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Journal articles on the topic 'Reagan Administration'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Kotlowski, Dean J. "From Backlash to Bingo: Ronald Reagan and Federal Indian Policy." Pacific Historical Review 77, no. 4 (November 1, 2008): 617–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.4.617.

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Ronald Reagan's contribution to federal Indian policy proved mixed. Remarks by members of his administration recalled the heyday of termination, and Reagan's budget cuts fell hard on Native Americans. Reagan also played to non-Indian backlash by supporting legislation that restricted tribal rights to file claims on land disputes. Still, the administration continued the policy of tribal self-determination, begun under Richard M. Nixon. Reagan signed legislation to restore the Klamaths to federal trust responsibility, to help tribes ““contract out”” to run many federal services themselves, and to recognize and regulate gaming on Indian reservations. Most importantly, Reagan affirmed ““government to government”” relationships between the federal government, states, and tribes. Federal Indian policy mirrored other aspects of U.S. politics in the 1980s, including reductions in domestic spending, white reaction against minority civil rights gains, and the extolling of entrepreneurship. But the administration's ability, and even its willingness, to reverse the trend toward tribal self-determination proved limited.

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2

Giles, Frank L., and E. Keith Byrd. "Disability & Human Services In Popular Literature in Relation to Recent Presidential Administrations." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 17, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.17.4.54.

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The purpose of this research is to determine relations that may exist between presidential administrations and topics related to human services and persons with disabilities in popular periodicals. The researchers discovered a relationship between human service topics and the Carter versus Reagan administrations. Significantly more articles were written on human services during the last two years of the Carter Administration than during the first two years of the Reagan Administration.

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3

MADDUX, THOMAS R. "RONALD REAGAN AND THE TASK FORCE ON IMMIGRATION, 11981." Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 195–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2005.74.2.195.

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Immigration was not a major priority for President Ronald Reagan and his conservative agenda in 1981. Political, economic, and foreign policy considerations, however,forced the Reagan administration to create a task force and address the issues of refugees, legal immigration priorities and numbers, and escalating numbers of illegal aliens. This article evaluates the task force's review of the issues, its recommendations to the President, and his response. Although immigration remained a secondary issue for the Reagan administration, the White House's response to the issue in 1981 offers revealing insights on Reagan's management style, on the disagreements within his administration over how to deal with illegal aliens, and on the ultimate contribution of the White House to the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.

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4

Peterson, Mark A. "The Presidency and Organized Interests: White House Patterns of Interest Group Liaison." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (September 1992): 612–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964125.

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Studies of the relationship between the presidency and organized interests generally focus on presidential assistants and their communications with the interest group community. I take a different perspective. Based on presidential strategic interests and choices illuminated for several administrations through interviews with White House officials, four kinds of interest group liaison are identified: governing party, consensus building, outreach, and legitimization. These approaches are then empirically evaluated for the Reagan White House using interviews with Reagan's staff and the responses of several hundred interest group leaders to 1980 and 1985 surveys of national voluntary associations. Like the Carter administration after its first year, the Reagan White House initially emphasized “liaison as governing party” built on exclusive and programmatic ties to groups. A less activist legislative agenda and new circumstances later shifted the emphasis of the Reagan and Bush administrations to other forms of interest group liaison.

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5

Bennett, James R. "Censorship by the Reagan Administration." Index on Censorship 17, no. 7 (August 1988): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534489.

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6

McCormick, Evan. "Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 60–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00516.

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The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

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7

Flowers, Prudence. "‘A Prolife Disaster’: The Reagan Administration and the Nomination of Sandra Day O’Connor." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (July 17, 2017): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417699865.

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The victory of Ronald Reagan in the 1980 presidential election was a victory for a new form of US political conservatism that emphasized both social and economic issues. Abortion was paramount among these new social issues, and opponents of abortion supported Reagan with the belief that he would work vigorously to overturn Roe v. Wade. Less than six months after Reagan’s inauguration, the national anti-abortion movement was vociferously condemning the President over the nomination of Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court. This article explores the nature of the passionate reaction to O’Connor and the fragility of the coalition that opposed her. Anti-abortionists were deeply troubled by the realization that their access and symbolic capital did not translate into influence, and were shocked that abortion was not a litmus test for their ‘pro-life President.' The article argues that the relationship between the right-to-life movement, the Reagan administration, and the Republican Party was often fraught, contested, and precarious. In Reagan’s first year in office, the place of the right-to-life movement in the new conservatism of the 1980s was remarkably uncertain.

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8

King, Desmond S. "US federalism and the Reagan administration." Contemporary Record 3, no. 2 (November 1989): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619468908581061.

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9

Verstegen, Deborah A. "Education Fiscal Policy in the Reagan Administration." Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis 12, no. 4 (December 1990): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/01623737012004355.

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The Reagan administration’s “New Federalism” agenda focused on redirecting national priorities and decentralizing domestic programs through budgetary policy. This research analyzes the consequences of national policy shifts occurring over the decade of the 1980s for public education. Utilizing a multimethod research design, it addresses four fundamental questions: (a) What have been the federal investments in education during the Reagan years? (b) How has the overall Department of Education (ED) budget fared over this time? (c) How have individual programs in ED been affected? (d) In sum, what fiscal changes have occurred in education during the Reagan presidency and to what extent have devolution and diminution in federal education policy been influenced by the Administration’s policies? The author finds significant shifts have occurred in federal education policy and finance during the 1980s. Tax reductions, deficit financing, dwindling productivity, and an uncertain economic outlook indirectly accomplished what could not be otherwise achieved, and set the basis for a new era in national education policy and finance well beyond the Reagan years.

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10

Ndubuizu, Rosemary Nonye. "REAGAN’S AUSTERITY BUREAUCRATS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 2 (2019): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000274.

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AbstractIn 1982, President Ronald Reagan’s administration initiated a dramatic policy shift towards a new housing voucher program, which simultaneously resulted in a near-halt in public and project-based assisted housing funding. When analyzing this historic policy shift, many affordable housing scholars have overemphasized race-absent narratives about fiscal austerity to explain the Reagan administration’s policy rejection of public housing and embrace of housing vouchers. To present a more comprehensive and intersectional history of the Reagan administration’s transition to housing vouchers, I employ an alternative methodological lens that I call Black feminist critical policy studies. This paper traces how the Office of Management and Budget and Housing and Urban Development officials relied on obscured racial and gender bias in their debate informing Reagan's alternative housing voucher program. By revealing the social bias endemic in the Reagan administration’s housing debate, this article illustrates that housing vouchers were not simply a neutral, cost-efficient policy tool but helped ensure low-income black mothers’ continued subjection to anti-welfare backlash, housing discrimination, and paternal supervision.

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11

Glazer, Nathan. "The Murray Phenomenon." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.331.

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The Reagan years have been a dry season for social policy, and for government programs addressed to the American poor and the American underclass. The administration of President Carter continued to propose new initiatives in welfare policy, health policy, urban policy, though nothing in the end was done. Indeed, analysts have shown that the growth of social programs ceased during the Carter administration, and began a decline that has been spurred by the initiatives of the Reagan administration. But the Reagan administration, in contrast, is committed to nothing new, or only new things that save money.

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12

Glazer, Nathan. "The Murray Phenomenon." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.331.

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The Reagan years have been a dry season for social policy, and for government programs addressed to the American poor and the American underclass. The administration of President Carter continued to propose new initiatives in welfare policy, health policy, urban policy, though nothing in the end was done. Indeed, analysts have shown that the growth of social programs ceased during the Carter administration, and began a decline that has been spurred by the initiatives of the Reagan administration. But the Reagan administration, in contrast, is committed to nothing new, or only new things that save money.

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13

McDermott, Rose. "Arms Control and the First Reagan Administration: Belief-Systems and Policy Choices." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 4 (October 2002): 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970260209509.

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More than a thousand radio addresses drafted by Ronald Reagan in the 1970s, between his terms as governor of California and president of the United States, were recently published. These addresses, along with related writings from 1951 to 1985, reveal longstanding, consistent beliefs about a wide variety of topics in international relations and foreign policy. In particular, the writings presage specific arms control policies that were implemented in Reagan's first term as president. This article reassesses some of these policies in light of the newly released addresses. The article draws on experimental psychology to discuss a specific judgmental bias, availability, which makes particular beliefs more accessible, and then examines the five specific beliefs that influenced Reagan in his approach to arms control negotiations. In each case the article shows how these beliefs affected policy outcomes and choices.

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14

Carroll, James D., A. Lee Fritschler, and Bruce L. R. Smith. "Supply-Side Management in the Reagan Administration." Public Administration Review 45, no. 6 (November 1985): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/975355.

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15

Berger, Renee A. "Private-Sector Initiatives in the Reagan Administration." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 36, no. 2 (1986): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1173896.

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16

Hunter, Robert E. "The Reagan Administration and the Middle East." Current History 86, no. 517 (February 1, 1987): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.517.49.

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17

Hunter, Robert E. "The Reagan Administration and the Middle East." Current History 88, no. 534 (January 1, 1989): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.534.41.

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18

Millstein, Ira M., and Jeffrey L. Kessler. "The antitrust legacy of the Reagan Administration." Antitrust Bulletin 33, no. 3 (September 1988): 505–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003603x8803300303.

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19

Krattenmaker, Thomas G., and Robert Pitofsky. "Antitrust merger policy and the Reagan administration." Antitrust Bulletin 33, no. 2 (June 1988): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003603x8803300202.

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20

Giertz, J. Fred, and Dennis H. Sullivan. "Food Assistance Programs in the Reagan Administration." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 16, no. 1 (1986): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330180.

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21

Taulbee, James Larry. "Retaliation, deterrence, terrorism and the reagan administration." Defense Analysis 1, no. 4 (December 1985): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07430178508405217.

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22

Mooney, Christopher Z. "ADVISORS AND ASSISTANTS IN THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION." Southeastern Political Review 21, no. 2 (November 12, 2008): 327–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1993.tb00366.x.

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23

Clark, A. S. "A Comparison of the Reagan and Thatcher Administrations' Efforts to Reform Social Security in the United States and the United Kingdom." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 13, no. 3 (September 1995): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130335.

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A comparison is made between the records of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations in their efforts to reform, respectively, the social security program in the United States and the retirement pension program in the United Kingdom. It is found that the Reagan administration was much less successful in attaining its reform agenda than was the Thatcher government. The discrepancies in the records of the two administrations were traced to four central factors: (1) the reform strategy of the two governments; (2) the strength of the elderly lobby in the two countries; (3) the legacy of past policy; (4) institutional structure.

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24

Miner, Jerry. "The Reagan Deficit." Public Budgeting & Finance 9, no. 1 (January 1989): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5850.00806.

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25

JEFFRIES, CHARLIE. "Adolescent Women and Antiabortion Politics in the Reagan Administration." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 1 (February 7, 2017): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816002024.

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Since theRoev.WadeSupreme Court ruling in 1973 made abortion legal in the United States, it has consistently been subject to attempts to limit its reach, to make abortions harder to access, and thus to restrict their availability or frequency. In recent years, both pro-life and pro-choice groups have been reenergized, through calls to defund Planned Parenthood in Congress in 2015, and the 2016 Supreme Court ruling which prohibited a Texas “clinic-shutdown” law, for obstructing women's legal access to abortion underRoe. An era where this law was particularly contested, however, was the 1980s, which saw the Christian right crystallize and rally together to support the election of Ronald Reagan as President, in the hopes that he would promote their goals. Though extra-governmental pro-life groups and antiabortion individuals within the federal government were not ultimately able to do away withRoe, and would eventually become disappointed with Reagan's efforts in securing this, a series of measures over the course of the administration saw abortion access limited for one group of women in particular: teenage girls. This essay follows these legislative moves over the course of the 1980s, which include the first federal abstinence-only education bill, the Adolescent Family Life Act, a series of laws that allowed states to enact parental notification or consent clauses for minors’ abortions, and a “squeal rule” for doctors who treated sexually active teenagers. It analyses the discourse of and around each of these measures in order to understand how young women's sexual conduct mobilized abortion policy in this era. In doing so, it offers new perspectives on the significance of adolescent female sexuality to Reagan, to the Christian right, and to progressives involved in the heated debates over abortion and related battles of the 1980s culture wars.

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26

Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Cynthia J. Arnson. "Crossroads: Congress, the Reagan Administration, and Central America." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 2 (1990): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044343.

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27

Conlan, Timothy J. "Federalism and Competing Values in the Reagan Administration." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 16, no. 1 (1986): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330175.

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28

Jones, Bradford S. "The "Two Presidencies" Thesis and the Reagan Administration." Congress & the Presidency 18, no. 1 (March 1991): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469109507905.

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29

Bell, Coral. "The Reagan administration and the American alliance‐structure†." Australian Outlook 41, no. 3 (December 1987): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718708444946.

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30

Tucker, Robert W. "Foreign Policy: Thoughts on a Second Reagan Administration." SAIS Review 5, no. 1 (1985): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1985.0004.

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31

LONG, JANICE. "R&D policy of Reagan Administration examined." Chemical & Engineering News 66, no. 45 (November 7, 1988): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v066n045.p005.

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32

Meltzer, Allan H. "Economic Policies and Actions in the Reagan Administration." Journal of Post Keynesian Economics 10, no. 4 (July 1988): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01603477.1988.11489706.

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33

Millsap, Mary Ann. "The Reagan Administration Versus Sex Equity in Education." Educational Policy 2, no. 4 (December 1988): 377–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904888002004004.

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34

Rothe, Dawn L. "Beyond the Law: The Reagan Administration and Nicaragua." Critical Criminology 17, no. 1 (December 24, 2008): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-008-9069-1.

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35

Hejny, Jessica. "The Trump Administration and environmental policy: Reagan redux?" Journal of Environmental Studies and Sciences 8, no. 2 (January 27, 2018): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13412-018-0470-0.

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36

Relyea, Harold C. "Information policy, national security, and the Reagan administration." Government Information Quarterly 6, no. 4 (January 1989): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(89)90004-x.

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37

Hartle, Terry W., and John L. Palmer. "The Reagan Years." Public Administration Review 48, no. 3 (May 1988): 746. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976257.

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38

Kweit, Robert W., Peter K. Eisinger, and William Gormley. "Reagan-Era Federalism." Public Administration Review 49, no. 5 (September 1989): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976397.

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39

Register, Charles A. "Racial Employment and Earnings Differentials: The Impact of the Reagan Administration." Review of Black Political Economy 15, no. 1 (June 1986): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02903859.

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Numerous authors have considered the time paths of black/white employment and earnings differentials. Some have dealt with significant policy change impacts such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act. This study reports evidence concerning the impact of Reagan administration policy changes. The major drawback to the study is, of course, that the administration's total impact will no doubt not be felt for years. Regardless, using U.S. Census data through 1984, it was found that the administration had either a mixed effect (relative employment) or no effect (relative income), leaving the decaying position of blacks in the labor market little changed.

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40

Gigolaev, German. "Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and the Ronald Reagan Administration in the United States." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017634-6.

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The USA, as well as the USSR, initiated the convocation of the III UN Conference on the Law of the Sea (1973—1982). However, after the Ronald Reagan administration came to the White House, American diplomacy significantly changed its policy toward the Conference, which eventually resulted in US refusal to support the draft Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was worked out during the Conference. This behavior was in line with policy course of the Reagan administration — more aggressive than that of their predecessors. The article considers the American policy regarding Law of the Sea negotiations in the first months of Reagan's presidency, during the Tenth Session of the III UNCLOS.

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41

PATMAN, ROBERT G. "Reagan, Gorbachev and the emergence of ‘New Political Thinking’." Review of International Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1999): 577–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021059900577x.

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This article contends that the interaction between domestic circumstances in the USSR and the radical change in the international environment occasioned by the advent of the first Reagan administration played a substantial part in the early emergence of ‘New Political Thinking’ in the Soviet Union. That process had begun shortly after Brezhnev’s death. The Reagan factor loomed large in an internal Soviet debate over the direction of Soviet foreign policy. Four types of causal association are identified. While the Reagan administration was not the sole cause of the Soviet crisis that brought new thinking to the fore, it certainly contributed to a climate that strengthened the position of advocates of this perspective within the Soviet ruling elite.

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42

Mansfield, Harvey C. "Pride versus Interest in American Conservatism Today." Government and Opposition 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1987): 194–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00189.x.

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THE FOLLOWING IS NOT INTENDED AS A VALUE-FREE SURVEY of American conservatism today. Less clear, perhaps, will be my general approval of this revolt, although that will emerge soon enough. It remains to announce that I want to offer some friendly advice to American conservatism regarding pride and interest and to recommend to its attention the American Constitution, which so beautifully combines them. American conservatives, perhaps because of the manipulations of American liberals, have lost some of their attachment to the Constitution, and much of their understanding of it.Recently I overheard someone say that Harvard University was wrong to have invited Ronald Reagan to its 350th anniversary in 1986, because of Reagan's ‘anti-intellectualism’. What could this have meant? Reagan has reduced student loan programmes and university research programmes, and wants to cut them further. He invites many actors and very few professors to his White House dinners. He himself should have been, and probably was, a C student in college, like the Democratic president he frequently praises — the one who began the practice of using ghost-writers for his speeches — Franklin D. Roosevelt. In sum, Reagan doesn't sufficiently respect the intellect.

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43

Mattei, Franco, and Herbert F. Weisberg. "Presidential Succession Effects in Voting." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 495–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006979.

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Attitudes towards a departing administration can help shape attitudes towards candidates, especially when the incumbent vice-president is one of the candidates. This succession effect was apparent in the 1988 presidential election, when Vice-President Bush benefited from the enduring popularity of retiring President Reagan. This article develops a model in which succession effects, the net candidate score and party identification affect the general election vote. Analysis shows that this effect remains when controls are instituted for retrospective voting more generally. Attitudes towards Reagan also had an indirect impact by affecting the net Bush-Dukakis candidate score; altogether the estimated impact of the Reagan effect in 1988 was to turn the vice-president's predicted loss into his observed victory. Additionally, a succession effect was detected in the 1988 nominating campaign, with Bush's popularity over Dole benefiting from reactions to the Reagan administration. There is evidence of succession effects in other presidential elections, particularly a Johnson effect in 1968.

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44

Plotnick, Robert D. "Changes in Poverty, Income Inequality, and the Standard of Living in the United States during the Reagan Years." International Journal of Health Services 23, no. 2 (April 1993): 347–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/h95u-ex9e-qpm2-xa94.

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The record of economic well-being in the 1980s belied Reagan's claim that Americans would be better off if they scaled back the welfare state and cut tax rates. Though the standard of living rose, its growth was no faster than during 1950–1980. Income inequality increased. The rate of poverty at the end of Reagan's term was the same as in 1980. Cutbacks in income transfers during the Reagan years helped increase both poverty and inequality. Changes in tax policy helped increase inequality but reduced poverty. These policy shifts are not the only reasons for the lack of progress against poverty and the rise in inequality. Broad social and economic factors have been widening income differences and making it harder for families to stay out of poverty. Policy choices during the Reagan Administration reinforced those factors.

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45

Bailey, Christopher J. "President Reagan, the U.S. Senate, and American Foreign Policy, 1981–1986." Journal of American Studies 21, no. 2 (August 1987): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800029157.

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The Republican loss of majority status in the U.S. Senate following the mid-term elections of 1986, and the disclosure of the Reagan Administration's secret arms sales to Iran and diversion of funds to the Nicaraguan Contras, effectively brought to an end six years of senatorial deference to presidential foreign policy-making. From 1981 to 1986 the Republican-controlled Senate had generally afforded President Reagan a degree of latitude in the making of foreign policy which not only contrasted markedly with that of hisimmediate predecessors, but also prepared the atmosphere for the type of adventures pursued by Colonel Oliver North. Whereas the foreign policy initiatives of Presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter had been subject to considerable scrutiny by senators, thereby forcing a detailed examination of their consequences, the forbearance shown to the Reagan Administration by the Senate encouraged a much less diligent approach to policy-making.

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46

Baloyra, Enrique A. "Central America on the Reagan Watch: Rhetoric and Reality." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 1985): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165664.

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This essay discusses the Central America policies of the Reagan administration, focusing on the evolution of what has been described as a “two-track” approach to the region. The essay disputes this characterization, describing the emergence of an unstable equilibrium between different policy objectives and their proponents, underlining important differences between official rhetoric and specific initiatives, and evaluating the outcomes of those initiatives. The discussion emphasizes the complexity of the domestic and international context of the crisis and of the policy arena, underlining the failure of the administration's attempt to impose its own unilateral solution.

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47

Hansen, Michael G., Comptroller General, Steven Kelman, and Charles H. Levine. "Management Improvement Initiatives in the Reagan Administration: Round Two." Public Administration Review 45, no. 3 (May 1985): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3109974.

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48

Chiampan, Andrea. "The Reagan Administration and the INF Controversy, 1981–83*." Diplomatic History 44, no. 5 (July 27, 2020): 860–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhaa052.

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49

Korb, Lawrence J., and Alexander Rothman. "Formalizing the Ban: My Experience in the Reagan Administration." Journal of Homosexuality 60, no. 2-3 (February 2013): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2013.744672.

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50

Sperling, James C. "West German Foreign Economic Policy during the Reagan Administration." German Studies Review 13, no. 1 (February 1990): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431056.

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