viewpoints on Middle East developments, harming US influence while transforming the US into an active participant and major obstacle to a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the broader stabilization of the Middle East.
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Santiago, Maleny. "The Rise of Mass Incarceration: Black Oppression as a Means of Public “Safety”." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2249.
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Mass incarceration is a popular term in today’s society that is means to describe the high incarceration rate in the United States. Because of this, the United States has the largest prison population in the world. Mass incarceration is a movement that truly began to make headway during Reagan’s presidency and his declaration of a War on Drugs. The sensationalization of the dangers of crack cocaine sparked a “tough on crime” mentality and a long series of punitive measures that would come to disproportionately affect the black community. Today, mass incarceration has become an extremely controversial topic. The debate has centered on whether this country is too punitive and how current policies may be disproportionately affecting black men as they make up 33% of the prison population but only 12% of the general population (Alexander, 2010). However, regardless of the controversy, mass incarceration continues to affect millions of individuals in this country. Thus, the question is why individuals continue to be imprisoned at such alarming rates. Not only has the prison system take a strong foothold in this country but its power and influence continue to grow with the prison industrial complex. Therefore, ensuring that future generations will continue to be affected. In order to stop mass incarceration, we must consider alternatives to our prison system, such as a focus on rehabilitation rather than deterrence. Or perhaps an abolition of our prison system altogether.
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Jones, Mary Ellen. "Politically Corrected Science: The Early Negotiation of U.S. Agricultural Biotechnology Policy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29868.
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This social history of science policy development emphasizes the impact on the agricultural community of federal policies regarding release of recombinant DNA (rDNA) organisms into the environment. The history also demonstrates that the U.S. Coordinated Framework for Biotechnology Regulation (1986) is based principally in political criteria, not solidly based in science as its proponents claimed. The power struggle among policy negotiators with incompatible belief systems resulted in a political correction of biotechnology. I also demonstrate that episodes in the rDNA controversy occur in repetitive and periodic patterns.
During the 1980s, the first rDNA microbial pesticide, Ice-Minus, struggled through a policy gauntlet of federal agency approval processes, a Congressional hearing, and many legal actions before it was finally released into the environment. At the height of the controversy (1984-1986), the Reagan Administration would admit no new laws or regulations to slow the development of technologies or hinder American international competitiveness. At the same time, Jeremy Rifkin, a radical activist representing a green world view, used the controversy to agitate for social and economic reform. Meanwhile, a group of Congressional aides who called themselves the "Cloneheads" used the debate to fight for more public participation in the science policy-making process.
Conflicting perspectives regarding biotechnology originated, not in level of understanding of the science involved, but in personal perspectives that were outwardly expressed as political group affiliations. The direction of federal biotechnology policy was influenced most successfully by politically best-positioned individuals (what I call a "hierarchy effect") who based decisions on how biotechnology harmonized with their pre-existing beliefs. The success of their actions also depended on timing.
Historical events during the rDNA controversy followed the same periodic pattern--gestation, threshold, crisis/conflict, and quasi-quiescence--through two consecutive eras--the Containment Era (1970s) and the Release Era (1980s). These periods are modeled after Fletcher's stages through which ethical issues evolve (1990). However, an agricultural perspective on the debate reveals that such stages also occur in finer detail on repeating, overlapping, and multi-level scales. Knowledge of this periodicity may be useful in predicting features of future episodes of the rDNA controversy.Ph. D.
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Dunn, David Hastings. "The politics of threat : minuteman vulnerability as an issue in the Carter Reagan administrations." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261795.
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Odom, Ronnie Hugh. "Continuity and change in the United States' Soviet policy during the Carter and Reagan administrations /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2007-2/odomr/ronnieodom.pdf.
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Considine, Laura. "What we talk about when we talk about trust : nuclear weapons in the Nixon and Reagan Administrations." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/97656a84-3295-499f-8002-ca0a28379a13.
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This thesis asks what it is that we are doing when we talk about trust in international politics. It begins by reviewing the recent and growing body of literature on trust and International Relations, locating this more nascent collection of literature within a wider, established body of social science work on trust in disciplines such as psychology, political science, business and management studies. It claims that an implicit but ubiquitous assumption about how words gain meaning underpins the literature, and that this assumption precedes and limits the range of possibilities for the form of the subsequent research. The thesis challenges this way of understanding by deploying Ludwig Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations. It then undertakes an alternative study of trust that acts as an ostensive challenge to the literature and thus shows by example how accepting different sites and processes of meaning can add to our understanding of words such as trust in International Relations. It accomplishes this through a 'grammatical investigation' of the uses of trust by President Richard M. Nixon and President Ronald Reagan regarding nuclear weapons and nuclear arms control with the Soviet Union. Using these examples, the thesis then suggests several alternative ways of talking about trust that would provide avenues for further research while avoiding the semantic and methodological difficulties of the dominant social science approaches. The contribution of this work is to challenge prevailing assumptions about words and meaning that exist within the literature and in so doing, to open up a path for alternative ways to talk about words like trust in International Relations.
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Spear, Joanna. "A comparison of the conventional arms transfer policies and practices of the Carter and Reagan administrations, 1977-1985." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329156.
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Hendrix, Michael Patrick. "The Hammer and the Anvil : the convergence of United States and South African foreign policies during the Reagan and Botha Administrations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71724.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an historical analysis of the American policy of Constructive Engagement and serves as a comprehensive review of that policy, its ideological foundation, formulation, aims, and strategies. This study also serves as a detailed assessment of the policy’s ties to the South African Total National Strategy. Constructive Engagement, according to the Reagan Administration, was designed to lend American support to a controlled process of change within the Republic of South Africa. This change would be accomplished by encouraging a “process of reform” that would be accompanied by American “confidence building” with the apartheid regime. Before this process could begin, however, the region had to be stabilized, and the conflicts within southern Africa resolved. With the assistance of American diplomacy, peace could be brought to the region, and South Africa could proceed to political reform within the Republic. In reality, the most important aims of Constructive Engagement were to minimize Soviet influence within the Frontline States of southern Africa and remove the Cuban combat forces from Angola. These goals would be largely achieved by supporting and encouraging the South African policy of destabilizing its neighbours, called the Total National Strategy. This alignment inexorably led to a situation in which global policy issues eclipsed regional concerns, thereby making the United States a collaborator with the apartheid regime. Consequently, South Africa was allowed to continue its program of apartheid while enjoying American encouragement of its policy of regional destabilization, particularly its cross-border attacks into Angola and Mozambique. The U.S. support for the apartheid government offered through Constructive Engagement made the policy vulnerable to criticism that the apartheid regime’s “experiment with reform” was not a move toward liberalizing the Republic’s political system but that it was tailored to deny citizenship through the establishment of Bantustans, a point that provided ammunition to domestic opponents of Constructive Engagement. For a time, U.S.-South African cooperation was effective; the Frontline States were grudgingly forced to accept Pretoria’s regional hegemony. However, dominance of the Frontline States did not improve the security of the South African state. The African National Congress had not been defeated and was determined to make the Republic ungovernable. Furthermore, by the late-1980s, Pretoria could not dominate southern Africa and Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe, which, although crippled from years of war, appeared poised to reassert themselves in the region. For South Africa, the Total National Strategy had failed, and coexistence with its neighbours would be a necessity. Without a powerful apartheid regime with which to reduce communist influence in southern Africa, the Reagan Administration abandoned Constructive Engagement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is ’n historiese analise van die Amerikaanse beleid van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid en dien as ’n omvattende oorsig van dié beleid, sy ideologiese grondslag, formulering, oogmerke en strategieë. Dit dien ook as ’n gedetailleerde beoordeling van die beleid se bande met Suid-Afrika se Totale Nasionale Strategie. Volgens die Reagan-administrasie was Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid bedoel om Amerikaanse steun te verleen aan ’n beheerde proses van verandering binne die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Hierdie verandering sou bereik word deur die aanmoediging van ’n ‘hervormingsproses’ wat met Amerikaanse ‘bou van vertroue’ met die apartheidregime gepaardgaan. Voordat dié proses kon begin moes die streek egter eers gestabiliseer en die konflikte binne Suider-Afrika opgelos word. Met behulp van Amerikaanse diplomasie kon vrede in die streek bewerkstellig word, en kon Suid-Afrika oorgaan tot binnelandse politieke hervorming. In werklikheid was die vernaamste oogmerke van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid om Sowjet-invloed binne die Frontliniestate van Suider-Afrika te minimaliseer en die Kubaanse gevegsmagte uit Angola te verwyder. Dié doelwitte sou grootliks bereik word deur die ondersteuning en aanmoediging van Suid-Afrika se beleid om sy buurstate te destabiliseer, wat as die Totale Nasionale Strategie bekend gestaan het. Hierdie ooreenstemming van belange het noodwendig gelei tot ’n situasie waar globale beleidskwessies streeksaangeleenthede oorskadu, en sodoende die Verenigde State van Amerika ’n kollaborateur van die apartheidregime gemaak. Gevolglik is Suid-Afrika toegelaat om sy apartheidprogram voort te sit terwyl hy Amerikaanse aanmoediging van sy beleid van streeksdestabilisering geniet, veral sy oorgrensaanvalle in Angola en Mosambiek. Die Amerikaanse steun vir die apartheidregering wat deur Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid gebied is, het die beleid vatbaar gemaak vir kritiek dat die apartheidregering se ‘eksperiment met hervorming’ nie ’n stap in die rigting van die liberalisering van die Republiek se politieke stelsel is nie, maar eerder toegespits is op die ontsegging van burgerskap deur die vestiging van Bantoestans, ’n punt wat ammunisie verskaf het aan teenstanders van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid binne die VSA. Die VSA-RSA-samewerking was vir ’n tyd lank doeltreffend; die Frontliniestate moes skoorvoetend Pretoria se streekshegemonie aanvaar. Oorheersing van die Frontliniestate het egter nie die veiligheid van die Suid-Afrikaanse staat verbeter nie. Die African National Congress was nie verslaan nie en was vasbeslote om die Republiek onregeerbaar te maak. Boonop kon Pretoria teen die laat-1980s nie Suider-Afrika domineer nie en Angola, Mosambiek en Zimbabwe, hoewel verswak weens jare se oorlogvoering, het gereed gelyk om hulle weer in die streek te laat geld. Vir Suid-Afrika het die Totale Nasionale Strategie misluk, en naasbestaan met sy buurstate sou ’n noodsaaklikheid wees. Sonder ’n magtige apartheidregime waarmee kommunistiese invloed in Suider-Afrika verminder kon word, het die Reagan-administrasie Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid laat vaar.
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Dean, Robert Dale. "Manhood, reason, and American foreign policy: The social construction of masculinity and the Kennedy and Johnson administrations." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187268.
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This dissertation explores the ways that specific constructions of "masculinity" and related "gendered" discourses of political power helped shape the foreign policy decisions of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. I argue that both prescriptive and proscriptive aspects of an elite "ideology of masculinity" played an important role in Kennedy administration innovations like counterinsurgency programs or the Peace Corps. The U.S. intervention in Vietnam under both Presidents was shaped in significant ways by a decision-making process embedded in a gendered discourse that equated negotiation with "appeasement," "softness," feminized weakness, and the collapse of boundaries; the use of force was construed as "tough-minded," a pragmatic "hardness" to buttress vital imperial and domestic political boundaries. This dissertation places analytical and interpretive emphasis on the heretofore largely unexamined role of gender and culture in American foreign policy of the Cold War. The study has two aspects. The first focuses on the creation of elite masculine "identity-narratives"; I examine the patterns of masculine socialization common to Kennedy and the elite "establishment" figures he recruited to staff his national security bureaucracy. I discuss patterns of experience in sex-segregated educational, fraternal, and military institutions, and the ritual ordeals employed by those institutions to create overlapping brotherhoods of privilege and power. I examine their experience of the gendered and sexualized political discourse of the nineteen-fifties, and the lessons they learned from the government purges which equated "subversion" and "sex perversion" when targeting victims. The second aspect of the study examines the "real world" consequences of the prescriptive and proscriptive ideology of masculinity shared by the national security staff of Kennedy and Johnson. I look at the ways that programs like counterinsurgency or the Peace Corps were shaped by ideals of masculine strenuousness and heroism, and in turn used as a political theater of masculinity for domestic political purposes. Decision-making about Vietnam was inextricably bound up with "private" identity-narratives of masculine power, and a public political discourse revolving around questions of "strength" or "weakness" in leaders. The politics of masculinity shaped the cost-benefit reason of U.S. policy-makers.
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Lora, Álvarez Germán. "Suspension of work by reason of fortuitous event and force majeure: legal and case-by-case analysis." IUS ET VERITAS, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122517.
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This article addresses the theme referred to the remedies of the suspension of work by reason of fortuitous event or force majeure. Through an analysis of the current legislation in the subject and administrative precedents, the author examines how this regulation is applied, and how this mechanism allows or not the labour continuity. By recognizing labour continuity as the foundation of the suspension of work by reason of fortuitous event and force majeure, the author concludes in the need for legal mechanisms to enable the employment relationship flexibilization.El presente artículo aborda la temática referida a la suspensión de labores por caso fortuito o fuerza mayor. Realizando un análisis sobre la legislación vigente en la materia y precedentes administrativos, el autor examina cómo es que la regulación se aplica, y cómo este mecanismo permite o no la continuidad laboral. Reconociendo la continuidad laboral como fundamento de la suspensión por caso fortuito y fuerza mayor, el autor concluye en la necesidad de mecanismos legales que permitan la flexibilización de la relación laboral.
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Pajalic, Zada. "How public home care officers reason when making a needs assessment for food distribution to homebound elderly persons in Sweden." Högskolan Kristianstad, Avdelningen för Hälsovetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-10530.
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Food distribution (FD) is a part of the public social and care service in Sweden aiming to prevent improper food intake for persons that they are unable to do their own shopping, and prepare their own meals, and in that way ensure reasonable standard of living. Before a person can be granted the FD service, from any municipality, an assessment of their individual requirements has to be made by a public home care officer. The aim of this study was to explore how public home care officers reason when they make a needs assessment for homebound elderly people. The data was collected through individual interviews (n=18). The transcribed interview material was analysed by means of the grounded theory method. The findings showed that the public home care officers were confronted with many challenges when making an assessment of a person’s individual needs. They are influenced by their subjective feelings related to their personal views as to what should be the right solution for the individual. However, they remained aware that they needed to be guided by the legal requirements. Further, they described that the level of an individual’s living standard is a leading concept in the governing laws that they need to interpret. Interpretation of this concept is very subjective with the possible consequence that an assessment result may lead to inefficient support. In conclusion, the concept of a reasonable standard of living needs to be clearly defined, decision regarding FD should not take long time, need assessment and decision should be based on the whole picture behind each individual case and there are needs to develop general guidelines for making needs assessment. The findings in this study have implications for public administration, nursing and gerontology.
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Wallin, Julia, and Anna Lindborg. "The competition within the walls : a qualitative study about how customers reason regarding their brand choice." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Fakulteten för ekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-20887.
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As private labels have developed and increased in recent years, customers’ options have grown. The purpose of this qualitative study is to explore how customers reason when they choose a brand in a Swedish sportswear store, which offers both private labels and national brands. More specifically, the following attributes, private labels versus national brands, customer behavior, and store layout are considered in order to address a possible complexity in the brand choice. The empirical material was collected through twelve exit interviews outside Stadium stores in four cities, combined with four observations in four Stadium stores. The findings revealed that private labels and national brands seem to have similar product characteristics, which may cause complexity in customers’ brand choices. This thesis contributes with an insight into a new dynamic within the walls of a sportswear store and discusses what aspects influence customers’ brand choice.
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Haggerty, Kevin Daniel. "Making crime count : a study of the institutional production of criminal justice statistics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0003/NQ34528.pdf.
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Biswas, Ann E. "When Emotion Stands to Reason: A Phenomenological Study of Composition Instructors' Emotional Responses to Plagiarism." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1447096811.
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Starr-Deelen, Donna G. "United States Use of Force against Terrorism and the Threat of Terrorism: An Analysis of the Past Four U.S. Presidents¿ Use of Force to Combat International Terrorism." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6309.
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The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh's pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations' counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh's pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a 'perfect storm' known as the 'war on terror'. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.
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Xavier, Cícera Maria dos Santos. "Da álgebra à enfermagem: um caminho de mão dupla." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2006. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/11061.
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The relevance of this research is base don the issues related to the possibility of deepening into discussions and reflections on how to use the problem-situations which involve the proportion and reason concepts and they were arisen and elaborated from observations of nursing-professional practice that may be applied to technical course student graduation as well in elementary school course: in order to stimulate the practice in mathematics through investigation and reflection and would turn the learning into a more meaningful matter. This research is concerned with a qualitative approach and I have chosen, as methodology: non-directed interviews, analysis of the documents and participant s observations. Based on the data, I have built up four problem-situations and one of them was applied, not only to a beginner student; but also to one who had been carrying out the nursing profession, making possible the result comparisons. The application results were observed in terms of Conceptual Field Theories, some aspects of Learning Social Theory and Activity Theory. They revealed that the theory does not provide access to the practice and neither does the opposite. In spite of this, it is possible to elaborate meaningful problems which approach the health transverse theme and come the mathematics near to its nursing context applications. It was shown that it was necessary to organize not only the elementary school but also the nursing technical course, concerning concepts of mathematics, so that the dichotomy between theory and practice may be lessened; making sense and giving interpretation of the context where these concepts are applied
A relevância deste estudo centra-se nas questões concernentes à possibilidade de se aprofundar as discussões e reflexões sobre a utilização de situações-problema, que envolvam os conceitos de Razão e Proporção, criadas e elaboradas a partir da observação da prática do profissional de enfermagem, que podem ser utilizadas na formação dos alunos do curso técnico, bem como na possibilidade de estendê-las ao ensino fundamental, contribuindo para que a Matemática praticada na escola estimule a investigação e a reflexão, tornando a aprendizagem desta disciplina mais significativa. Trata-se de uma abordagem qualitativa e optei por utilizar, como metodologia, a entrevista não-diretiva, análise documental e observação participante. Com base nos dados, criei quatro situações-problema, e uma delas foi aplicada tanto para uma aluna iniciante quanto para uma profissional atuante na área, permitindo comparar os resultados. Os resultados da aplicação foram analisados sob o ponto de vista da Teoria dos Campos Conceituais e alguns aspectos da Teoria Social do Aprendizado e da Teoria da Atividade. Os resultados revelaram que a teoria não fornece acesso à prática e o contrário também não acontece. Entretanto é possível elaborar-se problemas significativos abordando o tema transversal saúde, aproximando a Matemática e suas aplicações do contexto da enfermagem. Mostrou-se necessário uma organização tanto do ensino fundamental quanto do curso técnico de enfermagem na abordagem dos conceitos matemáticos, minimizando a dicotomia entre teoria e prática, dando sentido e interpretação ao contexto em que esses conceitos são aplicados
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Wang, Tin-Wen, and 王庭文. "The Research on American Federal Budget Deficit During Reagan Administration." Thesis, 1991. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/41645527314376378947.
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碩士淡江大學
美國研究所
79
The most important U.S. economic problem during Reagan Administratin was federal budget deficit. The imbalance of federal budget was not a new problem. However, U.S. fiscal deficit reached a historical peak in 1980s. Ronald Reagan promised to balance the budget before 1984. But the fact was the federal fiscal difficulty did not improve, but worsened. The purposes of this thesis focus on three main points: (1)the causes of U.S. federal budget deficit (2)the effects of U.S. federal budget deficit (3)the efforts to improve U.S. federal budget deficit Why federal deficit expanded so fast in 1980s? President Reagan''s economic policies and economic thoughts should be discussed. Besides, the federal budget outlays and budget receipts are important, too. What effects did the budget imbalance bring about? The thesis examines external debt, trade deficit and the researches on interest rates, crowding out effect and saving rate. Reagan Administration enacted several acts to moderate the fiscal adversity. In Reagan''s fiscal adversity. In Reagan''s first term, three important acts were proposed-ERTA of 1981, TEFRA of 1982 and DRA of 1984. These acts did not help much. The famous Gramm-Ruman Act and TRA of 1986 were noticed in Reagan''s second term. They are within the discussion. Federal budget deficit brings many unsolved problems. Some economists warn that this situation will hurt U.S. economy in the future. But most experts believe U.S. will keep her economic strength, if the condition is improved.
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Wang, Liang, and 王亮. "Decision-Making Concerning Reagan Administration''s Aid to the Contras." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/62012566355011304858.
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博士淡江大學
美國研究所
85
The research scope of this dissertation ranges from 1981 when Ronald Reagan was inaugurated as the President of the United States to November 1986 when the Iran-Contra Scandal was disclosed. In this dissertation, the author analyzes and evaluates the Reagan administration''s decisions to provide aid tothe Contras, and to divert proceeds resulting from the indirect arms sales toIran to the Contras. The author adopts the Crucial Case Study and Decision-Making Approach to conduct his research on the case of the Iran-Contra Scandal.The author also invokes the decision-making approaches presented by James N.Rosenau and William C. Vocke to sort out the factors influencing foreign poli-cy decision-making,and merge those factors into four major variables: interna-tional situation, domestic politics, the individual factor of the decision- makers, and bureaucratic politics. To analyze the decision- making process ofthe Reagan administration''s decision to provide aid to the Contras, the authorinvokes two sets of theories.The first set of theories are Structural Neoreal-ism and Elite''s Beliefs. The second set of theories are Graham T. Allison''sRational Policy Model, Organizational Process Model, and Bureaucratic PoliticsModel. The author aspires to achieve the following goals: (1) To find out thevariables influencing the Reagan administration''s decision to provide aid tothe Contras, and analyze the interaction between these variables; (2) To ana-lyze and evaluate the Reagan administration''s decision to provide aid to theContras thoroughly and objectively, and to understand clearly the historicalcourse of the Iran-Contra Scandal by applying the decision-making approaches;(3) To examine the errors the Reagan administration committed in making thedecision to provide aid to the Contras; (4) To find out who has to take themajor "political responsibility"; (5) To present the major findings of thisresearch.
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DENG, SU-ZHEN, and 鄧素貞. "A study of the Reagan administration''s counter international terrorism policy." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/13324246758574386836.
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Chang, Wei-Han, and 張惟涵. "The strategies of Reagan Administration on the Fall of the Soviet Union." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/60749089011875166386.
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碩士淡江大學
美洲研究所碩士班
100
The question addressed by this paper is how Reagan’s policy significantly led the fall of the Soviet Union. Some believe that little connection between the fall of the Soviet Union and the role of Reagan’s foreign policy. This thesis applies the historical approach to analyze the Reagan’s strategies through the documents, relevant personal biography and the government publications. The strategies of the Reagan Administration included containment, economic pressure and the “Strategic Defense Initiative.” By the long terms arm races, Reagan Administration has expedited the Soviet Union’s fall. This thesis concludes the strategies of Reagan Administration contributed to the fall the Soviet Union. The strategies didn’t initiate the Soviet crisis but successfully worsen and exacerbate it. By targeting the Soviet weakness into its strategic advantage also damaged the Communist, which ends the Cold War and credit to the Reagan Administration.
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Yung-hsiung, Chang, and 張永雄. "An Analysis of the Economic Effects of Fiscal Policy under the Reagan Administration." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/71908783849484237433.
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碩士淡江大學
美國研究所
87
Abstract: The purpose of this thesis focuses on three main points: 1. To understand how the Reagan Administration formed its fiscal policy to solve the economic problems inherited from the late 1970s. 2. To analyze the impact of fiscal policy on federal budgets and its debts. 3. To evaluate the behavior of the domestic interest rate and saving rate, productivity, social fairness, foreign exchange rate and their correlation during the Reagan presidency. Reagan’s policy at home mainly included cuts in tax and spending programs. Reagan attempted to quickly reduce America’s high inflation and unemployment rates, to stimulate the rate of saving and productivity, and to reduce the federal budget deficit simultaneously. At the beginning, being derailed by political economic factors, plus recession, Reaganomics resulted in failing to achieve the goal that Reagan strove to achieve. Reagan did lower the inflation and unemployment rates, but as for interest and foreign exchange rates, as well as the budget deficit, these deteriorated with a fallout in the trade deficit and federal debt during his two terms of presidency. Reagan kept modifying his policy — tax reform and deficit control, which finally improved during the latter part of his second term. As a whole, when we take a closer look at Reagan’s policy, there are some gains as well as losses; Foreign capital inflow made up for the shrinkage in saving, thus avoiding a worsening in investment. Nevertheless, his policy didn’t work well for savings and productivity which future American living standards depend on. Both the trade deficit and national debt continued to expand in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Poor distribution of resources led to the issue of fairness, such as social welfare cuts which directly affected the poor incomes under the 1981 ERTA, and which was criticized as a favor-the-rich policy. After the 1986 TRA, conditions got better, but other problems are still looming to challenge the following federal governments.
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Chang, Cho-yu, and 張卓玉. "An Evaluation of the Welfare Policy for Poor People During the Reagan Administration." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/42845147461009494260.
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碩士淡江大學
美國研究所
87
In 1964, President Lyndon Johnson declared unconditional war on poverty and committed the American people to a campaign against economic deprivation. Poverty did lesson in the following decade, but by the mid-1970s progress against it had come to a halt. In 1981, Mr. Ronald Wilson Reagan was inaugurated as the 40th President of the U. S. A.. Reagan sought to redistribute wealth and reduce the role of government with its inflationary welfare statism. Within a year, this objective was bogged down in the unanticipated 1981-82 recession, brought on by tight money and national economic restructing, a temporary dislocation as it turned out. Unemployment peaked at 10.8 percent in December 1982, and the percentage of citizens force to survive below the poverty level crested at 15.2 percent in 1983. In the process of explication, I shall make three argument. First, Reagan’s welfare policy for poor people cannot eliminate poverty because it is not designed to do. Second, this is really surprising, welfare does not cost very much. The fact is shown by comparing the cost of assistance to the total federal budget, to outlays for social insurance, and to national defense. Third, the problems inherent in antipoverty programs, of which there are many, have not been resolved by changes made in past, rather they have been made worse. This dissertation is divided into six chapters. Chapter One deals with the introduction of this thesis. Chapter Two discusses the creation of President Reagan’s welfare policy. Chapter Three analyzes how to define the poverty and poverty line and what kinds of people live poorly in America. Chapter Four analyzes the impact of Reagan’s welfare policy for poor people. Chapter Five examines the effectiveness of Reagan’s welfare policy. Conclusion is in Chapter Six.
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Fang, Hsu-Hsiung, and 方緒雄. "The Strategic Defense Initiative of the Reagan Administration and the U.S.-Soviet Relations." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/61112973618486460957.
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博士淡江大學
美洲研究所博士班
99
On March 23, 1983, President Ronald Reagan made his famous speech on the “Strategic Defense Initiative.” In the speech, President Reagan called for the U.S. scientific community to turn their great talents to give the U.S. means of rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete. The missile defense vision described by President Reagan was unprecedented, and therefore induced a great debate within the U.S. on this issue. The most important factors of President Reagan’s decision to push forward the “Strategic Defense Initiative” was President Reagan’s own conviction on the need for the U.S. to possess missile defense capability, and President Reagan did not agree with the nuclear deterrence doctrine of “Mutual Assured Destruction.” President Reagan believed that the U.S. should rebuild its overall military strength to compete with the Soviet Union. However, during the first two years of Reagan Administration, the focus of the rebuilding military task was on conventional forces and strategic nuclear arms. Until the MX missile deployment plan was blocked by the U.S. Congress, Reagan Administration began to push forward the “Strategic Defense Initiative.” The preparation of President Reagan’s “Strategic Defense Initiative” was conducted secretly by the NSC and specific White House officials with the authorization from President Reagan. And the main purpose of this policy was to exploit U.S. technological and economical advantages to pressure Soviet Union as well as to improve U.S. position on arms control negotiations with Soviet Union. Although key national security officials like Schultz and Weinberger did not know much about President Reagan’s decision to propose the “Strategic Defense Initiative” On March 23, 1983, both of them faithfully obeyed President Reagan’s decision afterward. President Reagan insisted that the “Strategic Defense Initiative” is not a bargain chip of the U.S.-Soviet negotiations, a “arms reduction” is more meaningful than “arms limitation,” and he believed that the U.S. “Cold War” strategy should be “victory” not “containment” demonstrate the uniqueness of his leadership and diplomatic thinking. That is the main reason why it was called by many as the “Reagan Doctrine”, and many people give the credit of “ending the Cold War” and “the demise of Soviet Union” to him.
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Fairman, Peter Andrew. "Privatization of federal government functions: Reagan, Clinton and the theory /action paradox." 2001. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3027199.
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Unlike the vast majority of privatization studies that examine efforts at the state and local levels, this dissertation focuses on national privatization policy by examining the actions of the Reagan and Clinton administrations. The paper begins with a review of the political and academic movements toward privatization that have occurred during the last thirty years. The volume then explores the small amount of privatization that took place during Reagan's time in office, despite his own forceful statements for privatization and public anti-government sentiment during his presidency. The Reagan administration seemed unaware of the political ramifications of its primary privatization effort, the attempted sale of numerous United States public lands, apparently believing that its anti-government ideology alone would bring political success. By contrast, the Clinton administration chose not to turn the privatization question into one of “big versus small” government, and instead sold the privatization-friendly Federal Activities Inventory Reform (FAIR) Act as a politically neutral management reform, thereby achieving what it wanted on the legislation. While there are potential implementation pitfalls in the law, the FAIR Act established a process that encouraged political debate regarding government's legitimate functions. The volume concludes that such dialogue is the only path to a political understanding regarding the privatization issue.
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Wang, Liang, and 王亮. "A Study on the Relationship between Reagan Administration''s Foreign Policy Decision Making and Iran-Contra Scandal." Thesis, 1991. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/28936684827437093579.
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碩士淡江大學
美國研究所
79
Iran-Contra Scandal resulted from many accumulated negative local and foreign factors; it was not a simple unexpected incident. Therefore, to conduct research on this incident, in addition to probing into American foreign policy on Nicaragua and Iran, we have to study the problems emerged in decision making process and the influence of decision makers'' personalities and ideologies in foreign policy as well as their ways of doing things so that we can reconstruct the clear course leading to the Scandal. In this thesis, I would first analyze president Reagan''s ideology on Foreign policy and problems arose in Nicaragua he faced, then calssify his policies into two categories, i.e., peaceful settlements and military strategies, and further describe the reasons why they were not successful or fruitful. In addition, U.S.-Iran relationship, American hostage issue, and problems emergeged in decision making including disputes and infighting within the executive branch, the rivalry between the executive and the congress, the expanding role of the National Security Council etc., and their influences on causing the incident, will also be discussed. Meantime, I will review the covert actions practising in this incident, the decision makers'' personalities and their ways of doing things, and at the last, I will evaluate the effect of Reagan administration''s decision making, on which some suggestions for improvements will be made. In conclusion, I will summarize the process leading to the formation of the Scandal, which will point to the importance of democratic process in decision making and the impropriety of "ends justify the means" in a democratic society.
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Merzbach, Scott F. "The right-wing agenda : how the communications staff impacted the successes and failures of the Reagan administration." 1997. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2545.
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Chang, Liang Chih, and 張良知. "THE STUDY ON THE FOREIGN POLICIES OF THE RONALD REAGAN ADMINISTRATION TOWARD THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS." Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/36089238740172949011.
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Yoshitani, Gail E. S. "National Power and Military Force: the Origins of the Weinberger Doctrine, 1980-1984." Diss., 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/676.
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This dissertation addresses one of the most vexing issues in American foreign policy: Under what circumstances should the United States use military force in pursuit of national interests? Despite not having a policy upon entering office or articulating one throughout its first term, the Reagan administration used military force numerous times. Two-weeks following Reagan's landslide reelection victory, Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger articulated six tests for when and how to use military force, which surprisingly seemed to call for restraint. Through the examination of three case studies, the Reagan administration's decisions are found to have been influenced by the assimilation of lessons from Vietnam, the reading of public pulse, the desire to placate Congress, and the need to protect the nation's strategic interests. All these factors, ultimately codified by Weinberger, were considered by the leaders in the Reagan administration as they tried to expand the military's ability to help the U.S. meet an increasingly wider range of threats. Thus this dissertation will show that, contrary to what one finds in contemporary scholarship, the Weinberger doctrine was intended as a policy to legitimize the use of military force as a tool of statecraft, rather than an endorsement to reserve force as a last resort after other instruments of power have failed.
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Arandia, Sebastian Rene. "Burden of the Cold War: The George H.W. Bush Administration and El Salvador." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2010-12-8861.
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At the start of the George H.W. Bush administration, American involvement in El Salvador‘s civil war, one of the last Cold War battlegrounds, had disappeared from the foreign policy agenda. However, two events in November 1989 shattered the bipartisan consensus on US policy toward El Salvador: the failure of the FMLN‘s largest military offensive of the war and the murder of six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper, and her daughter by the Salvadoran military, the FAES. Despite more than one billion dollars in US military assistance, the war had stalemated, promoting both sides to seek a negotiated political settlement mediated by the United Nations. The Jesuit murders demonstrated the failure of the policy of promoting respect for democracy and human rights and revived the debate in Congress over US aid to El Salvador.
This thesis argues that the Bush administration sought to remove the burden of El Salvador from its foreign policy agenda by actively pushing for the investigation and prosecution of the Jesuit case and fully supporting the UN-mediated peace process. Using recently declassified government documents from the George Bush Presidential Library, this thesis will examine how the Bush administration fundamentally changed US policy toward El Salvador. Administration officials carried out an unprecedented campaign to pressure the FAES to investigate the Jesuit murders and bring the killers to justice while simultaneously attempting to prevent Congress from cutting American military assistance. The Bush administration changed the objective of its El Salvador policy from military victory over the guerrillas to a negotiated political settlement. The US facilitated the peace process by pressuring the Salvadoran government and the FMLN to negotiate in good faith and accept compromises. When both sides signed a comprehensive peace agreement on January 16, 1992, the burden of El Salvador was lifted.
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Couch, Howard W. Jr. "A review of the debate concerning the Reagan administration's increase in defense spending." Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/21534.
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Narum, David Robert. "A troublesome legacy the Reagan administration's conservation and renewable energy policy 1981-89 /." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22966986.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1990.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-102).
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Clark, Adrian Stefan. "A comparative examination of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations' approaches toward reforming the welfare state." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16431.
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The first part of the thesis evaluates policy change effected toward the Old Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI) program and the Food Stamp program in the United States during the Reagan years; and the Retirement Pensions program and Social Assistance in the United Kingdom during the Thatcher years (1979-1988).
The Reagan administration was largely unsuccessful in attaining its major goals toward reforming OASI. Greater success was forthcoming in its efforts to effect policy change toward the Food Stamp program. Reagan, failed, however, to transfer authority for the welfare function over to the states.
Non-incremental policy change was effected toward the Retirement Pensions program during the Thatcher years. A radical redirection in social policy toward the unemployed was also forthcoming.
The argument is advanced that the social policies of the two administrations were guided by a determination to reinforce the historical distinction between the deserving and undeserving poor.
The second part of the thesis assesses how the attempts of the two administrations to reform the welfare state were constrained by public opinion and the legislative branch of government. The public popularity of OASI severely constricted the reform options available to the Reagan administration. A broad relationship existed between public opinion on nutritional issues and policy output with relationship to the Food Stamp program.
The administration's attempts to reform the welfare state were constrained by the complex legislative structure of U.S. government, and by divided partisan control of Congress.
Strong British public support for the welfare of the elderly inhibited the government from attempting to cut basic retirement pension benefits. Public opinion exerted a minimal degree of influence on the direction of Social Assistance reform.
Thatcher's success in effecting non-incremental reform was facilitated by the structural design of Parliament. Her position was fortified by large cohesive Conservative party majorities in the House of Commons.
Policy change in Britain during the Thatcher years is interpreted on a theoretical level through an adversarial model of the policy making process. A consensus model is utilized to facilitate understanding of Reagan's experiences in office.
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YU, XIAO-ZHEN, and 俞曉貞. "The application of political warfare strategies as demonstrated in the Reagaan Administration's." Thesis, 1990. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58076774889209082737.
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Kuo, Chia-Ying, and 郭佳瑛. "A Study of the Principle of Coercively Stating the Reason of the Determination in Administrative Law." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18803550824127416814.
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